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Australian  Commonwealth,  The, 

William  Francis  Schey  19 

Billion- Dollar  Corporation,  The,  The  Editor  ...  421 

ADAMS,  BROOKS  ;  America's  Economic  Supremacy 185 

BRADFORD,  AMORY  H. ;  The  Age  of  Faith 472 

BROWN,  ALEXANDER;  English  Politics  in  Early  Virginia 

History 573 

BULLOCK,  CHARLES  J. ;  Monetary  History  of  the  United  States  92 

CONANT,  CHARLES  A. ;  The  United  States  in  the  Orient  .  .  ,  469 

FERGUSON,  CHARLES;  The  Religion  of  Democracy 476 

HOBSON,  JOHN  A.;  The  Economics  of  Distribution ?79 

JONES,  EDWARD  D. ;  Economic  Crises 183 

JUDSON,  FREDERICK;  The  Law  and  Practice  of  Taxation  in 

Missouri 91 

KIMBALL,  LILLIAN  G. ;  The  English  Sentence 92 

MACPHERSON,  HECTOR;  Spencer  and  Spencerism 180 

McVEY,  FRANK  L. ;  The  Government  of  Minnesota 474 

MACY,  JESSE;  Political  Parties  in  the  United  States 89 

OPDYKE,  GEORGE  HOWARD;  The  World's  Best  Proverbs  and 

Short  Quotations 93 

PUTNAM,  DANIEL;  A  Text-Book  of  Psychology 574 

RED  WAY,  JACQUES  W. ;  Elementary  Physical  Geography..  .  283 

RUEMELIN,  GUSTAV  ;  Politics  and  the  Moral  Law 571 

THURSTON,  HENRY  W. ;  Economics  and  Industrial  History  for 

Secondary  Schools 378 

WILLEY,  FREEMAN  OTIS  ;  Education,  State  Socialism  and  the 

Trust 187 

WOOD,  HENRY;  The  Political  Economy  of  Humanism  ...  568 

Brotherhood  of  Railroad  Trainmen,  The, 

D.  L.  Cease  235 

Chinese  Civilization,  Archer  B.  Hulbert 127 



Carnegie  gifts,  Psychological  value  of 555 

Chautauqua  work,  Extension  of 554 

Crime,  A  continuous 267 

Education  and  menial  labor 3^9 

Education  in  our  new  possessions. 1 69 

English  tongue,  Save  the .   .   .  j6 

Filipinos,  Educating  the 75 

German  industrial  education 74 

Oilman,  Dr.,  and  Johns  Hopkins 77 

Industrial  education 459 

Lectures,  The  essential  thing  in  popular 267 

Porto  Rico,  Meager  school  facilities  in 75 

Race  problem,  Labor  and  the 269 

Ross,  Professor,  Dismissal  of 367 

Saving  dollars  and  wasting  men 460 

Syracuse  University,  Progress  of 553 

Two  points  where  we  do  not  lead 1 68 

Color  Problem,  Has  Jamaica  Solved  the, 

Julius  Moritzen     3 1 

Cooperative  Men  and  Things  in  England,  Some, 

N.  P.  Oilman  403 

Corporations,    Government   Ownership   of   Quasi- 
Public,  Edwin  R.  A.  Seligman 305 

Cuba,  Our  Educational  Responsibility  in, 

Leonard  B.  Ellis,  256 

Democracy  and  National  Authority,  The  Editor,   .  425 

Direct    Nominations    by   Petition:     Some    Note- 
worthy Expressions 349 

Doom  of  the  Dictator,  The  Editor, 323 


Albany,  Jobbery  at 441 

Babcock's  illusion,  Chairman 538 

Bimetalism,  international,  a  dead  issue 156 

Bryan,  A  fair  challenge  to 355 


Bryan  and  Cleveland 353 

Bryan  on  plagiarism 537 

Bryan,  A  severe  test  for ,  .   .   .   .    •  442 

Bryan  after  Watterson 44 l 

Carnegie  vs,  Schwab 539 

Child- labor,  Hopeful  southern  opinion  on 447 

China,  Our  army  in 537 

Citizenship,  A  southern  paper  on  fitness  for 6 1 

Cleveland's  pessimism 15^ 

Compete,  Why  we  cannot 65 

Cuban  independence,  The  Monroe  doctrine  and 249 

Economic  folly  from  an  unexpected  source 251 

Educational  need,  A  great 59 

Education,  Great  gifts  to 

Emperor  within  twenty- five  years,  An 354 

Exports  to  the  Philippines 537 

Foreign  alarm  at  American  progress ,«..  1 6 1 

Gage's  bank  deposits,  Secretary. 442 

Government  ownership,  An  unfortunate  argument  for  ..   .   .  53^ 

Gorman  law,  Unexpected  outcome  of 537 

Harrison's  inconsistency,  ex- President *59 

Jobbery  at  Albany 44  J 

Labor,  Organized,  and  the  negro 443 

Labor  unions,  Mr.  Schwab's  stale  criticism  of  . 54  * 

Labor  policy.  New  York  Central's  enlightened 44^ 

Labor,  Southern  generosity  to 445 

Labor  unions,  Sound  advice  to 539 

Maryland's  educational  test  not  unjust 445 

Monopoly  in  steel  manufacture,  No 54° 

Monroe  doctrine  and  Cuban  independence 249 

Minneapolis  primary  law,  Extending  the 353 

Minnesota,  Popular  nominations  law  in ....  250 

Music  in  the  workshop 6 1 

Negro,  Organized  labor  and  the 443 

New  York  Central's  enlightened  labor  policy 446 


Nominations,  First  step  towards  direct 351 

Odell,  Governor,  a  disappointment 249 

Odellaftera  "record" 160 

Odell,  Plattand 353 

Odell,  not  Platt,  is  governor 63 

Panic,  Cause  of  the  1893 .  62 

Philippines,  "  Exports"  to  the 137 

Pope  Leo  on  socialism 252 

Protection  vs,  paternalism 59 

Race  problem,  Fair  questions  on 357 

Reform,  Insincere  critics  of  wholesome 157 

"  Ripper "  bill,  The  infamous 353 

Sanger,  The  case  of  Colonel 356 

Schwab,  Carnegie  vs 539 

Schwab's  stale  criticism  of  labor  unions 541 

Socialism,  Ha verhill  rejects 60 

Socialist  propaganda,  Growth  of 35^ 

Southern  "  generosity"  to  labor 445 

South,  No  segregation  for  the 251 

Steel  manufacture,  No  monopoly  in 54° 

Steel  strike  settled 441 

Strike,  Why  the  workingmen 54  * 

Tammany  succeeds,  Why 444 

Tammany,  Union  against 54° 

Ecole  Libre  in  Paris,  The,  Leon  Mead 543 

England,  Some  Cooperative  Men  and  Things  in 

N.  P.  Oilman  403 

Electrical  Development,  George  Styles 151 

Government  Ownership  of  Quasi- Public  Corpora- 
tions, Edwin  R.  A.  Scligman 503 

Historic  Changes  in  the  Character  of  Interest, 

The  Editor  516 

Insecurity,  The  Uses  of,  Leonora  B.  Halsted ....  449 
Jamaica:   Has  Jamaica  Solved  the  Color  Problem? 

Julius  Moritzen  3 1 



Annexation  policy,  An  old  soldier  on  ............      $6  1 

Commendation,  A  word  of  ..............   ... 

Conciseness  appreciated  ..................  373 

Economics  in  a  great  labor  organization,  Sound  ......  2/1 

Fairness  in  discussion  ...................  5  6° 

Government,  The  peril  of  popular  .............  4^4 

Jamaica  color  problem,  Mr.  Washington  on  ........  464 

Labor's  needs,  Organized  .................  373 

National  duty,  present  and  future  .............  5  5  & 

Nominations  by  petition,  Popular    .............  4^3 

Our  right  to  govern  ....................  463 

Pan-  American  exposition,  Ethnology  at  the  ........  79 

Philippine  policy,    Our  ..................  I/I 

Problem  of  the  hour,  The  great  ..............  560 

Sentiments  that  are  appreciated  ..............  I/I 

Magazines,   Extracts  from,  (Jan.)  95,   (Feb.)   191, 

(Mar.)   287,    (Apr.)    383,     (May)    479,    (June)  575 

Municipal  Politics,  The  Editor  .............  47 

Negro    Education,   New   Orleans  and,  The  Editor  66 

Negro   in    Business,    The,    Booker  T.    Washington  209 
New  Books  of  Interest,  (Jan.)  89,  (Feb.)  189,  (Mar.) 

285,  (Apr.)  382.  (May)  477,  (June)  .......  574 

Private  Philanthropies,  One  of  Miss  Gould's, 

C.  B.  Todd  71 

Party  Degeneracy,  The  Editor  .............  414 


American  municipal  government,  European  and  ......  175 

Anti-Tammany  campaign,  The  ..............  84 

British  empire,  Future  of  the  ...............  173 

Civilization  decaying?   Is  .................  82 

Cleveland  and  Toledo  elections,  Meaning  of  ........  467 

Corporations  and  government  aid  .............  5  62 

Corruption  and  popular  nominations  ............  565 


Corruption  versus  education 273 

Cuba,  Our  duty  to 465 

Democratic  party,  Future  of 8 1 

Depressions;  How  will  depressions  be  eliminated? 178 

English  borough  and  county  franchise 375 

European  and  American  municipal  government 175 

Expansion,  Prosperity  or 4^5 

Government  aid,  Corporations  and $62 

Labor  laws,  New  York 277 

New  York  city  politics,  now  and  in  1897 176 

Prosperity  or  expansion 4^5 

Ross,  Professor,   Case  of 37^ 

Socialism's  defeats  and  prospects 173 

Socialistic  discussion 275 

Southern  representation  in  congress 85 

Steel  combination,  The  giant 2  74 

Steel  "trust"  and  independent  producers 

Toledo  and  Cleveland  elections,  Meaning  of 

Wealth  a  social  fact 563 

Republic,  A  New,  The  Editor 29 


Aguinaldo,  Capture  of 393 

Albany's  street  railway  strike 488 

Annexation,  the  danger  of 293 

Attorney  general,  The  new  ....          493 

British  policy  outlined 9 

Canal  treaty,  The 16 

Centennial,  The  Washington I 

Charter  revision,  New  York  city 39! 

Chinese  situation 5,  98,   196,  300,  399,  400 

Clayton- Bui wer  treaty,  Abrogate  the 17 

Coal  strike  forestalled 386 

Congressional  reapportionment 206 

Congress,  First  work  of 14 


Congress,  The  independence  proposal  in 2OI 

Constitutional  question,  The  great 103 

Cuban  independence 292 

Cuba's  new  constitution 203 

De  Wet,  The  pursuit  of 7 

Edward  VII.,  Accession  of 193 

Election,  Some  details  of  the  November II 

Funston's  exploit,  Moral  aspect  of 394 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  Death  of 303 

Hawaiian  elections 172 

Inaugural,  President  McKinley's 290 

Kruger's  European  mission 9 

Labor  organization,  Status  of  .^American 4 

Labor,  Crucial  time  for 385 

Machinists' struggle  for  nine  hours 485 

Municipal  campaign,  New  York's 491 

Odell's  doubtful  statesmanship,  Governor 114 

Paris  exposition,  The 5 

Philippine  Problem 99,   IOI,   199,  291,  397 

President's  message,  The 12 

Protest,  A  word  of 197 

Public,  the  law,  and  the  speculators 483 

Queen  Victoria,  Death  of 97 

Railroad  deals,  The  great IO6 

Railroad  strike  averted 387 

Ramapo  charter  repealed 390 

Reform  efforts  in  New  York  city Ill 

Revenue  reduction  bill 14 

Russia,  Tariff  complications  with 296 

Russia  in  Manchuria 298 

"  Second  term  "  in  American  politics 289 

South  African  situation 194,  398 

Steel  strike,  Reinstatement  ends 3^8 

Steel  corporation,  The  giant 3O1 

Stock  market  panic 48 1 


Strike,  Albany's  street  railway 488 

Strike  averted,  Important  railroad 387 

Tariff  complications  with  Russia 296 

Trusts,  Present  status  of IOS 

" Trust "  growth,  A  permanent  limitation  to IIO 

Wage  conditions,  Progress  in 2 

War  tax  reduction 295 

Washington  centennial,  The I 

"Ruskin  Hall"  Movement,  The 163 

Russia's  Blow  at  American  Commerce, 

Romney   Wheelock  432 
South,  Industrial  Awakening  of  the, 

Leonora  Beck  Ellis  527 

Speculation — An    Incident  in   National  Develop- 
ment, Joseph  Weare 142 

Statesmanship,  Un American,  The  Editor 243 

Strikes  and  Lockouts  in  North  Carolina, 

Jerome  Dow d  136 

Tariff  Enforcement,  Discreditable,  The  Editor  .  .  .  345 

Trade  Routes  and  Civilization,  Jacques  W.  Redivay  508 

"Trusts "and  Business  Stability,  The  Editor.  .  .  117 
Tuskegee   Negro   Conference  as   an    Educational 

Force,  Max  Bennett  Thrasher 359 

Uses  of  Insecurity,  The,  Leonora  B.  Halsted ....  449 

Victoria  and  Her  Remarkable  Reign,   The  Editor  220 

Wars  of  Wall  Street,  The,  The  Editor 495 

Woman  Suffrage  Question,  Some  Scientific  Aspects 

of  the,  Mrs.  Mary   K.   Sedgwick 333 



Review  of  the  Month i 

The  Australian  Commonwealth,  William  Francis  Schey 19 

A  New  Republic,  The  Editor 29 

Has  Jamaica  Solved  the  Color  Problem  1  Julius  Moritzen 31 

Municipal  Politics,  The  Editor 47 

Editorial  Crucible 59 

New  Orleans  and  Negro  Education 66 

One  of  Miss  Gould's  Private  Philanthropies,  Charles  Burr  Todd.  71 

Civic  and  Educational  Notes 74 

Letters  from  Correspondents 79 

Question  Box 81 

Book  Reviews 89 

From  December  Magazines 95 


Review  of  the  Month 97 

"  Trusts  "  and  Business  Stability,  The  Editor 117 

Chinese  Civilization,  Archer  B.  Hulbert 127 

Strikes  and  Lockouts  in  North  Carolina,  Jerome  Dowd 136 

Speculation — An  Incident  in  National  Development,  Joseph  Weare  142 

Editorial  Crucible 156 

The  ••  Ruskin  Hall"  Movement 163 

Civic  and  Educational  Notes 168 

Letters  from  Correspondents 171 

Question  Box 173 

Book  Reviews ,    .   .   .  180 

From  December  Magazines 191 


Review  of  the  Month.  , 193 

The  Negro  in  Business,  Booker   T.   Washington 209 

Victoria  and  Her  Remarkable  Reign,  The  Editor 220 

The  Brotherhood  of  Railroad  Trainmen,  D.  L:  Cease 235 

Unamerican  Statesmanship,  The  Editor 243 

Editorial  Crucible 249 

Our  Educational  Responsibility  in  Cuba,  Leonora  Beck  Ellis.  .   .  250 

Civic  and  Educational  Notes 267 

Letters  from  Correspondents 271 

Question  Box 273 

Book  Reviews 279 

From  February  Magazines „ 287 


Review  of  the  Month 289 

Government  Ownership  of  Quasi- Public  Corporations,  Edwin  R.  A. 

Seligman 3°5 

Doom  of  the  Dictator,  The  Editor 323 

Some  Scientific  Aspects  of  the  Woman  Suffrage  Question,  Mrs. 

Mary  K.  Sedgwick 333 

Discreditable  Tariff  Enforcement,  The  Editor 345 

Direct  Nominations  by  Petition :  Some  Noteworthy  Expressions  .  .  349 

Editorial  Crucible 353 

The  Tuskegee  Negro  Conference  as  an  Educational  Force,  Max 

Bennett  Thrasher , 359 

Civic  and  Educational  Notes 367 

Letters  from  Correspondents 373 

Question  Box 375 

Book  Reviews 378 

From  March  Magazines 383 


Review  of  the  month 385 

Some  Cooperative  Men  and  Things  in  England,  Nicholas  Paine 

Oilman 403 

Party  Degeneracy,  The  Editor 414 

The  Billion-Dollar  Corporation 421 

Democracy  and  National  Authority,  7  he  Editor 425 

Russia's  Blow  at  American  Commerce,  Romney  Wheelock  ....  432 

Editorial  Crucible 441 

The  Uses  of  Insecurity,  Leonora  B.  Halsted 449 

Civic  and  Educational  Notes 459 

Letters  from  Correspondents 463 

Question  Box 465 

Book  Reviews 469 

From  April  Magazines 479 


Review  of  the  Month 481 

The  Wars  of  Wall  Street,  The  Editor 495 

Trade  Routes  and  Civilization,  Jacques  W.  Redway 508 

Historic  Changes  in  the  Character  of  Interest,  The  Editor    ....  516 

Industrial  Awakening  of  the  South,  Leonora  Beck  Ellis 527 

Editorial  Crucible .  537 

The  £cole  Libre  in  Paris,  Leon  Mead 543 

Civic  and  Educational  Notes 553 

Letters  from  Correspondents 558 

Question  Box 562 

Book  Reviews 568 

From  May  Magazines .575 

Labor  Commissioner  of  New  South  Wales 

See  page 



On  December  i2th  the  city  of  Washing- 
ton  celebrated  its  one-hundredth  anni- 
versary  as  the  capital  of  the  nation.  Just 
a  century  ago  the  seat  of  government  was  removed 
from  Philadelphia  to  the  new  site  on  the  banks  of  the 
Potomac.  The  centennial,  observed  by  a  reception  at 
the  white  house  to  the  governors  of  some  twenty-four 
states,  a  military  parade,  and  formal  exercises  by  the 
senate  and  house  of  representatives  in  joint  session,  fur- 
nished a  fitting  occasion  for  reviewing  the  marvelous 
progress  of  the  nation,  typified  in  part  by  the  transfor- 
mation of  the  capital  city  itself  from  practically  a  wil- 
derness in  1800  to  one  of  the  most  artistically  beautiful 
and  politically  influential  centers  of  civilization  in  the 

The  close  of  the  nineteenth  century  is  as 
Growth  of  natural  a  time  for  retrospect  and  com- 

the  Nation  .  ,,  .  -    ,,  ,.    ,, 

parison  as  the  opening  of  the  twentieth 
is  for  planning  and  prophecy.  Far  more  than  ordinary 
interest,  therefore,  attaches  to  the  results  of  the  twelfth 
census.  It  serves  as  a  basis  not  only  for  noting  the 
percentage  of  increase  during  a  decade,  but  for  centen- 
nial comparisons  of  the  utmost  significance.  The  total 
population  in  1900  is  76,295,220;  in  1890  it  was  62,- 
622,250;  an  increase  of  22  per  cent.  During  the  pre- 


2  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

vious  decade,  1880  to  1890,  the  percentage  of  increase 
was  24.86.  Our  population  in  1800  was  5,308,483;  the 
increase  during  the  century  being  1 340  per  cent.  Our 
national  territory  has  increased  during  the  same  period 
from  909,050  to  3,846,595  square  miles.  The  sixteen 
states  that  formed  the  federal  union  in  1800  have  in- 
creased to  forty- five,  with  the  territories  of  New  Mexico, 
Arizona,  Oklahoma  and  Indian  territory,  also  Alaska, 
Hawaii,  Porto  Rico,  the  Philippines,  and  several  scat- 
tered Pacific  islands,  in  addition. 

It  is  interesting  to  compare  this  growth  of  popula- 
tion with  that  of  some  of  the  principal  European  coun- 
tries during  the  century.  In  1800  the  population  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland  was  15,570,000,  now  it  is 
about  37,000,000;  France  in  1800,  27,720,000,  now  about 
38,000,000;  Germany  in  1800,  22,330,000,  now  about 
46,000,000;  Austria- Hungary  in  1800,  21,230,000,  now 
about  41,000,000.  In  other  words,  the  population  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland  has  increased  about  two  and 
a  half  times,  of  France  about  one-third ;  Germany  and 
Austria- Hungary  have  about  doubled,  while  the  popu- 
lation of  the  United  States  has  increased  almost  fifteen 

Analyzing  the  details  of  the  census,  New  York 
state  still  remains  in  the  lead,  the  population  being 
7,268,009;  in  1890  it  was  5,997,853.  Pennsylvania  is 
second  with  6,301,365,  as  compared  with  5,258,014  in 
1890.  Illinois  is  in  third  place,  as  in  1890,  the  popula- 
tion having  increased  from  3,826,351^4,821,550.  Ohio 
has  increased  from  3,672,316  to  4,157,545,  and  Missouri 
from  2,679, 184  to  3,107,117.  These  states  retain  the 
same  relative  rank  as  in  1890,  but  Texas  now  takes  the 
place  of  Massachusetts  as  sixth  in  size.  The  population 
of  Texas  has  increased  from  2,235,523  to  3,048,828; 
that  of  Massachusetts  from  2,238,943  to  2,805,346.  Al- 
though Massachusetts  thus  falls  behind  Texas,  the  rate 

xgoi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  3 

of  increase  in  the  Bay  State  is  larger  than  that  for  the 
whole  country  and  indicates  that  the  westward  trend  of 
population,  while  it  does  not  actually  diminish,  is  not 
depleting  the  East.  Indeed,  there  are  many  evidences 
that  the  growth  of  manufactures  and  use  of  more  scien- 
tific methods  of  agriculture  in  the  East  is  producing  a 
marked  decline  in  the  tendency  of  native  Americans  to 
migrate  to  the  West,  and  stopping  the  multiplication  of 
New  England  abandoned  farms. 

Of  course,  however,  the  most  rapid  rates  of  increase 
are  in  the  far  western  states,  although  the  growth  in 
actual  numbers  is  relatively  small.  Nevada  is  the  only 
state  in  the  union  which  shows  a  decline  in  population. 
This  state  contained  45,761  people  in  1890  and  only 
42,334  in  1900;  a  population  less  than  that  of  the  city 
of  Yonkers,  New  York,  although  represented  in  the 
national  councils  by  one  congressman  and  two  senators. 

Although  the  census  statistics  of  wealth, 
industries  and  labor  are  not  yet  complete, 
other  investigations  and  sources  of  infor- 
mation testify  to  a  highly  gratifying  progress  during 
the  decade  just  ended, — a  progress  which  would  have 
been  far  more  impressive  but  for  the  severe  industrial 
depression  from  1893  to  1897.  United  States  Labor 
Commissioner  Carroll  D.  Wright  has  recently  investi- 
gated the  average  wages  for  the  country  and  finds  a 
general  increase  since  1891  of  3.43  per  cent.  In  many 
industries  the  increase  has  been  more  like  20  to  30  per 
cent.,  but  Commissioner  Wright's  average  is  for  the 
whole  country.  In  considering  its  apparent  smallness 
it  must  be  remembered  that  only  last  year,  1899,  did 
wages  recover  sufficiently  from  the  period  of  depression 
to  equal  the  rates  of  1892.  The  seven  years  from  1893 
to  1899  were  an  arbitrary  interruption  and  period  of 
stagnation  in  what  might  have  been  a  normal  and 

4  GUNTOWS  MAGAZINE  [January, 

healthy  forward  movement  in  labor  conditions.  The 
significant  consideration  to-day  is  not  so  much  the 
literal  amount  of  increase  since  1890  as  it  is  the 
fact  that  a  satisfactory  rate  of  progress  has  at  last  been 

Status  of  Even  more  significant    than   the   actual 

American  Labor  wage  progress  is  the  increasing  extent, 
Organization  influence  and  economic  good  sense  of  the 
organized  labor  movement  in  this  country.  The  best 
general  representation  of  this  movement  is  the  Ameri- 
can Federation  of  Labor,  whose  membership  includes 
unions  in  practically  all  the  most  important  trades  in 
the  country.  The  federation  apparently  was  never  in 
a  more  flourishing  and  healthy  condition.  According 
to  the  December  number  of  the  A  merican  Federationist, 

"...  has  now  affiliated  to  it  no  less  than  82  national  and  international 
unions,  with  9,494  subordinate  local  unions,  having  an  aggregate  mem- 
bership of  804,050.  In  addition  to  these  before-mentioned  general  unions 
there  are  at  present  date  of  writing  1,051  independent  chartered  local 
unions  having  79,150  members,  making  a  total  of  10,545  unions  with  a 
membership  of  883,200.  These  figures  are  exclusive  of  the  membership 
indirectly  affiliated  through  the  medium  of  the  central  labor  unions  of 
205  cities  and  16  state  federations  of  labor.  Thus  it  would  be  safe  to 
conclude  that  the  grand  total  membership  of  our  organization  approxi- 
mates one  million  members  in  good  standing,  or  nearly  four-fifths  of  the 
entire  known  number  of  trade  unionists  on  this  continent.  Each  suc- 
ceeding year  this  immense  mass  becomes  more  closely  knitted  together 
and  more  clearly  recognizes  its  mutual  interdependence.  With  the 
establishment  and  growth  of  adequate  protective  and  beneficial  funds, 
the  influence  exercised  by  such  a  body  will  prove  irresistible. " 

A  membership  of  one  million  means  that  fully  five 
millions  of  the  American  people  are  directly  interested 
and  involved  in  the  labor  organizations  of  the  country, 
not  counting  the  extra  20  per  cent,  in  unassociated 
independent  unions.  Obviously,  the  few  old-school 
doctrinaires  who  still  want  labor  organizations  abolished 
are  to  be  classed  permanently  with  the  Mrs.  Partingtons. 


The  growing  economic  good  sense  of  the  organized 
labor  movement  could  hardly  have  better  evidence  than 
the  -unanimous  reelection  of  Samuel  Gompers  as  presi- 
dent of  the  federation,  at  its  annual  convention  held  in 
Louisville,  Kentucky,  early  in  December.  Mr.  Gom- 
pers' remarks  in  opening  the  convention  reflected  a 
point  of  view  and  spirit  thoroughly  appreciative  of  the 
proper  economic  position  of  labor  organization  in  the 
industrial  life  of  the  nation.  It  contained  no  tinge  of 
socialism,  which  it  has  so  often  been  feared  would  cap- 
ture the  trade-union  movement  in  this  country. 

The  great  world's  fair  held  in  Paris  this 

The  Paris  r  inustrated  the  climax  of  nineteenth- 


century  progress  as  well  as  anything  of 

a  spectacular  nature  can  illustrate  achievements  that 
have  wrought  their  broadening  influence  into  the  very 
character -fibre  of  the  nations.  A  formal  exposition  can 
portray  the  material  and  artistic  side  of  the  progress  of 
civilization,  but  it  can  give  only  hints  and  suggestions 
•f  the  profound  psychological  development  that  lies 
beneath  the  material  surface ;  it  cannot  put  into  statu- 
ary, paintings  and  machinery  the  expansion  of  individ- 
ual life,  knowledge  and  character  which  is  the  real  test 
of  human  advancement. 

But  of  those  things  which  an  exposition  can  illus- 
trate, the  Paris  fair  was  an  elaborate  and  fairly  com- 
prehensive representation.  It  cost  more  than  the 
Chicago  exposition  of  1893,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  the 
showing  was  so  vast  or  so  well  displayed.  Many  of  the 
buildings,  however,  were  erected  of  durable  materials, 
and  so,  while  costing  much  more,  will  remain  as  perma- 
nent architectural  adornments  of  Paris.  The  attend- 
ance at  the  Paris  exposition  was  more  than  fifty 
millions,  or  more  than  double  that  at  the  Chicago  fair, 
but  it  is  stated  in  explanation  that  the  admission  fees 

6  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

were  reduced  to  practically  insignificant  sums,  so  that 
the  actual  gate  receipts  were  probably  less  than  at 
Chicago.  The  largest  attendance  at  the  Paris  exposi- 
tion on  any  one  day  was  600,000,  which  was  exceeded 
in  1893,  on  October  gth,  when  716,881  people  attended 
the  Chicago  fair. 

The  last  year  of  the  century  has  witnessed 
More  Delay  the  beginning  of  what  will  ultimately 

in  China  .  _  .._,  . 

mean  the  complete  opening  up  of  China 
to  western  civilization,  but  the  twentieth  century  will 
have  come  in  before  much  progress  is  made  in  the  set- 
tlement of  the  immediate  terms  of  peace  and  reparation 
to  Christendom  for  the  Boxer  outrages  of  last  summer. 
It  is  now  clear  that  negotiations  are  to  proceed  along 
more  moderate  lines  than  those  laid  down  by  Germany, 
and  this  change  of  attitude  is  generally  attributed  to 
the  United  States.  Our  state  department  submitted  a 
note  to  the  powers,  late  in  November,  suggesting  com- 
promises in  respect  to  the  peace  proposals  that  were 
then  being  urged ;  and,  apparently  in  response  to  these 
suggestions,  an  article,  understood  to  have  been  inspired 
by  the  German  government,  appeared  on  November 
28th,  in  the  Berliner  Post,  declaring  that  while 

".  .  .  allthe  powers  are  convinced  that  the  ringleaders  deserve  death,  .  .  . 
the  question  has  been  raised  on  various  sides  as  to  whether  such  a  meas- 
ure should  be  insisted  upon  from  the  standpoint  of  political  expediency. 
So  far  as  Germany  is  concerned,  she  has  never  insisted  upon  the  execu- 
tion of  specific  persons,  but  has  repeatedly  declared  that  she  laid  chief 
emphasis  upon  the  harmonious  action  of  all  the  powers  in  punishing  the 
guilty.  This  attitude  corresponds  with  the  guiding  principle  of  Ger- 
many's policy,  which  seeks,  above  all  else,  to  preserve  the  harmony  of 
the  powers." 

Nevertheless,  according  to  the  general  consensus 
of  reports,  Germany's  troops  in  China  are  doing  their 
best  to  embitter  the  Chinese  and  make  settlement  diffi- 
cult. Harassing  expeditions,  with  the  object  of  taking 
booty  or  punishing  groups  of  Boxer  offenders,  are  per- 

i90i.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  7 

mitted  if  not  literally  ordered  by  Count  von  Waldersee. 
The  latest  of  these,  in  which  the  French  shared  but 
afterwards  desisted,  is  the  confiscation  and  removal  of 
the  elaborate  astronomical  instruments  from  the  Peking 
observatory.  General  Chaffee  protested  against  this  so 
vigorously  that  von  Waldersee  returned  his  note  un- 
recognized, as  a  breach  of  official  etiquette.  Perhaps 
it  was  somewhat  brusque,  but  the  American  people 
will  feel  that  here  was  a  case  where  politeness  was 
more  honored  in  the  breach  than  in  the  observance. 
General  Chaffee's  conduct  of  American  military  opera- 
tions in  China  thus  far  has  been  eminently  satisfactory. 
Rigid  discipline  is  maintained  among  our  troops  and, 
during  the  prolonged  period  of  looting  after  the  capture 
of  Peking,  our  men  were  strictly  ordered  to  take  no 
part  in  the  depredations.  Presumably  there  were 
violations  of  the  rule,  but  they  seem  not  to  have  been 
numerous  or  serious. 

As  the  situation  now  stands,  formal  negotiations 
between  the  foreign  ministers  and  the  Chinese  govern- 
ment, represented  by  Li  Hung  Chang  and  Prince 
Ching,  are  likely  to  begin  within  a  very  few  days. 
The  terms  finally  agreed  upon  are  understood  to  be 
practically  those  proposed  by  Germany,  summarized  in 
our  December  number,  with  a  modification  of  the 
demand  for  execution  of  specific  persons  and  also  some 
modification  in  the  indemnity  requirements.  All  the 
ministers  except  Great  Britain's  representative  have 
been  instructed  to  sign  the  agreement  for  submission  of 
these  terms  to  China.  Just  what  further  alteration,  if 
any,  England  means  to  suggest  before  negotiations 
proceed,  is  at  present  an  enigma. 

If  one  cannot  admire  the  good  judgment, 
The  Pursuit  .,  .     . 

of  De  Wet  xt  1S  lmpossible  not  to  admire  at  least  the 

valor  and  strategic  skill  of  the  few  Boer 
detachments   that   are   still   resisting   British  arms  in 

8  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

South  Africa.  Lord  Roberts  being  on  his  way  home  to 
England,  General  Kitchener  has  succeeded  him  in  chief 
command.  This  is  understood  to  mean,  and  doubtless 
does  mean,  the  end  of  leniency  in  dealing  with  the 
Boers.  British  sentiment  has  been  intensified  in  favor 
of  rigorous  measures  by  the  discovery  of  a  plot,  in 
Johannesburg,  in  which  a  number  of  Italians,  Greeks 
and  Frenchmen  were  implicated,  to  assassinate  Lord 
Roberts  by  blowing  up  St.  Mark's  church  during  service 
on  Sunday,  November  1 8th.  It  is  thoroughly  realized 
now  that  only  rigorous  measures  can  prevent  these  sub- 
terranean methods  of  prolonging  the  useless  struggle. 
General  De  Wet  scored  another  brilliant  success  on 
November  the  23d  by  capturing  the  British  garrison  of 
Dewetsdorp,  consisting  of  400  men  and  two  guns. 
Lord  Roberts'  dispatch  reporting  the  occurrence  states 
that  De  Wet's  force  numbered  2,500  men,  showing  that 
where  De  Wet  is,  at  least,  the  struggle  has  not  quite 
degenerated  to  the  guerilla  stage.  Dewetsdorp  is  in 
the  southern  part  of  the  Orange  River  Colony,  and  only 
the  prompt  action  of  General  Knox  prevented  a  raid 
into  Cape  Colony.  Knox  succeeded  in  driving  De  Wet 
back  to  the  north,  but  the  wily  Boer  has  thus  far 
evaded  capture.  Since  then,  two  more  serious  blows  have 
been  inflicted  upon  the  British.  Four  companies  of 
General  Clement's  fusileers,  numbering  more  than  500 
men,  were  captured  on  December  isth,  near  Krugers- 
dorp,  in  the  Transvaal,  and  on  the  same  day  a  force  of 
1 20  cavalrymen  was  taken  near  Zastron,  in  the  Orange 
River  Colony.  Serious  as  these  reverses  are,  the  Boers 
are  apparently  unable  to  follow  up  the  advantage,  but 
are  compelled  to  release  prisoners  as  fast  as  they  are 
taken.  These  exploits  are  tributes  to  brilliant  general- 
ship, but  their  only  real  significance  is  that  the  war  will 
have  to  be  brought  to  an  end  by  the  slow  wearing  out 
of  the  resisting  powers  of  De  Wet's  diminishing  army. 

i90i.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  9 

Meanwhile,  ex- President  Kruger  has 
served  as  a  rallying-point  of  French 
animosity  to  England,  and  incidentally 
learned  for  a  certainty  that  he  has  nothing  to  hope  for 
in  the  way  of  European  aid  to  his  cause.  Mr.  Kruger 
landed  at  Marseilles  on  November  22nd,  proceeded  to 
Paris  on  the  23rd,  thence,  after  a  weeks'  stay,  to 
Cologne  on  December  2nd,  and  to  the  Hague,  capital  of 
Holland,  on  the  6th.  In  France  he  was  everywhere 
received  as  a  popular  hero  and  the  French  senate  voted 
him  unanimously  an  expression  of  sympathy.  This 
was  the  full  extent,  however,  to  which  France  gave  the 
cooperation  Kruger  had  virtually  asked  for  in  his 
speech  at  Marseilles.  In  Holland  the  practical  results 
of  his  visit  have  been  equally  meager.  The  Dutch 
people  gave  him  an  enthusiastic  welcome,  and  the 
Dutch  government  officially  declared  its  sympathy  but 
declined  to  take  the  lead  in  any  movement  to  secure 
arbitration  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Transvaal. 
As  for  Germany,  Emperor  William  let  it  be  known  that 
he  would  decline  to  receive  Kruger,  and  therefore  the 
Boer  ex-president  abandoned  his  proposed  visit  to 
Berlin.  He  is  now  expected  to  take  up  a  permanent 
residence  in  Holland,  and  will  cease  to  figure  in  world 

Naturally,    the    sessions   of   the  British 

British  Policy  , .  «  .   ,  _ 

Outlined  parliament,  which   convened  on  Decem- 

ber 4th  and  has  just  adjourned  for  the 
holidays,  were  almost  exclusively  occupied  with  the 
discussion  of  South  African  affairs.  The  liberals,  at 
the  very  outset,  directed  an  intensely  bitter  attack  on 
Joseph  Chamberlain,  not  only  on  the  score  of  his  prac- 
tical sponsorship  for  the  South  African  war  but  accusing 
him  of  personal  dishonesty  both  in  the  parliamentary 
campaign  and  in  connection  with  financial  interests 

10  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

involved  in  the  war.  Seldom  has  parliament  witnessed 
a  more  impressive  change  in  the  drift  of  sentiment  than 
occurred  when  the  colonial  secretary's  turn  came  to 
make  his  defence.  Denial  of  the  charges  against  his 
personal  integrity  was  to  be  expected,  of  course,  but 
the  thing  which  seems  practically  to  have  destroyed  the 
liberal  opposition  was  his  statement  of  the  govern- 
ment's plans  for  dealing  with  the  Transvaal  and  Orange 
River  colonies.  These  he  explained  in  detail  in  the 
house  of  commons  on  December  7th,  summarizing  the 
three  objects  of  the  government  as  follows : 

"  First— To  end  the  guerilla  war.  It  would  not  surprise  him  if  the 
Boers  had  destroyed  more  farms  than  the  English.  Never  in  history 
had  a  war  been  waged  with  so  much  humanity.  The  women  had  only 
been  deported  for  their  protection.  The  native  population  was  answer- 
able for  the  acts  of  proved  outrage  of  women  and  children,  and  it 
had  been  shown  that  in  no  case  had  a  British  soldier  been  justly  ac- 
cused. The  farm  burning  was  greatly  exaggerated.  Lord  Roberts  had 
only  sanctioned  the  burning  of  farms  as  punishment  in  cases  of  com- 
plicity in  the  rebellion,  or  damage  done  to  the  railroads.  The  govern- 
ment sustained  Lord  Roberts  absolutely.  The  government  was  bound 
to  leave  large  discretion  to  the  military. 

"  The  second  object  was  that  when  pacification  was  accomplished  a 
crown  government  would  be  instituted. 

"The  third  object  was  ultimate  self-government." 

In  pursuance  of  this  program  it  is  proposed  to 
institute  civil  government  at  the  earliest  possible  mo- 
ment, giving  the  preference  to  Afrikanders  in  the  civil 
offices  as  far  as  practicable,  and  guaranteeing  equal 
rights  and  liberties  to  every  man,  Boer  or  Englishman. 
The  expense  of  the  war  will  be  met  by  taxation  in  South 
Africa,  since  it  was  for  the  benefit  of  the  Uitlanders 
that  the  struggle  was  undertaken.  These  propositions 
were  even  cheered  from  the  liberal  benches,  and  Sir 
Henry  Campbell- Bannerman,  who  had  been  the  most 
vindictive  of  all  in  his  attacks  on  Mr.  Chamberlain, 
formally  withdrew  the  liberal  opposition.  Of  course, 
the  British  government  cannot  begin  to  carry  out  these 

looi.J  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  11 

plans  until  the  Boers  give  up  the  struggle.  Their 
resistance  could  be  understood  so  long  as  there  was  the 
least  chance  of  success,  but  in  the  present  situation  it 
means  simply  the  perpetuation  of  misery  and  desola- 
tion and  fruitless  delaying  of  the  peaceful  regeneration 
•of  the  country. 

Some  Details  of  The  figures  of  the  popular  vote  for  presi- 
the  November  dent,  with  the  exception  of  minor  candi- 
Election  dates,  are  at  last  practically  complete  and 

show  a  popular  plurality  for  President  McKinley  of 
847,897.  This  is  an  increase  of  246,025  over  his  plu- 
rality in  1896.  Mr.  McKinley 's  total  vote  was  158,487 
larger  and  Mr.  Bryan's  87,538  smaller  than  in  1896. 

It  appears  from  the  returns  that  the  bulk  of  this 
republican  gain  comes  from  increased  pluralities  in  the 
West  and  a  decreased  Bryan  vote  in  the  South.  In  the 
East  the  republican  pluralities  were  generally  lower, 
especially  in  New  York  (268,469  in  1896,  145,143  in 
1900)  and  Massachusetts  (173,265  in  1896,  82,988  in 
1900.)  In  the  middle  West  there  was  a  substantial  in- 
crease, except  in  Illinois,  which  gave  President  McKin- 
ley a  plurality  of  95,990  as  compared  with  142,498  in 
1896.  The  republican  plurality  in  1900  in  Nebraska 
was  7,372  ;  in  Kansas,  25,843  ;  in  South  Dakota,  21,000; 
in  Wyoming,  4,381 ;  in  Washington,  12,613;  in  Utah, 
2,140.  All  of  these  states  were  carried  by  Bryan  in 

In  the  South  the  results  are  equally  significant, 
and,  but  for  the  fact  that  they  are  based  on  a  general 
decrease  in  the  total  vote  cast,  indicating  wholesale 
neglect  of  the  suffrage  privilege,  would  be  some  indi- 
cation of  more  wholesome  political  tendencies  through- 
out that  section.  Bryan's  plurality  was  less  in  1900 
than  1896,  in  Alabama  by  32,871 ;  in  Florida  by  940 ; 
in  Mississippi  by  12,776;  in  Louisiana  by  17,974;  in 

12  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

Arkansas  by  36,149;  in  Tennessee  by  3,024;  in  South 
Carolina  by  6,585.  It  was  larger  than  in  1896,  in  Geor- 
gia by  12,524;  in  North  Carolina  by  5,473  ;  in  Virginia 
by  10,874.  The  net  falling  off  in  the  Bryan  plurality 
in  all  these  states  is  114,562.  If  Missouri  and  Ken- 
tucky be  counted  in,  the  total  falling  off  is  117,231; 
Bryan's  plurality  in  Missouri  was  10,907  less  than  in 
1896,  but  in  Kentucky  he  won  by  7,957,  as  against  a 
republican  plurality  of  281  in  1896. 

President    McKinley's    message    to   the 

The  President's  ,  \, 

Message  second    session   of    the    56th    congress, 

which  convened  on  December  3rd,  pos- 
sessed two  at  least  of  the  most  familiar  characteristics 
of  Mr.  McKinley's  state  papers — extraordinary  length 
and  comparative  dearth  of  positive  recommendations 
for  the  guidance  of  national  policy.  It  is  chiefly  an  ex- 
haustive historical  review  of  the  problems  that  have 
confronted  the  administration  during  the  past  year  and 
the  way  it  has  dealt  with  them,  and  a  statement  of  the 
existing  conditions  at  home  and  abroad.  A  large  part 
of  the  message  is  devoted  to  the  Chinese  situation,  and 
the  familiar  lines  of  our  policy  are  again  stated, — pun- 
ishment of  Boxer  leaders,  indemnity  for  losses  suffered, 
guarantees  of  trade  privileges  and  opposition  to  dis- 
memberment of  the  empire. 

A  suggestion  that  ought  by  all  means  to  be 
promptly  and  favorably  acted  upon  is  that  provision  be 
made  for  handling  through  the  federal  courts  instead  of 
through  state  courts  all  cases  of  outrages  committed 
against  aliens  within  the  United  States.  The  inability 
of  the  national  government  to  guarantee  any  satisfac- 
tion to  foreign  governments  in  cases  such  as  the  anti- 
Italian  outbreaks  in  Louisiana  is  an  absurd  anomaly. 
Nothing  like  it  exists  in  any  other  country,  and  it  has 
been  and  will  be  a  fruitful  source  of  misunderstanding 


and  ill-feeling  whenever  disputes  of  this  sort  come  up 
for  settlement. 

Reference  is  made  to  the  growth  of  our  foreign 
trade,  the  increase  in  national  banks  under  the  currency 
law  of  1900,  and  the  saving  in  interest  on  the  national 
debt  through  the  refunding  of  bonds  provided  for  in 
that  measure.  Reduction  of  the  war  taxes  by  thirty 
million  dollars  per  annum  is  recommended.  Little  is 
suggested  as  to  the  Philippines  except  continuation 
along  the  lines  already  being  pursued.  The  Taft  com- 
mission is  apparently  the  rock  to  which  the  president's 
faith  is  anchored,  and,  if  only  the  Filipinos  could  be 
made  to  see  the  beneficence  of  Mr.  McKinley's  program 
of  civilization  as  clearly  as  Mr.  McKinley  himself  sees 
it,  not  another  shot  would  be  fired.  Evidently  the 
president  does  not  expect  the  last  shot  to  be  fired  for  a 
long  while,  since  he  recommends  increasing  the  stand- 
ing army  to  60,000  men,  with  authority  to  raise  it  to 
100,000  when  necessary,  and  endorses  Secretary  Long's 
request  for  an  enlarged  navy.  The  encouragement  of 
American  shipping  is  urged,  although  no  specific  meas- 
ure is  endorsed,  and  there  is  the  familiar  suggestion 
for  legislation  in  control  of  injurious  combinations  in 
restraint  of  trade.  The  message  closes  with  a  recom- 
mendation of  economy  in  public  expenditures. 

The  tone  of  the  document  as  a  whole  is  optimistic, 
and  with  good  reason.  The  nation  enters  upon  the 
twentieth  century  under  circumstances  of  extraordinary 
prosperity  and  promise,  backed  by  more  than  one  hun- 
dred years  of  experience  with  self-government  along 
lines  which  in  1800  were  purely  experimental,  dis- 
trusted everywhere  outside  of  the  United  States,  and 
not  even  commanding  full  confidence  here  at  home. 
We  are  standing  upon  broader  and  firmer  foundations 
to-day,  but  it  would  be  a  fatal  mistake  to  assume  that 
even  now  we  can  afford  to  make  grave  departures  in 

14  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

policy  from  the  fundamental  principles  upon  which  our 
national  existence  is  based. 

Congress  lost  no  time  in  getting:  to  work 

The  First  Work  £        „    .      *  . 

of  Congress  upon  measures  of  sufficient  importance  to 

center  the  attention  of  the  country  upon 
Washington.  In  the  senate,  discussion  was  begun 
almost  immediately  on  the  Nicaragua  canal  treaty  and 
the  ship  subsidy  bill ;  in  the  house,  on  the  revenue  re- 
duction and  army  reorganization  measures.  The  latter, 
providing  for  an  army  of  60,000  for  the  immediate 
future,  with  authority  to  increase  it  to  100,000  if  neces- 
sary, passed  the  house  on  December  6th  by  an  almost 
strict  party  vote  of  166  to  133.  The  ship  subsidy  bill 
has  been  extensively  and  warmly  debated  already,  its 
principal  defenders  being  Senators  Frye  and  Hanna, 
but  its  prospects  are  dubious  in  spite  of  the  large  re- 
publican majority  in  the  senate.  The  proposition  to 
spend  $9,000,000  a  year  for  twenty  years  in  direct 
bounties  paid  out  of  the  treasury,  a  total  of  $180,000,- 
ooo,  so  distributed  that  there  is  little  reason  to  believe 
that  any  important  new  shipbuilding  establishments 
would  be  called  into  existence,  is  so  obviously  no  part 
of  recognized  republican  policy  that  senators  are  de- 
clining to  divide  along  party  lines  for  and  against  the 
bill.  A  measure  providing  for  shipping  protection  by 
an  additional  ten  per  cent,  duty  on  all  goods  imported 
in  foreign  vessels  would  be  strictly  in  accordance  with 
sound  protective  policy  and  involve  no  drain  on  the 
national  treasury,  but  this  proposition  apparently  must 
wait  until  the  subsidy  scheme  has  been  definitely  put 

Chairman  Payne  of  the  ways  and  means 
The  Avenue        committee  introduced  the  revenue  reduc- 

Reduction  Bill 

tion  bill  in  the  house  on  December  5th, 
and  followed  it  next  day  with  a  report  showing  the  rea- 


sons  for  the  specific  lines  of  reduction  proposed.  The 
rule  adopted  in  preparing  the  measure,  according  to 
Chairman  Payne,  was  « '  to  remove  the  more  annoying 
taxes  in  the  war  revenue  act  by  the  entire  abolition  of 
those  which  were  most  vexatious  and  by  a  reduction  of 
those  which  seemed  to  have  proved  a  great  burden  upon 
the  several  branches  of  trade  to  which  they  are  applied." 
In  other  words,  the  object  is  to  remove  as  far  as  possi- 
ble the  more  offensive  features  of  an  always  offensive 
system  of  direct  taxation,  and  the  extent  to  which  this 
has  been  accomplished  the  bill  deserves  hearty  com- 

Some  of  the  most  important  proposed  reductions 
are:  on  beer,  from  $2.85  to  $2.60  per  barrel ;  on  cigars, 
from  $3.60  to  $3  per  thousand;  and  entire  abolition  of 
the  taxes  on  bequests  to  religious,  charitable,  literary 
or  educational  institutions,  taxes  on  commercial  and 
custom-house  brokers,  circuses  and  theaters,  and  the 
stamp  taxes  on  proprietary  medicines,  perfumes,  cos- 
metics, etc.,  also  those  on  bank  checks,  certificates  of 
deposit,  postal  money  orders,  express  receipts,  tele- 
graph messages,  deeds,  insurance  policies,  leases,  notes 
and  mortgages.  The  most  important  taxes  retained,  in 
whole  or  in  part,  are  those  on  beer  and  tobacco,  wines, 
legacies,  bankers,  stock  brokers,  and  the  stamp  taxes  on 
stock  and  bonds  of  corporations,  stock  exchange  sales, 
freight  receipts,  certificates  of  profit,  and  custom-house 
and  warehouse  entries. 

The  reductions  are  expected  to  cut  off  about  $40,- 
000,000  of  revenue  per  annum,  and  those  retained  it  is 
believed  will  yield  $65,000,000;  so  that  the  reductions 
amount  to  about  38  per  cent,  of  the  total  amount  of  the 
special  war  taxes.  Considering  that  the  treasury  sur- 
plus for  the  year  ending  June  3oth  last  was  something 
over  $79,000,000,  and  that  the  estimated  surplus  for  the 
current  year  is  $80,000,000,  and  for  the  year  ending 

16  GUNTOWS  MAGAZINE  [January, 

June  soth,  1902,  is  about  $26,000,000,  by  which  time  it 
is  to  be  hoped  there  can  be  a  substantial  reduction  in 
our  military  expenditures,  the  cutting  off  of  $40,000,000 
now  seems  to  be  amply  justified.  The  proposed  meas- 
ure seems  to  have  been  prepared  with  unusually  intel- 
ligent appreciation  of  scientific  principles  of  taxation. 
Some  effort  will  undoubtedly  be  made  to  reduce  the 
customs  tariff  revenues  and  preserve  the  war  taxes,  but 
there  is  no  popular  support  of  this  left-handed  rein- 
troduction  of  free-trade  policy.  The  proposition  at 
present  has  only  an  academic  interest. 

President  McKinley  sent  to  the  senate 
Treaty*0  on  December  4th  the  report  of  the  isth- 

mian canal  commission,  of  which  Rear- 
Admiral  Walker  is  the  head.  This  report  summarizes 
the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  the  Nicaragua  and 
Panama  routes,  and  declares  in  favor  of  the  former, 
although  the  estimated  cost  of  the  Nicaragua  canal  as 
surveyed  by  the  commission  is  $200,540,000,  while  the 
amount  required  to  complete  the  Panama  enterprise  is 
only  $142,342,579.  The  principal  advantage  of  the 
Nicaragua  route  is  the  shorter  journey  it  would  make 
possible  between  the  east  and  the  west  coasts  of  the 
United  States;  the  principal  disadvantage  of  the 
Panama  canal  is  the  existence  of  French  and  Colombian 
financial  interests  and  rights  of  ownership  which  would 
prevent  proper  control  of  the  undertaking  by  the  United 

The  report  is  regarded  as  practically  disposing  of 
the  Panama  project  so  far  as  the  United  States  is  con- 
cerned, unless  the  outcome  of  the  senate's  action  on  the 
Hay-Pauncefote  treaty  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  should  be  an  indefinite  delay  and  blocking 
of  the  Nicaragua  enterprise.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  this  treaty,  which  was  sent  to  the  senate  on  the  5th 

1 9oi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  17 

of  last  February,  provides  for  a  neutral  canal,  free  and 
open  in  war  and  peace  to  vessels  of  commerce  and  war 
of  all  nations,  with  no  fortifications  erected  to  command 
the  canal  or  adjacent  waters.  This  proposed  neutral- 
ization of  the  canal  is  in  recognition  of  the  neutrality 
agreement  embodied  in  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  with 
England,  made  in  1850;  but  the  senate  has  chosen 
practically  to  disregard  this  by  adopting,  on  December 
1 3th,  by  a  majority  of  65  to  17,  the  amendment  intro- 
duced during  the  last  session  by  Senator  Davis,  provid- 
ing that  the  neutralization  sections  of  the  treaty  should 
not  "  apply  to  measures  which  the  United  States  may 
find  it  necessary  to  take  for  securing  by  its  own  forces 
the  defence  of  the  United  States  and  the  maintenance 
of  public  order."  Other  amendments  are  now  pro- 
posed, declaring  definitely  that  the  Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty  is  superseded  and  striking  out  the  provision 
which  requires  England  and  the  United  States,  after 
concluding  the  new  treaty,  to  bring  it  to  the  notice  of 
the  other  powers  and  invite  them  to  adhere  to  it. 

Abrogate  the  Whatever  policy  is  finally  adopted  as  to 
Clayton-Bulwer  the  canal  proposition,  it  is  apparent 
Treaty  that  t^e  Clay  ton- Bulwer  treaty  has  long 

outlived  its  usefulness  and  remains  only  an  exas- 
perating source  of  useless  controversy.  Probably  the 
bulk  of  the  sentiment  in  this  country  against  neu- 
tralizing the  canal  has  come  from  the  impression  that 
we  are  being  forced  to  yield  this  point  to  England 
against  our  own  best  interests.  If  we  had  been  entirely 
free  to  act  as  we  chose,  the  importance  of  fortifications 
and  exclusive  control  would  certainly  have  seemed  far 
less  weighty ;  we  might  even  voluntarily  have  chosen 
the  neutralization  policy  as  safer  in  the  long  run,  and 
less  expensive.  But  for  the  controversy  with  England, 
the  costly  privilege  of  building  forts  and  assuming  the 


whole  responsibility  for  protection  of  the  canal  would 
have  seemed  much  less  valuable.  The  common-sense 
fact  would  have  been  more  obvious  that  no  hostile  fleet 
could  ever  traverse  the  canal,  whether  fortified  or  not. 
To  enter  it,  such  a  fleet  would  first  have  to  pass  an 
American  fleet  massed  at  its  mouth,  and  would  then 
have  to  be  guarded  on  both  sides  of  the  canal  by  an 
enormous  military  force  to  prevent  land  attacks,  and, 
finally,  to  escape  at  the  other  end,  the  vessels  would 
have  to  contend  one  by  one  with  an  American  fleet  in 
waiting.  It  would  be  a  much  more  desperate  under- 
taking than  Admiral  Cervera  risked  in  getting  out  of 
Santiago  harbor,  since  the  Spaniards  could  at  least  come 
through  the  channel  at  a  high  rate  of  speed  and  so  be 
ready  for  quick  maneuvers, — an  impossibility  in  emerg- 
ing from  a  canal. 

It  is  intimated  that  Great  Britain  will  not  accept 
the  amended  treaty.  If  such  proves  the  case,  immediate 
steps  should  be  taken  to  secure  abrogation  of  the  Clay- 
ton-Bulwer  treaty,  and,  if  this  cannot  be  done  by  nego- 
tiation, then  the  treaty  should  be  declared  no  longer 
binding  upon  our  government.  There  is  plenty  of  pre- 
cedent for  such  action,  in  cases  where  circumstances 
have  so  changed  as  to  render  treaties  out  of  date  and 
burdensome.  In  the  present  case  there  is  no  doubt  that 
Great  Britain  long  ago  violated  the  Clayton- Bui wer 
treaty  by  obtaining  control  over  certain  territory  adjoin- 
ing the  canal  region.  Technically  we  have  recognized 
the  validity  of  the  treaty  since  this  violation,  but  we  are 
in  a  position,  morally  at  least,  to  revoke  it  if  our  inter- 
ests so  require.  With  this  stumbling-block  out  of  the 
way,  we  can  deal  with  the  practical  problem  of  the  canal 
strictly  on  its  merits,  free  from  the  distorting  effects  of 
anti- British  prejudice  and  suspicion. 



On  the  first  of  January  1901,  there  will  be  formally 
inaugurated,  with  due  solemnity  and  much  ceremony, 
another  federation  of  English-speaking  people,  which 
is  destined  to  bulk  largely  in  the  coming  years  before 
the  nations  of  the  world.  And  its  doings  will  be  of 
much  interest  and  great  importance  to  the  United 
States  of  America.  On  that  date  six  British  colonies 
who  have  hitherto  been  divided  on  many  questions, 
who  have  maintained  fiscal  barriers  one  against  the 
other,  who  have  from  time  to  time  viewed  each  other 
with  jealous  eyes,  and  sedulously  sought  to  draw  each 
other's  trade  away  and  to  minimize  the  power  and  im- 
portance of  all  their  neighbors,  will  be  welded  in  a  firm 
and  indissoluble  union  by  one  of  those  happy  and  busi- 
ness-like conjunctions  which  seem  peculiarly  adapted 
to  the  needs  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race. 

From  the  first  day  of  the  new  year,  which  is  also 
the  first  day  of  the  new  century,  Australia,  inviolate  in 
her  sea-girt  shores,  will  drop  away  the  belittlement  of 
merely  colonies  and  become  in  deed  and  in  truth  an  in- 
dependent nation  in  all  but  name.  Still  subject  to  the 
British  crown  in  matters  of  imperial  interest  she  will 
be  sovereign  and  autonomous  in  all  that  concerns  her- 
self. An  island  continent  approximating  in  size  the 





whole  of  Europe,  and  of  area  almost  equal  to  the  whole 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  with  but  little  over 
three  millions  of  people  in  all  her  borders,  she  will,  if 
her  statesmen  be  but  wise,  soon  be  the  dominating 
factor  of  all  the  southern  half  of  our  great  round  world. 
A  few  facts  concerning  this  new  nation,  this 
coming  competitor,  will  be  of  interest  to  all  thoughtful 
Americans.  The  areas  of  the  federating  states  are : 


Area  in  Acres 

Area  in  Sq.  Mis. 

New  South  Wales       .                      .   . 

198  848  ooo 

qiO  700 


c6  24e;  760 

87  88d 


427  8^8  O8O 

668  497 

South  Australia    

578,361  6OO 


Western  Australia  




16  778,000 


Australian  Commonwealth  .... 



The  first  settlement  of  Australia  was  commenced 
by  Captain  Arthur  Philip,  who  landed  at  Botany  Bay 
on  January  iQth,  1788,  and  formally  took  possession  of 
the  whole  continent,  which  was  proclaimed  a  colony 
under  the  name  of  New  South  Wales  on  February  /th 
of  the  same  year.  The  island  of  Tasmania,  off  the 
southeastern  coast  of  Australia,  was  taken  possession 
of  by  an  expedition  from  Sydney,  as  the  town  first 
founded  was  called  after  a  British  statesman  then  in 
power,  on  September  i2th,  1803.  It  was  governed 
from  Sydney  till  1825,  when  it  was  proclaimed  an  inde- 
pendent province  under  the  name  of  Van  Dieman's 
Land,  which  name  was  subsequently  changed  to  Tas- 
mania. About  1803  an  attempt  was  made  to  settle  the 
southeastern  portion  of  Australia,  and  this  subse- 
quently became  the  colony  of  Victoria  which  was 
separated  from  New  South  Wales  in  1851.  Swan  River 
settlement,  now  Western  Australia,  was  first  settled  by 
an  expeditionary  force  from  Sydney  in  1826,  and  was 


made  a  separate  colony  on  June  ist,  1829.  South 
Australia  was  first  colonized  in  1836  by  immigrants  sent 
from .  England  by  a  colonization  company,  and  the 
colony  was  formally  proclaimed  on  December  28th, 
J836.  Queensland,  like  Victoria,  is  an  offshoot  of  New 
South  Wales.  In  1825  a  convict  establishment  was 
formed  at  Moreton  Bay,  and  in  1859  Queensland  was 
proclaimed  an  independent  state. 

Having  thus  briefly  outlined  the  genesis  of  the  six 
colonies  now  about  to  be  federated  I  shall  not  stay  to 
catalogue  the  numerous  items  of  their  progress,  all  of 
which  may  be  found  in  the  various  statistical  publica- 
tions. But  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  idea  of  union 
was  almost  coeval  with  that  of  separation,  and  while 
the  enormous  distances  between  the  settlements  ren- 
dered the  latter  both  necessary  and  advisable,  the  idea 
of  reunion  was  promulgated  by  the  best  of  the  colonists 
from  the  earliest  times,  and  indeed  our  early  annals 
contain  many  prophecies  of  the  now  consummated  po- 
litical conjunction  both  in  prose  and  verse. 

Probably  the  most  radical  difference  between  the 
colonies,  and  certainly  the  most  lengthy,  has  been  in 
their  fiscal  policies,  which  have  varied  from  time  to 
time  according  to  the  political  necessities  of  each,  but 
have  always  left  the  most  striking  contrast  between  the 
adjoining  colonies  of  New  South  Wales  and  Victoria. 
Of  course  they  all  started  very  much  on  the  same  lines, 
specific  duties  on  large  items  of  consumption  being 
levied  on  for  revenue  purposes.  Generally  speaking, 
these  have  been  increased  from  time  to  time,  and  ad 
valorem  duties  added  as  exigency  demanded,  but  little 
scientific  principle  seemed  to  underlie  the  various  rates 
charged.  Thus  Tasmania  raises  by  far  the  heaviest 
per  capita  customs  taxation,  over  20%  average  ad  valorem 
on  all  imports,  while  Victoria,  whose  tariff  is  the  most 
protectionist  and  the  most  scientific  of  all  the  states, 

22  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

only  levies  an  average  of  between  n  and  12  per  cent. 
It  seems  to  have  been  accepted  as  a  canon  of  taxation 
that  raw  materials  required  for  local  manufactures 
should  not  be  taxed,  but  even  this  has  been  frequently 
departed  from.  The  customs  revenue  generally  is  on 
the  decline,  attributable  in  the  main  to  the  fact  that  all 
the  states  except  New  South  Wales  have  given  some 
encouragement  to  native  industry  by  means  of  customs 
duties  and  bonuses,  and  so,  gradually,  manufactures 
and  producing  interests  generally  have  been  developed, 
and  have  in  some  instances  obtained  a  firm  hold  on 
Australian  markets.  Thus,  with  the  exception  of  New 
South  Wales,  very  little  agricultural  produce  is  im- 
ported, and  locally-made  goods  in  various  classes  are 
produced  in  sufficient  quantity  to  equal  the  demand. 
The  tariffs  generally  may  be  described  thus:  New 
South  Wales,  except  for  four  years  (1892  to  1895  inc.) 
of  mainly  ad  valorem  duties,  generally  free  trade :  Vic- 
toria for  the  last  twenty- eight  years,  protectionist,  many 
of  her  duties  being  specific  and  others  ad  valorem : 
South  Australia  and  Queensland,  a  judicious  mixture  of 
protective  and  revenue  duties,  some  of  the  latter  having 
a  protective  incidence  also ;  and  Western  Australia  and 
Tasmania,  high  revenue  duties  some  of  which  of  course 
are  incidentally  protective  as  well. 

On  the  proclamation  of  the  commonwealth  all  the 
customs  collections  are  to  pass  immediately  to  the  fed- 
eral government  to  form  its  revenue,  and  the  federal 
parliament  is  charged  with  the  making  of  a  federal 
tariff  which  it  may  set  about  at  once,  but  must  promul- 
gate within  two  years  of  the  commencement  of  the 
federal  authority.  And  already  the  din  of  battle  is 
commencing.  The  first  federal  elections,  which  will 
take  place  early  in  the  new  year,  will  be  almost  exclu- 
sively dominated  by  the  question  of  protection  versus 
free  trade,  and  both  sides  are  now  preparing  as  best 


they  may  for  the  greatest  fiscal  fight  that  has  ever  taken 
place  on  this  continent.  While  the  infant  industries 
and  their  employees  will  range  themselves  under  the 
banner  of  protection,  the  importers  and  foreign  manu- 
facturers' agents  are  numerous  and  strong  and  are  being 
assisted  in  everyway  by  money  and  otherwise  by  their 
principals  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  notably  in  Great 
Britain  and  Germany.  The  issue  ought  not  to  be  in 
doubt.  It  is  a  fight  between  patriotism  and  progress 
on  the  one  hand,  and  selfishness  and  stagnation  on  the 
other.  And  only  the  apathy  and  cocksureness  of  the 
national  party  gives  the  foreign  traders  a  chance. 

What  a  protectionist  policy  will  mean  to  the  Aus- 
tralian commonwealth  may  be  estimated  from  the 
history  of  the  United  States.  With  a  territory  reaching 
so  near  to  the  equator  as  the  tenth  parallel  of  south 
latitude,  high  in  the  tropics,  and  stretching  right  down 
below  43  degrees  south  into  the  colder  portion  of  the 
temperate  zone,  having  a  range  of  climate  from  the 
fervent  tropic  heat  to  that  of  the  snowy  mountains 
where  snowshoe  races  are  annually  held,  fires  are  re- 
quired during  eight  months  of  every  year,  and  the 
mails  are  not  infrequently  stopped  by  winter  snow 
storms,  it  will  be  seen  at  once  that  every  vegetable 
product  which  can  be  furnished  in  any  part  of  the  world 
can  be  grown  in  some  part  of  Australia  just  as  well. 
With  enormous  mineral  wealth  of  the  most  varied  de- 
scription there  is  absolutely  nothing  that  could  be  denied 
to  a  wise  and  industrious  population.  In  short,  within 
our  borders  is  to  be  found  every  element  of  national 
greatness,  and  in  a  profusion  unsurpassed  in  any 
country  of  the  whole  world.  Rich  gold  fields,  from 
which  we  have  already  extracted  gold  to  the  value  of 
$1,750,000,000,  are  backed  by  the  greatest  silver  mines 
known  since  the  palmy  days  of  Peru.  From  all  corners 
come  the  rich  ingots  of  copper  which  modern  scientific 

24  GUN  TON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

development  has  raised  almost  to  the  rank  of  a  royal 
metal.  Our  streams  yield  abundant  tin  of  the  best 
quality,  while  many  of  our  mountains  are  built  of  iron 
and  other  ores.  Side  by  side  with  this  embryo  steel 
run  beds  of  limestone  and  great  coal  fields,  the  other 
necessary  ingredients  of  a  great  iron  and  steel  manu- 
facture. And  this  magnificent  heritage  of  mineral 
wealth  is  amply  supported  by  the  quality  of  our  lands, 
wherein  huge  tracts  of  the  best  sheep  country  to  be 
found  in  any  part  of  the  world  are  interspersed  with 
great  areas  of  agricultural  soils  which  can  grow  our 
every  requirement  in  cereal  or  fruit;  from  oats  and 
barley  to  sugarcane  and  coffee;  from  the  apple  and 
the  gooseberry  to  oranges,  pineapples  and  bananas. 

Yet  with  all  this  enormous  mass  of  raw  materials, 
our  population  is  sparse  and  our  manufactories  few. 
Our  minerals  have  fed  people  in  every  quarter  of  the 
globe,  while  the  unemployed  have  cried  to  us  in  thou- 
sands in  our  own  country.  Our  wool  is  sent  away  for 
manufacture,  much  of  it  not  even  scoured  in  the  country 
of  its  production.  Not  a  ton  of  steel  has  yet  been  made 
from  native  ores,  and  our  copper  and  tin  are  sent  abroad 
in  ingots  to  return  over  the  sea  made  up  by  alien 
laborers  into  all  the  various  things  of  our  daily  need. 
Even  much  of  the  food  we  eat  is  still  imported,  while 
our  coal  has  gone  to  feed  the  mills  of  America,  India 
and  Japan. 

But  a  change  is  at  hand.  The  interstate  barriers, 
which  have  isolated  our  people  into  small  sections,  are 
about  to  fall,  and  with  a  scientific  policy,  framed  prob- 
ably on  the  lines  which  in  the  great  republic  of  America 
produce  revenue  for  the  government,  and  foster  and 
protect  the  industries  of  the  people,  the  Australian 
commonwealth  will  increase  in  as  great  a  ratio  as  its 
transoceanic  friend  and  cousin.  Our  lands  now  idle, 
or  merely  running  sheep  on  stations  as  large  as  English 


counties,  and  sometimes  as  many  of  them  put  together, 
will  be  made  to  blossom  out  with  corn  and  wine. 

"Our  own  we  love;  others  we  do  not  hate, 
"But  loving  best  our  own  we  make  their  fate 

"Our  first  concern; 

'  'And,  by  the  way  we  love  our  own  dear  land, 
"And,  by  the  wisdom  make  to  govern  her, 
"We  show  the  world  the  fruit  of  these  is  joy, 
"And  so  by  precept  lead  all  on  to  good; 
"Till  truth  omnipotent  reigns  everywhere, 
"And  by  his  offsprings:  justice,  wisdom,  love, 
"And  by  his  grandchildren,  joy  and  charity, 
"Makes  tears  more  scarce  than  the  most  precious  pearl, 
1  'And  destitution  quite  a  thing  unknown ; 
"While  sorrow  only  comes  to  guide  those  back 
"Who  stray  from  wisdom's  path; 
"And  pain  and  hatred,  like  white-feathered  crows, 
"Are  very  scarce  indeed. 
'  'Thus  you  can  see  by  loving  best  our  own 
"Immediate  friends,  we  best  do  serve  the  world." 

A  mordant  illustration  of  what  such  a  policy  will 
mean  to  our  young  nation  was  furnished  a  year  or  two 
ago  by  our  railway  commissioners,  themselves  pro- 
fessed free-traders  but  believing  in  good  business 
through  and  through.  They  set  out  to  show  how  much 
better  it  would  be  for  the  railways  if  our  lands  were 
used  for  agricultural  pursuits  instead  of  being  confined 
to  pastoral  industries.  They  said : 

"The  following  rough  estimate  of  the  value  to  the 
railways  of  10,000  acres  of  land  under  cultivation,  as 
against  10,000  acres  of  land  employed  for  running 
sheep,  will  strongly  illustrate  this  point.  A  distance 
of  300  miles  from  Sydney  has  been  adopted  in  each 

Agricultural  Result 

"The  average  yield  over  the  whole  colony  for  the 
past  three  years  has  been  12 ^  bushels  per  acre: 

26                                   GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 


"Which  gives  3,304  tons  at  $3.5o'per  ton  $11,564.00 

"Carriage  of  wheat  bags 423.67 

"Machinery  and  implements  of  all  kinds, 
binder  twine,  etc.,  materials  for  re- 
pairs, etc.,  1,750.00 

"Rations,  clothing,  etc.,  for  one  man  for 

every  100  acres — 100  men     ....  1,990.00 


"No  allowance  is  made  for  families  or  for  travel- 
ing upon  the  railways,  which  would  be  a  fair  additional 

"If  the  crops  were  reaped  and  the  straw  sent  to 
market,  a  large  additional  revenue  would  result. 

Pastoral  Result 

"Average  of  the  whole  colony  gives  one 
sheep  to  2  1-5  acres — n  tons  of  wool, 
at  $i 8  (5j£  Ibs.  per  sheep)  ....  $198.00 

"Increase  of  the  flock  to  be  reduced  by  25 
per  cent,  each  year  by  trucking  to 
market  or  by  boiling  down,  say  600 
sheep  trucked  and  525  boiled  down  221.08 

"Woolpacks,  rations  for  one  man  for 
every  4,000  sheep  continuously,  and 
two  men  for  14  days  per  1,000  sheep 
at  shearing  time 33-25 


'  'In  this  instance  a  higher  average  is  adopted  for 
the  stock  sent  by  rail  than  is  found  to  be  the  usual  re- 
sult. No  proper  estimate  can  be  arrived  at  in  regard 
to  materials  for  improvements  required  in  the  future, 
as  the  requirements  in  this  respect  will  now  be  com- 
paratively small,  owing  to  the  majority  of  the  runs 

igoi.]          THE  A  USTRALIAN  COMMONWEALTH  27 

having  completed  their  fencing,  etc.,  maintenance  sup- 
plies only  in  future  being  required.  Allowing  $100  per 
annum  for  each  10,000  acres  for  material  of  this  kind, 
an  occasional  wool  press,  etc.,  it  gives  a  total  revenue 
of  $550  per  10,000  acres,  as  against  $15,727  per  10,000 
acres  under  crop." 

Now  agricultural  settlement  depends  ultimately  on 
being  able  to  find  a  market  for  the  produce,  and  the 
market  depends  on  having  population  to  eat  up  what  is 
grown.  And  the  population  cannot  eat  unless  it  is  em- 
ployed ;  and  to  employ  the  people  manufactures  both 
numerous  and  varied  must  be  founded  and  carried  on. 
And  only  protection  can  give  us  these. 

Again,  with  the  restricted  market  afforded  by  one 
colony  only,  there  has  never  been  sufficient  inducement 
to  invest  capital  in  the  manufacture  of  iron  and  steel  on 
a  commercial  scale.  But  the  inauguration  of  the 
commonwealth  has  changed  all  that.  Already  a  Sie- 
mens' steel  furnace  has  commenced,  although  working 
mainly  on  scrap,  while  one  of  our  best  citizens  is  now 
in  England  busily  organizing  a  great  company  to  work 
our  rich  deposits  of  which  the  government  statistician 
says:  "Every  natural  advantage  possessed  by  the  great 
iron  and  machine  producing  countries  of  the  world — 
such  as  England,  America  and  Belgium — is  also  present 
here.  Not  only  are  the  iron  and  coal  deposited  in 
abundance,  and  in  positions  easily  accessible  and  readily 
worked,  but,  as  pointed  out  previously  in  this  work 
('  Wealth  and  Progress  of  N.  S.  W.'),  the  local  iron  ore 
is  exceedingly  rich."  And  what  is  true  of  iron  is  true 
of  copper,  of  tin,  of  silver,  of  lead,  of  zinc  and  of  every 
metal  or  mineral  commercially  valuable.  And  so  with 
our  abundant  wool,  our  easily  grown  cotton,  and  so  on 
through  all  the  long  list  of  our  wonderful  resources. 

Protection  will  be  to  us  the  magician's  wand  which 
will  set  hammer  to  ring  on  anvil,  make  the  wheels  to 


revolve,  the  shuttles  to  whirr,  and  the  hum  of  busy  in- 
dustry to  sound  through  all  our  land,  covered  with 
smiling  fields  and  happy  homes. 

Then  indeed  shall  we  take  our  place  among  the 
nations  of  the  world,  and,  in  the  great  world 
market,  compete  in  friendly  rivalry  with  even 
the  great  republic  of  the  West.  Then  shall  we 
found,  not  only  the  great  and  mighty  nation  (phrase 
beloved  of  post-prandial  orators),  but  establish  within 
our  borders  the  most  desired  and  desirable  thing  on 
earth,  a  prosperous,  a  happy  and  a  contented  people. 
Then  may  we  realize  the  pregnant  words  of  Went- 
worth,  who,  with  prophetic  glance,  wrote  some  fifty 
years  ago : 

"And,  oh  Britannia!    Shouldst  thou  cease  to  ride 

"Despotic  Empress  of  old  Ocean's  tide: 

"Should  thy  tamed  lion — spent  his  former  might — 

"No  longer  roar,  the  terror  of  the  fight: 

"Should  e'er  arrive  that  dark,  disastrous  hour, 

"When  bowed  by  luxury,  thou  yield'st  to  power; 

'  'When  thou  no  longer  freest  of  the  free, 

"To  some  proud  victor  bend'st  the  vanquished  knee: 

"May  all  thy  glories  in  another  sphere 

"Relume,  and  shine  more  brightly  still  than  here: 

"May  this,  thy  last  born  infant — then  arise 

"To  glad  thy  heart,  and  greet  thy  parent  eyes; 

"And  Australasia  float,  with  flag  unfurl' d, 

'  'A  new  Britannia  in  another  world !  " 


The  new  federation  of  the  Australian  colonies  con- 
stitutes essentially  a  new  republic.  The  link  that  still 
connects  it  with  Great  Britain  is  formal  and  perfunc- 
tory, and  does  not  affect  the  internal  affairs  of  the 
commonwealth.  Australia  is  in  many  respects  similar 
to  the  United  States.  It  has  hitherto  consisted  of  six 
British  colonies  which,  like  the  early  colonies  in  this 
country,  have  been  extremely  jealous  of  each  other  and 
always  on  guard  to  protect  their  own  rights,  political  as 
well  as  industrial.  The  progress  in  Australia  has  been 
exceptionally  great,  in  many  respects  no  less  extraor- 
dinary than  the  progress  in  this  country.  The  spirit 
and  principle  of  democracy  have  pervaded  the  entire 
political  structure  of  all  the  colonies,  and  their  practical 
advantages  in  self-government  have  been  well-nigh 

In  the  industrial  development  of  Australia,  the 
influence  of  the  United  States  and  of  England  have  been 
perceptible.  New  South  Wales  followed  closely  the 
English  idea- of  economic  policy  and  adopted  free  trade. 
Victoria  was  more  influenced  by  the  American  idea  and 
adopted  protection.  In  labor  legislation  the  English 
influence  and  example  have  been  very  great.  The 
eight-hour  system  has  long  been  an  established  fact  in 
Australia,  in  which  it  may  be  said  to  have  led  the 
world.  Wages  in  Australia  have  been  higher  than  in 
any  other  country ;  in  this  respect  surpassing  even  the 
United  States,  although  doubtless  representing  a  some- 
what smaller  purchasing  power  per  dollar. 

High  wages  and  short  hours  always  mean  political 
and  economic  progress.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore, 
to  find  that  the  progress  of  Australia  towards  political 
democracy,  advanced  forms  of  individual  freedom  and 



intelligent  public  policy,  has  been  marked,  constructive 
and  rational.  Under  such  influences  integrating  forces 
naturally  operate.  Accordingly,  with  the  close  of  the 
nineteenth  century  we  find  this  community  of  English 
colonies  blooming  forth  into  an  integrated  common- 
wealth under  a  truly  democratic  form  of  government 
and  constitution.  Happily,  this  consummation  has 
been  brought  about  not  by  war  or  revolution  but  by 
industrial  development  and  natural  political  evolution. 
The  labor  movement  has  had  its  wholesome  influence 
on  Australian  industrial  conditions,  and  the  policy  of 
protection  has  had  its  wholesome  influence  upon  public 
policy,  so  as  practically  to  destroy  that  fetich  of  free 
trade  which  denies  the  right  of  a  nation  to  use  its  polit- 
ical institutions  to  stimulate,  enlarge  and  protect  the 
economic  opportunities  of  its  own  people.  Along  the 
lines  of  rational  protective  ideas,  wholesome  labor  pol- 
icy and  truly  democratic  representative  institutions, 
Australia,  not  with  the  antagonism  but  with  the  sym- 
pathy and  cooperation  of  the  English  people  and  gov- 
ernment, has  evolved  from  six  segregated  colonies  into 
an  integrated  commonwealth  and  virtual  republic. 

We  have  the  honor  of  publishing  in  this  number 
an  article  on  the  Australian  Commonwealth  from  the 
pen  of  Hon.  William  Francis  Schey.  Mr.  Schey  has 
been  conspicuously  identified  with  the  recent  movement 
towards  Australian  federation.  He  was  a  member  of 
parliament  in  New  South  Wales,  and  is  a  leading  pro- 
tectionist, being  general  secretary  of  the  National 
Protective  Union,  president  of  the  New  South  Wales 
board  of  labor  commissioners,  and  otherwise  conspicu- 
ously identified  with  recent  progressive  economic  and 
political  movements.  Mr.  Schey  is  peculiarly  well 
fitted  to  write  upon  what  he  calls  "  The  New  Nation," 
which  is  of  special  and  suggestive  interest  to  every 
citizen  of  the  United  States. 



Allowing  that  the  revolting  Chinese  drama  pre- 
sents racial  animosity  in  its  crudest  and  most  barbaric 
form,  not  since  the  civil  war  have  questions  of  race  and 
color  entered  more  largely  into  the  affairs  of  the  west- 
ern hemisphere.  Politics  and  religion  undoubtedly 
have  had  a  hand  in  the  world-imbroglio  of  the  Orient. 
Religious  proselytism,  however,  cannot  be  assigned  as 
a  cause  of  effects  all  too  evident  this  side  of  the  Atlan- 
tic Ocean. 

Perhaps  the  question  of  race  and  privilege  assumes 
specific  importance  as  it  concerns  either  the  southern 
or  northern  states.  Each  section,  it  may  be  supposed, 
looks  at  the  matter  from  its  own  point  of  view.  But  to 
expect  that  a  disfranchisement  process  of  the  North 
Carolina  stamp  can  make  for  the  homogeneity  of  the 
nation  is  to  ignore  morality.  Political  aggrandizement 
here  stands  sponsor  for  a  move  recently  treated  of  ex- 
haustively in  the  public  prints. 

Since  the  cry  of  Anglo-American  cooperation  arises 
every  now  and  then  when  questions  affecting  both  na- 
tions are  at  issue,  why  not  examine  how  each  country 
may  benefit  the  other  in  solving  the  problem  of  race 
and  color  ?  No  other  two  countries  have  been  con- 
fronted in  a  like  degree  with  racial  intricacies.  Both 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  have  had  dealings 
with  the  African  race  antedating  emancipation. 

How  much,  then,  has  the  British  empire  to  teach 
those  responsible  for  the  stewardship  of  the  Afro- 
Americans  ?  In  how  far  can  the  rule  of  Britannia  over 
its  colored  subjects  find  even  partial  application  as  it 


32  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

concerns  the  right  of  suffrage  due  the  American  negro  ? 
The  query  teems  with  vital  significance ;  the  more  so 
since  the  answer  at  best  can  be  but  a  superior  sort  of 
interrogation.  Almost  within  speaking  distance  of 
each  other,  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  are 
working  for  the  solution  of  the  color  problem.  Whether 
greater  success  has  crowned  the  efforts  of  the  empire  or 
the  republic  is  left  for  the  consideration  of  such  who 
know  what  the  United  States  has  done  for  the  colored 
people  in  the  past.  The  North  Carolina  disfranchise- 
ment  blunder  need  not  necessarily  stand  out  too  boldly 
against  a  background  which  may  as  yet  be  blended  into 
a  harmonious  whole. 

Of  the  several  British  colonies  in  the  West  Indies, 
none  offer  a  better  opportunity  for  studying  the  negro 
problem  than  Jamaica.  Few,  if  any,  possessions  of  the 
empire  have  been  the  scene  of  greater  strife  and  vicis- 
situde. How  great  a  factor  the  negro  has  continued  in 
the  existence  of  the  island  the  history  of  Jamaica  bears 

James  Anthony  Froude  visited  Jamaica  almost  fif- 
teen years  ago.  The  itinerary  included  the  greater 
portion  of  the  British  West  Indies  and  a  cursory  glance 
or  two  bestowed  on  Hayti.  The  late  historian  went, 
as  he  afterwards  said,  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  his 
knowledge  of  the  British  colonies.  The  people  of  Ja- 
maica, whites,  blacks  and  browns,  are  not  yet  done  dis- 
cussing Mr.  Froude  and  what  he  gave  utterance  to  as  a 
result  of  his  journey  to  the  Antilles  and  the  Caribbean 
Sea.  Without  reservation  it  is  charged  in  many  quar- 
ters that  the  negrophilism  of  the  eminent  historian  is 
not  altogether  luminous.  That  Mr.  Froude  did  not 
consider  negro  suffrage  of  whatever  kind  desirable  for 
the  British  colony  is  evident  enough  from  what  he 
wrote  about  Jamaica  and  the  negroes. 

The  north  coast  of  the  island  offers  essential  advan- 


tages  for  the  study  of  existing  conditions.  Between 
Port  Antonio  and  Montego  Bay  the  Caribbean  Sea 
washes  a  stretch  of  country  prodigiously  rich  in  na- 
ture's attributes.  And  it  is  in  Portland  parish  that  the 
colored  race  is  now  demonstrating  its  capacity  for 
partly  working  out  its  own  salvation.  The  white 
minority  in  this  section  is  doing  all  it  can  to  aid  the 
others  in  their  task. 

Port  Antonio  fifteen  years  ago  did  not  aspire  to  the 
importance  which  now  makes  of  the  town  the  greatest 
fruit-shipping  port  of  Jamaica.  But  since  Americans 
were  already  acting  as  the  redeeming  agency  of  the 
northern  coast ;  since  what  was  then  the  Boston  Fruit 
Company — now  the  United  Fruit  Company— employed 
a  large  number  of  blacks  on  its  plantations,  the  re- 
nowned author  of  "  The  English  in  the  West  Indies" 
would  have  done  well  in  visiting  Port  Antonio  before 
he  published  his  work.  The  railroad  did  not  then  con- 
nect the  town  with  Kingston  to  the  south,  it  may  be 
argued,  but,  without  necessarily  championing  the  cause 
of  the  negro,  a  writer  should  take  every  feature  into 
consideration  when  to  gain  and  disseminate  knowledge 
is  the  twofold  purpose.  The  capital  of  a  country  is 
never  the  place  where  the  native  pulse  beats  in  unison 
with  its  normal  self. 

The  Spanish- American  war  came  home  to  the  Ja- 
maicans as  a  conflict  the  result  of  which  would  be  of 
more  than  passing  interest  to  them.  To  the  colored 
population  in  particular  the  aid  in  behalf  of  Cuba  ap- 
pealed as  some  fin  de  siecle  emancipation.  Fifty  odd 
years  before,  the  efforts  of  Wilberforce  and  others  of 
his  mind  gave  freedom  to  the  negroes  of  Jamaica.  The 
Spanish  yoke,  as  it  concerned  the  Cubans,  in  the  eyes 
of  the  blacks  and  browns,  did  not  seem  one  whit  less 
oppressive  than  the  slavery  of  yore,  into  which  many 
of  those  living  had  been  born.  For  which  reason  the 

34  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

advent  of  the  stars  and  stripes  in  the  Caribbean  Sea  was 
hailed  joyfully  by  the  Afro-Jamaicans. 

Landing  at  Port  Antonio,  colored  quarantine  offi- 
cers inspect  the  steamer.  The  custom-house  officials 
likewise  are  of  the  colored  race.  It  is  the  first  encoun 
ter  with  representatives  of  the  crown,  and  on  the  very 
threshold  of  Jamaica,  therefore,  the  opportunity  is  pre 
sented  of  studying  the  color  problem.  Colored  clerks  are 
busily  at  work  in  the  long  room,  occupied  jointly  by  the 
custom-house  and  the  colonial  bank  which  has  a  branch 
here  at  Port  Antonio.  Deft  fingers  ply  the  ledgers. 
Pounds  and  shillings  and  pence  pass  over  the  counters. 
From  the  darkest  hue  to  the  lightest  brown  the  ensem- 
ble indicates  that  the  British  government  considers  its 
colored  subjects  fit  to  transact  part  of  its  business.  No 
fault  is  to  be  found  with  the  treatment  bestowed  on 
the  traveler.  If  now  and  then  a  tinge  of  officiousness 
creeps  in  it  is  nothing  more  serious  than  what  may  be 
met  with  where  the  representatives  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment are  white  instead  of  black.  The  colored 
official  in  Jamaica  cannot  be  blamed  entirely  for  desir- 
ing to  impress  on  the  visitor  that  he  considers  himself 
a  trifle  superior  to  those  of  his  own  race  in  the  United 
States.  Of  course  his  opinion  of  the  colored  people  of 
the  North  is  based  largely  on  what  he  has  read  concern- 
ing the  negro  disfranchisement.  But  he  is  perfectly 
familiar  with  the  name  of  Booker  T.Washington  and  the 
importance  of  institutions  like  Tuskegee  Institute  and 
the  Hampton  Training  School .  And  there  is  not  the  least 
doubt  that  whether  black  or  brown  the  negro  of  Jamaica 
sees  in  his  anterior  emancipation  a  proof  positive  that 
he  is  somewhat  in  advance  of  his  colored  brethren  in 
the  United  States.  He  takes  pride  in  knowing  that 
progress  has  attended  the  march  of  his  race  under  the 
stars  and  stripes.  But  he  is  not  willing  to  concede  this 
progress  to  be  equal  with  his  own.  He  now  and  then 


strikes  up  an  argument  which  from  his  point  of  view, 
presumably,  is  conclusive.  In  this  matter  of  excellence 
and  priority  his  traits  are  characteristically  provincial. 
This  is  said  in  no  sense  of  disparagement. 

In  the  matter  of  shedding  fresh  light  on  the  color 
problem  of  Jamaica  the  writer  had  to  proceed  somewhat 
differently  than  anticipated.  To  make  a  logical  begin- 
ning it  was  the  intention  to  show  how  the  negro  had 
been  brought  from  his  native  land  a  slave ;  how  he  had 
been  instrumental  in  cultivating  the  colony  these  hun- 
dred of  years  since ;  what  was  his  condition  before  and 
after  emancipation,  and  what  changes  for  better  or  for 
worse  had  been  wrought  in  his  material  and  mental 
make-up  since  he  had  been  granted  his  freedom.  It 
was  the  purpose  to  begin  with  the  peasant  and  the  soil 
and  rise  gradually  upward.  But,  as  it  happened, the  first 
representatives  of  the  race  to  be  met  with  were  such  as 
held  important  government  positions,  and  their  case,  as 
it  were,  had  to  be  disposed  of  first.  Between  the  two 
are  other  grades,  each  a  factor  in  the  development  of 
the  colony  and  the  colored  race.  Even  the  coolies  be- 
long by  rights  under  the  color  caption. 

During  the  Spanish- American  war  the  large  colored 
population  of  Port  Antonio  and  surrounding  country 
evinced  a  more  than  passing  interest  in  the  momentous 
happenings  to  the  north  of  the  Caribbean  Sea.  Since 
then  the  interest  in  all  that  concerns  Cuba  and  the 
United  States  has  increased  twofold.  Port  Antonio  ly- 
ing directly  to  the  north  of  the  island,  which  was  form- 
erly Spain's,  news  of  importance  nearly  always  found  its 
way  here  before  reaching  other  points  in  Jamaica.  In 
common  with  the  white  residents  the  colored  popula- 
tion became  keenly  alive  to  all  that  transpired  in  Cuba 
and  Porto  Rico,  especially  since  thousands  of  blacks 
•and  browns  were  about  to  be  relieved  of  the  Spanish 
yoke.  Then  came  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  Cuba  was 

86  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

brought  under  the  protecting  wings  of  the  United  States, 
and  now  the  Jamaica  negro  is  anxious  to  know  what 
political  freedom  will  be  given  his  brother  in  Cuba  in 
case  independence  is  not  granted  the  island.  With  his 
left  eye  resting  on  some  of  the  southern  states,  where 
the  disfranchisement  plan  is  advocated,  he  cannot  help 
glancing  to  the  right  as  well  where  Hayti  is  presenting 
a  spectacle  anything  but  edifying  as  regards  self  gov- 
ernment. It  is  true  that  the  Haytians  are  not  concern- 
ing themselves  with  the  outside  world,  but  the  negro  at 
large  has  a  right  to  inquire  what  his  colored  brother  in 
Hayti  is  doing  for  his  own  elevation.  More  so  since 
here  the  race  is  working  out  its  own  salvation,  let  the 
latter  term  be  rightly  applied  or  otherwise. 

Speak  to  a  Jamaica  negro  of  average  intelligence 
about  Hayti  and  the  Haytians  and  he  at  once  professes 
his  allegiance  to  the  queen.  Not  that  there  are  wanting 
those  who  look  to  independence  as  the  saving  clause, 
but  the  better  element  is  of  a  different  mind  and  spurns 
in  unmistakable  language  the  idea  that  annexation  to 
the  United  States  is  for  the  best  of  the  island.  In  this 
respect  the  sentiment  of  the  colored  people  has  under- 
gone a  marked  change  during  the  past  decade. 

Of  the  more  than  700,000  inhabitants  of  the  island 
about  17,000  are  whites.  This  may  seem  the  reason 
then  why  so  many  negroes  are  found  in  the  pro- 
fessions, the  arena  of  commerce  and  in  similar  walks  of 
life.  As  artisans  they  are  also  much  in  evidence,  and, 
as  a  matter  of  course,  all  heavy  labor  is  performed  by 
them.  But  while  numerical  strength  may  have  consid- 
erable to  do  with  their  success  in  the  higher  branches 
of  existence  the  Jamaica  negroes  know  only  too  well 
that  but  for  education  they  could  never  have  attained 
to  positions  which  are  seldom  reached  by  the  race 
anywhere  else.  Whether  on  the  plantations  or  at  the  * 
docks  it  is  difficult  to  find  a  negro  who  cannot  at  least 


read  or  write.     With  a  rudimentary  foundation  the  rest 
is  easier. 

The  color  question  of  the  island  in  reality  presents  a 
problem  within  a  problem.  To  an  outsider,  at  any 
rate,  there  exists  a  distinct  division  between  the  blacks 
and  the  browns.  The  latter  as  might  be  guessed  are 
those  of  mixed  race,  and  not  infrequently  the  browns 
are  referred  to  in  Jamaica  as  the  colored  people.  The 
Maroons,  the  descendants  of  Carib  Indians  and  negroes, 
should  not  be  confounded  with  the  browns  having 
Caucasian  blood  in  their  veins. 

Not  once  but  a  number  of  times  the  writer  while  in 
Jamaica  observed  how  the  blacks  and  browns  looked 
upon  themselves  as  individually  superior  to  the  others. 
There  is  hardly  a  doubt  that  the  pure  blacks  consider 
the  browns  as  great  a  danger  to  their  race  as  the 

Market  day  at  Port  Antonio  brings  together  every 
type  of  the  negro  race.  The  streets  are  crowded  with 
people  in  picturesque  costumes.  The  country  folks 
passing  up  and  down  are  almost  invariably  of  the  pure 
negro  class.  The  women  are  in  the  majority  and 
balancing  heavy  baskets  on  their  heads  they  appear 
splendid  specimens  of  their  sex  as  they  pass  by.  The 
black  policemen  look  like  statues  in  their  spotless 
uniforms  of  white. 

In  conversation  with  a  colored  merchant  the  writer 
was  reminded  of  what  is  told  of  Li  Hung  Chang  when 
the  shrewd  Chinese  diplomat  is  being  interviewed. 
The  Celestial  statesman,  it  is  affirmed,  instead  of  being 
interviewed  turns  himself  interviewer.  The  Jamaica 
merchant  was  approached  for  the  purpose  of  learning 
certain  phases  of  the  situation  with  which  he  was  said 
to  be  familiar  to  a  high  degree.  It  is  true  that  much 
was  gained  by  the  conversation  which  ensued,  but 
there  was  evident  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  other  to 

38  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

learn  all  he  could  about  those  of  his  own  race  in  the 
United  States,  even  before  he  would  commit  himself. 

"In  the  interest  of  my  business  I  go  to  the  states 
twice  a  year,"  he  said.  "  But  while  there  I  have  not 
much  opportunity  to  study  the  color  question.  How- 
ever, I  feel  that  we  of  Jamaica  have  not  a  great  deal  to 
complain  of  as  concerns  our  contact  with  the  whites. 
Of  course,  here  in  Port  Antonio  you  can  only  see  one 
side  of  the  question,  since  the  blacks  and  browns  are  so 
greatly  in  the  majority  that  you  will  find  us  in  every 
avocation.  But  even  when  you  get  to  Kingston  you 
will  find  that  the  negro  is  perfectly  able  to  keep  step 
with  his  white  brother  of  the  capital.  Some  of  the 
most  eminent  lawyers  for  instance  are  of  my  race." 

In  speaking  of  the  color  problem  the  merchant 
affirmed  that  whites,  Cubans,  blacks  and  browns  were 
members  of  the  several  secret  societies  to  which  he 
himself  belonged.  As  to  the  real  social  intercourse 
between  the  races  there  is  a  line  drawn,  although  not  as 
definable  as  in  the  United  States,  he  confessed. 

The  railroad  between  Port  Antonio  and  Kingston 
furnishes  another  chapter  of  information  anent  the 
colored  people  of  the  island.  It  is  not  our  purpose, 
however,  to  dwell  on  the  rolling  stock,  what  manner  of 
roadbed  is  furnished  or  what  the  distance  between 
Port  Antonio  and  the  capital  to  the  south  of  the 
island.  A  more  graphic  pen  than  the  present  might 
be  able  to  picture  adequately  the  magnificent  landscape 
through  which  the  train  speeds  towards  its  destination. 
The  personnel  of  the  train  and  the  passengers,  how- 
ever, came  entirely  within  the  purpose  of  the  journey 
undertaken  by  the  writer.  From  fireman  to  conductor 
the  crew  was  composed  of  negroes.  Except  for  a  few 
persons  the  passengers  were  blacks  and  browns. 

The  conductor  volunteered  considerable  informa- 
tion as  to  the  relationship  between  the  white  and 


colored  passengers  in  general.  The  Jamaica  Railroad 
has  first  and  second-class  carriages,  and  color  is  no  bar 
to  either.  In  fact,  while  many  of  the  whites  travel 
second-class,  blacks  and  browns  not  infrequently  fill 
the  first-class  carriages.  On  this  first  railroad  journey 
to  Kingston  the  writer  had  as  fellow  passenger  a 
colored  overseer  of  a  large  plantation,  and  the  informa- 
tion gained  from  him  remains  not  the  least  valuable 
material  gathered  in  the  island.  What  he  had  to  say 
about  the  peasant  class  proved  him  in  possession  of 
logic  and  acumen. 

In  the  United  States  the  color  question  comes  most 
strongly  to  the  fore  where  those  of  different  races  meet 
in  public  places.  As  for  Jamaica,  it  was  to  be  expected 
that  whatever  animosity  prevailed  would  find  antagon- 
istic expression  where  whites  and  negroes  were  sup- 
posed to  meet  on  common  ground.  The  writer  recalls 
an  incident  which,  while  strikingly  unique  to  a  stranger, 
offers  a  fair  example  of  what  can  be  met  with  frequently 
in  the  British  colony. 

It  was  on  the  evening  of  a  dramatic  performance  at 
the  Theater  Royal,  Kingston.  The  amateur  talent  of 
the  city  was  to  give  a  benefit  for  the  fund  for  the  wid- 
ows and  orphans  of  soldiers  who  had  fallen  in  the 
Transvaal  war.  A  large  audience  had  gathered  to  pay 
tribute  to  the  valor  of  the  British  army.  The  military 
band  was  playing  a  stirring  battle  piece  and  the  curtain 
was  about  to  rise.  The  writer  was  interested  in  the 
mixed  assemblage  which  from  the  point  of  fashion 
would  have  done  credit  to  an  audience  at  the  Metropol- 
itan Opera- House  on  a  gala  night.  Magnificent  types 
of  Creole  women,  handsome  dark-skinned  mulattoes  and 
men  and  women  of  the  pure  negro  type  were  scattered 
throughout  the  lower  floor  and  occupied  conspicuous 
boxes  in  the  balcony.  Sir  Augustus  Hemmings,  gov- 
ornor  of  Jamaica,  was  in  the  official  box  with  Lady 

40  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

Hemtnings  and  other  members  of  the  family.  Suddenly, 
attention  was  directed  toward  the  rear  of  the  auditorium. 
Down  the  center  strode  a  couple,  the  man  six  feet  tall 
and  black  as  ebony,  the  woman  a  perfect  blonde.  Like 
some  modern  Othello  and  his  fair  Desdemona  the  couple 
reached  their  seats  where  the  removal  of  the  woman's 
opera  cloak  revealed  a  form  which  stood  in  striking  con- 
trast to  that  of  her  escort  who  looked  almost  inky  black 
from  head  to  foot,  except  for  his  immaculate  shirt  front. 

The  man  now  rose  and  bowing  toward  the  govern- 
or's box  gave  intimation  that  the  occupants  were  no 
strangers  to  him.  Then  he  turned  aside  and  spoke  to 
some  one  sitting  next  to -him. 

"Rather  a  difference  in  complexion,"  remarked  a 
typical  Creole  sitting  near  the  writer.  "  Even  to  us  such 
a  contrast  is  not  an  everyday  occurence." 

It  transpired  that  the  negro  was  one  of  the  foremost 
jurists  on  the  island  and  that  he  had  recently  married 
in  England.  His  wife,  who  belonged  to  a  prominent 
family  in  the  country  across  the  sea,  was  making  her 
initial  appearance  before  the  social  set  that  evening. 
Nothing  could  have  been  advanced  to  prove  more  con- 
clusively that  Jamaica  gives  apparent  social  recognition 
to  the  colored  race.  And  still  it  is  only  as  a  sort  of  su- 
perior toleration  that  the  negro  is  admitted  to  the 
charmed  circle  of  society.  As  in  the  United  States,  the 
color  line  would  be  drawn  tight  were  it  but  politic.  It 
is  the  knowledge  of  this  which  makes  the  Jamaica  negro 
strive  hard  to  earn  social  recognition  through  education. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  element  of  Jamaica  looks  with 
disfavor  on  intermarriage  of  the  races.  That  such  a 
practice  is  conducive  to  the  solution  of  the  color  ques- 
tion is  very  doubtful.  It  is  quite  true  that  some  of  the 
most  brilliant  mulattoes  in  the  island  testify  to  the  fact 
that  mixed  parentage  has  worked  benefit  in  their  par- 
ticular cases.  But  as  a  rule  the  admixture  of  Caucasian 


blood  is  to  be  traced  back  a  considerable  period  when 
the  negro  was  still  a  slave. 

Entirely  apart  from  the  question  of  illegitimacy, 
those  of  unmixed  race  do  not  admit  that  this  contact 
with  the  whites  has  been  an  exceptional  heritage.  The 
pure  negro  with  some  reason  says  that  since  his  lineage 
is  undisturbed  he  has  a  right  to  consider  himself  the 
superior.  On  the  other  hand  the  browns  as  a  whole 
seem  perfectly  contented  that  their  skin  in  many  in- 
stances borders  on  the  white. 

To  treat  conclusively  of  the  Jamaica  negro  is  out 
of  the  question.  The  psychology  of  the  race  as  it  per- 
tains to  the  colored  people  of  the  island  has  much  to 
differentiate  it  from  what  obtains  in  many  other  places. 
Books  of  travel  do  not  furnish  all  the  facts  about  this 
member  of  the  African  race.  The  writer  fails  to  see 
in  what  way  most  authors  have  placed  the  Jamaica 
negro  in  his  proper  light.  It  is  quite  true  that  of 
faults  he  has  many,  but  the  final  estimate  is  not 
obtained  from  some  steamer's  deck,  as  the  tourist 
merely  glances  at  the  coast  of  Jamaica  and  its  people, 
as  it  were.  Mr.  Froude  did  not  do  much  better,  even 
though  he  made  a  stay  on  the  island  and  was  enter- 
tained royally  at  the  hands  of  the  government  officials. 
It  may  be  argued  that  his  book  is  entitled  "The 
English  in  the  West  Indies.''  The  more  reason  why 
he  should  not  have  planned  beforehand  what  to  say 
about  the  blacks  and  browns  who  constitute  the  ma- 
jority. The  late  historian  did  not  consider  them  fit 
members  to  participate  in  the  affairs  of  the  local  gov- 
ernment. As  an  insular  Englishman  it  could  hardly 
be  expected  that  he  would  have  advocated  their  partici- 
pation too  strongly  ;  but  to  compare  the  Afro- Jamaicans 
with  the  Haytians  is  an  injustice  which  some  future 
historian  will  surely  correct.  And  that  is  in  reality 
how  Mr.  Froude  summed  up  his  result. 

43  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

Perhaps  the  reader  will  reach  the  conclusion  that 
the  present  article  gives  more  than  a  due  proportion  of 
credit  to  the  negro  and  omits  to  speak  adequately  of  the 
whites.  Such  a  conception  is  a  fallacy  except  so  far  as 
it  concerns  the  object  of  the  article :  to  tell  what  the 
Jamaica  negro  is  doing  for  his  own  elevation.  Many 
descriptive  books  are  in  the  market  which  will  enlighten 
the  curious  in  the  matter  of  picturesque  delineation. 
Jamaica  is  an  island  like  few  in  the  West  Indies.  As 
for  the  political  situation  it  has  been  dealt  with  every 
now  and  then.  But  the  negro  race  is  just  beginning  to 
be  a  real  factor  in  the  destiny  of  nations.  And  whether 
in  the  United  States,  the  West  Indies,  or  in  their 
native  Africa,  the  racial  bond  must  sooner  or  later  assert 
itself.  And  this,  notwithstanding  the  mulatto,  has  of 
late  become  a  sub-division  of  the  entity. 

The  schools  and  churches  of  the  island  are  fertile 
places  in  which  to  study  the  evolution  of  the  colored 
people  of  Jamaica.  Since  the  emancipation  several 
important  changes  have  been  made  in  the  educational 
system.  The  wealthier  classes  among  the  whites  in- 
variably send  their  children  to  England  to  finish  their 
education.  But  to  the  writer  it  appeared  as  if  the  spirit 
of  amicability  between  the  white  and  colored  children 
attending  the  parochial  schools  left  nothing  to  be 
desired.  There  comes  to  mind,  for  instance,  the  picture 
of  two  young  girls  walking  down  the  steps  of  a  school 
in  Kingston.  The  one  was  of  fair  complexion  with 
blonde  curls  in  profusion  around  her  head ;  the  other 
had  the  dark  features  and  woolly  hair  of  the  typical 
negro.  With  their  arms  around  each  other's  neck  the 
contrast  could  not  have  been  greater.  No  racial  ani- 
mosity could  have  rested  in  the  minds  of  these  young 
girls  at  any  rate.  Perhaps  the  case  in  point  was 
exceptional.  If  so  it  is  pleasant  to  have  witnessed  it  in 
a  season  of  such  world- wide  racial  contention. 


The  name  of  Booker  T.  Washington  has  already 
been  alluded  to.  It  is  exceedingly  doubtful  whether 
Frederick  Douglas  in  his  time  meant  much  more  to  his 
race  than  the  influence  this  masterful  negro  educator 
now  exerts  over  his  people.  It  was  to  be  supposed 
that  the  aim  and  strenuousness  of  Professor  Washing- 
ton were  quite  familiar  to  the  colored  people  of  the 
towns  and  cities  of  Jamaica,  but  even  in  the  country 
districts  his  educational  propaganda  has  taken  root,  and 
when  the  black  peasant  is  asking  questions  pertaining 
to  his  colored  brethren  in  the  United  States  he  fre- 
quently bases  his  inquiries  on  what  he  already  knows 
about  the  "  Negro  Moses"  of  the  North,  as  Booker  T. 
Washington  has  been  termed  by  his  own  people  and 
others.  When  on  that  day  at  Harvard,  five  years  ago, 
a  colored  man  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  a  New 
England  university  was  officially  honored,  the  degree 
of  master  of  arts,  conferred  by  President  Eliot,  placed 
Booker  T.  Washington  on  a  pedestal  visible  as  far 
south  as  the  British  colony  in  the  Carribbean  Sea. 
When  he  said  subsequently  that  work  and  education 
are  the  levers  by  which  the  race  is  to  be  lifted  up,  he 
may  have  given  unconscious  inspiration  to  thousands 
of  Jamaica  negroes.  For  there  is  no  doubt  that  within 
the  past  five  years  the  blacks,  who  constitute  the  labor- 
ing class,  have  gone  to  work  with  more  of  a  will  than 
in  years  gone  by.  Whatever  Booker  T.  Washington 
has  written  has  gone  straight  to  the  mark,  whether  it 
applied  locally  or  in  the  aggregate. 

Not  a  few  negroes  have  found  their  way  from 
Jamaica  to  the  United  States,  but  in  most  instances  a 
grateful  return  has  been  beaten  after  a  limited  stay. 
The  numerous  tourists  who  now  flock  to  the  island  for 
health  and  pleasure  have  perhaps  stimulated  a  desire 
on  the  part  of  the  Jamaica  negro  to  share  in  the  opu- 
lence which  most  travelers  so  openly  display.  Wages 

44  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

are  small  in  the  island  it  is  true,  but  then  again  to  the 
natives  the  living  is  inexpensive.  Narrowed  down  to 
its  due  proportion  the  colored  race  here  is  quite  as  well 
off  as  anywhere. 

Unquestionably  it  is  to  the  soil  that  the  negro  of 
the  tropical  countries  will  have  to  turn  for  his  ultimate 
salvation.  The  industrial  activity  with  which  the 
negroes  have  recently  identified  themselves  in  the 
southern  states  of  this  country  has  its  mainspring  in 
the  cultivation  of  the  cotton  fields.  In  Jamaica  and 
other  islands  of  the  West  Indies  nature  has  prepared 
the  ground  almost  in  advance.  Since  sugar  must  in 
the  future  be  confined  to  extensive  territories  under 
the  management  of  central  factories,  other  products  will 
be  found  available  to  the  peasant  class.  Bananas,  co- 
coanuts  and  other  tropical  plants  and  trees  will  be 
made  to  yield  even  more  plentifully  than  at  present. 
And  it  is  the  hope  of  a  large  number  of  negroes  that 
the  whites  will  come  to  realize  that  this  is  for  the  best 
of  all  concerned  and  not  oppose  the  peasant  proprie- 

But  who  is  to  do  the  work  of  the  larger  estates,  the 
plantations  where  labor  is  wanted  during  certain  periods 
of  the  year?  This  is  a  question  which  has  caused  no 
end  of  discussion,  and  was  solved  to  some  extent  by 
the  introduction  of  the  coolies  who  came  to  Jamaica 
under  contract  with  the  British  government.  But  since 
men  and  women  share  equally  the  labor  of  the  field, 
the  peasant,  it  is  said,  can  manage  his  own  plot  of 
ground  and  be  at  the  service  of  the  planters  when  most 
needed.  That  the  advent  of  the  coolies  has  from  the 
first  stimulated  the  negro  to  greater  effort  there  is  little 
doubt.  Patient,  saving,  the  coolie  has  told  the  negro, 
by  example  that  if  the  latter  does  not  continue  indus- 
trious the  other  will  take  his  place. 

The  writer  visited  many  country  districts  and  saw 


the  workings  of  the  peasant  proprietary  system.  Ap- 
parently the  people  are  happy  in  the  knowledge  that 
they  have  roofs  of  their  own  over  their  heads. 

The  constitution  of  Jamaica  reads  that  in  order  to 
vote  at  the  election  of  a  member  of  the  legislative 
council  for  any  of  the  electoral  districts  the  individual 
must  have  attained  the  age  of  twenty-one  years.  He 
must  be  a  British  subject  by  birth  or  naturalization, 
and  during  the  preceding  twelve  months  must  be  the 
owner  or  tenant  of  a  dwelling  house  within  the  district. 
This  applies  to  whites  and  negroes  alike  and  there  is 
no  educational  clause  inserted  for  the  reason  that  it 
could  not  find  application  since  nearly  everybody  can 
read  and  write.  Perhaps  a  certain  element  of  the  white 
population  is  not  too  enthusiastic  because  their  black 
and  brown  fellow  voters  thus  easily  qualify  themselves. 
But  the  preponderance  of  colored  voters  is  there  to 
stay  and  the  white  opponents  might  just  as  well  make 
the  best  of  it.  Careful  investigation  has  shown  that 
rather  than  put  in  nomination  one  of  their  own  color 
the  blacks  and  browns  have  chosen  a  white  candidate 
where  the  latter's  qualifications  for  the  office  have  been 
more  pronounced. 

As  for  the  cry  of  superstition,  which  so  many 
writers  raise  in  their  treatment  of  Jamaica  and  other 
West  Indian  islands,  that  perhaps  is  a  matter  which  is 
inherent  in  the  African  race.  But  not  once  during  a 
stay  of  several  months  in  Jamaica  did  the  writer  en- 
counter anything  which  would  lead  him  to  believe  that 
education  in  time  would  not  make  an  easy  conquest  of 
this  very  superstition.  Not  a  few  writers  have  at- 
tempted to  show  with  a  vengeance  that  devil  worship 
was  a  feature  of  the  Jamaica  negro  in  common  with  the 
blacks  of  Hayti.  Whatever  authority  lies  behind,  it  is 
safe  to  say  that  hearsay  is  alone  responsible.  It  is  in 
the  nature  of  the  colored  race  to  be  easily  influenced. 


But  rather  than  expose  to  view  whatever  shortcomings 
the  negro  of  Jamaica  may  possess  the  white  inhabi- 
tants should  take  pains  to  tell  the  visitors  of  his  better 
qualities.  A  parent  does  not  usually  chastise  his  child 
in  public.  Perhaps  the  Anglo-Saxon  element  of  Jamaica 
might  do  itself  a  service  by  at  any  rate  extolling  those 
qualities  and  improvements  which  the  Afro- Jamaicans 
possess  and  show.  As  for  the  United  States  and  its 
thousands  of  recently  acquired  colored  wards  in  the 
West  Indies,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  it  will  deal  con- 
scientiously with  the  negro  population  which  is  to 
witness  a  new  era  likewise  under  Anglo-Saxon  steward- 


The  next  great  public  movement  in  this  country  is 
destined  to  be  in  the  field  of  municipal  politics.  It  is 
in  the  nature  of  all  rapid  progress  that  it  moves  in 
sections.  The  first  progress  in  a  new  country  is  always 
industrial.  It  is  the  very  prosperity  of  its  industrial 
enterprise  that  brings  progress  in  all  other  phases  of 
society.  Population  centers  around  industrial  activity ; 
hence  the  development  of  manufacture  and  commerce 
brings  cities.  The  relation  of  cities  to  each  other  and 
to  agricultural  regions  brings  the  railroad  system,  and 
so  the  nation  grows  along  the  lines  of  its  industrial 
activities,  and  the  character  of  its  institutions  is  largely 
determined  by  the  nature  of  its  industries.  When  the 
industrial  progress  is  very  rapid,  especially  if  abnor- 
mally so,  the  growth  and  government  of  towns  and 
cities  are  largely  left  to  their  own  momentum. 

This  is  vividly  illustrated  in  the  sudden  growth  of 
a  mining  camp.  The  kind  of  houses,  the  conditions 
of  the  town,  the  civic  regulations,  the  sanitation,  the 
laying  out  and  care  of  the  streets,  are  for  a  time  left 
largely  to  the  individual  impulse  of  the  people,  with 
the  result  of  chaos,  disorder  and  neglect.  In  short,  all 
the  municipal  and  social  features  of  the  town  are  subor- 
dinated to  the  prime  impulse  that  brought  the  town 
into  existence,  namely,  industrial  success.  Next  to 
industrial  success,  and  largely  contemporaneous  with 
it,  comes  the  political  interest,  especially  as  affecting 
the  relation  of  the  industries  of  the  place  to  the  state  or 
national  government.  Under  these  forces,  which  are 
naturally  aggressive  in  proportion  to  the  industrial 
growth  of  the  place,  the  municipal  interests  are  for  a 
long  time  neglected. 


48  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

This  neglect  brings  a  multitude  of  vices  as  the 
town  grows.  The  lack  of  sanitation,  neglect  of  streets, 
of  proper  water  supply,  of  building  regulations,  of 
opportunities  for  education,  etc.,  begin  to  show  them- 
selves in  the  poor  character  and  unattractiveness  of  the 
town.  Politics,  which  is  an  early  development,  imme- 
diately interests  itself  in  the  police  department  because 
that  is  the  source  of  control.  The  consequence  is  that 
the  place  becomes  known  as  rich  but  crude  and  shoddy. 
It  is  characterized  as  sacrificing  civilization  to  the  dol- 
lar, its  laws  are  ill  enforced,  the  free  use  of  money  and 
purchase  of  privileges  and  bribery  of  public  officials 
become  common.  As  a  natural  consequence,  public 
attention  is  first  temporarily  and  then  permanently 
turned  to  the  improved  elevation  and  purification  of 
civic  life.  It  becomes  a  part  of  the  policy  and  politics 
to  raise  the  political  and  civic  character  of  its  institu- 
tions to  the  level  of  its  industrial  accomplishments. 
This  is  the  natural  order  of  development  under  the 
influence  of  rapid  growth,  and  hence  is  apt  to  be  char- 
acteristic of  new  "bonanza"  countries.  It  has  been 
conspicuously  illustrated  in  the  history  of  the  United 

Our  industrial  progress  has  no  parallel  in  any  other 
country,  neither  has  the  comparative  backwardness  of 
our  municipal  governments.  We  have  more  national 
wealth,  we  have  made  more  and  greater  economic 
improvements,  we  have  a  greater  degree  of  personal 
and  political  freedom,  we  have  a  higher  standard  of 
prosperity  and  individual  income  than  any  other  nation, 
and  we  have  a  lower  standard  of  civic  life,  poorer  city 
governments,  and  more  municipal  corruption  and  de- 
bauchery than  can  be  found  in  any  other  country.  This 
is  not  evidence  of  the  political  debauchery  of  the  Amer- 
ican people,  but  it  is  the  result  of  a  neglected  field  in 
our  governmental  activities.  The  national  energy  has 


been  devoted  to  other  fields,  and  in  these  unequalled 
success  has  been  accomplished. 

The  admittedly  higher  standard  of  municipal  gov- 
ernment in  Europe  is  easily  accounted  for  by  the  fact 
that  the  progress  in  European  countries  has  been  more 
uniform,  because  it  has  been  much  slower  than  in  the 
United  States.  The  progress  has  been  more  homo- 
geneous and  more  gradual,  it  has  taken  no  great  spurts, 
either  in  industry,  population,  form  of  government  or 
other  conditions.  Its  several  nations  have  practically 
no  alien  population,  no  "trust ''  problem,  no  free  silver 
agitation  and  no  Tammanys,  because  it  has  had  no 
extraordinary  industrial  expansion,  which  within  a 
single  decade  called  into  existence  new  municipalities 
and  sometimes  new  states.  The  city  of  London,  for 
instance,  has  had  its  charter  nearly  a  thousand  years. 

During  the  first  half  of  the  present  century  the 
industrial  development  of  this  country  was  compara- 
tively normal,  the  diversification  of  industry  was  slight, 
cities  grew  slowly,  and  municipal  government  kept 
comparative  pace  with  the  growth  of  national  institu- 
tions. Tammany  administrations  were  practically  un- 
known. It  was  not  until  after  the  war,  A, hen  the 
extraordinary  growth  of  industry  came,  with  multipli- 
cation of  manufactures,  almost  magical  appearance  of 
cities  and  conversion  of  small  cities  into  large  ones, 
that  the  field  of  municipal  activities  came  to  be  rela- 
tively neglected.  It  is  not  that  municipal  interest 
became  less,  but  that  it  failed  to  grow  apace  with  the 
industrial  expansion  and  urbanization  of  population. 
We  have  now  reached  the  point,  however,  where  the 
problem  of  municipal  government  with  all  it  implies 
must  receive  national  attention  or  its  very  neglect  will 
react  upon  our  industrial  progress. 

The  debauchery  and  corruption  developed  in  our 
municipal  life  has  already  begun  to  spread  into  the  field 

50  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

of  state  and  national  politics.  At  the  present  rate  of 
city  growth,  before,  the  first  quarter  of  the  twentieth 
century  is  closed,  the  majority  of  the  voters  of  the 
nation  will  probably  be  in  the  cities  and  large  towns, 
and  the  national  government  will  be  controlled  by  the 
methods  and  forces  that  govern  the  municipalities. 

The  national  questions  of  immediate  importance,  if 
not  yet  solved  have  been  put  beyond  the  point  of  immi- 
nent danger.  The  tariff  question,  for  instance,  though 
not  scientifically  settled,  may  be  regarded  as  safely  dis- 
posed of  for  the  next  few  years.  The  gold  standard 
has  been  established  and  the  stability  of  our  monetary 
system  practically  secured.  Although  much  remains 
to  be  done  to  perfect  our  banking  system,  it  is  not  in 
danger  of  revolutionary  disturbance,  so  as  to  jeopardize 
our  financial  and  business  stability.  Unfortunately, 
new  problems  have  been  injected  into  our  foreign 
policy  which  to  some  extent  will  unduly  absorb  public 
interest  and  tend  to  lessen  the  concentration  of  atten- 
tion on  domestic  affairs,  but  this  is  largely  an  affair  of 
the  national  government,  which  should  not  and  it  is  to 
IDC  hoped  will  not  be  permitted,  even  in  the  hands  of 
cunning  politicians,  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  people 
from  the  now  imperative  question  of  municipal  gov- 

New  York,  Philadelphia,  Chicago  and  other  large 
cities  have  become  the  nests  of  political  pestilence. 
They  are  the  breeding  places  of  political  ' '  Black 
Death ''  and  are  rapidly  infesting  the  atmosphere  of 
the  nation  with  their  disease-laden  germs.  There  is 
one  element,  however,  in  the  character  of  the  American 
people  which  furnishes  the  foundation  for  optimistic 
confidence ;  it  is,  that  they  generally  rise  to  the  occa- 
sion when  demanded.  They  have  occasionally  made 
mistakes,  but  when  brought  face  to  face  with  vital 
issues  involving  the  nation's  welfare  and  future  progress 


they  have  always  taken  the  highway,  though  the 
temptation  to  go  cross-lots  was  ever  so  great.  This 
feature  has  been  illustrated  in  the  last  two  national 
elections.  The  people— the  masses — upon  whom  the 
sophistry  of  quack  statesmanship  is  expected  to  have 
the  greatest  influence,  who  are  the  victims  of  industrial 
dislocation  and  come  most  directly  in  touch  with  the 
disadvantages  and  receive  the  meager  end  of  the  bene- 
fits of  industrial  and  social  institutions,  are  naturally 
expected  to  lend  the  most  willing  ear  to  drastic  meas- 
ures and  even  to  revolution.  But  in  1896,  and  again  in 
1900,  although  in  sympathy  with  much  that  was  pre- 
sented in  favor  of  disruption,  they  rose  to  the  level  of 
wholesome  discrimination,  selected  the  genuine  and 
rejected  the  spurious  with  a  decision  that  stimulates 
faith  in  democracy  and  furnishes  a  guarantee  to  civiliza- 
tion. There  is  every  reason  to  believe,  therefore,  that 
when  brought  face  to  face  with  the  problem  of  munici- 
pal government  the  American  people  will  be  no  less 
equal  to  the  task. 

With  the  comparative  subsidence  of  national  ques- 
tions the  subject  of  municipal  government  is  naturally 
coming  conspicuously  to  the  front.  It  is  also  beginning 
in  exactly  the  right  place,  New  York  city.  New  York 
is  the  metropolis  of  the  country,  it  is  the  second  largest 
city  in  the  world,  it  is  the  greatest  center  in  this  coun- 
try of  wealth,  learning,  art,  science,  commerce  and' in- 
dustry, and,  for  reasons  already  stated,  it  has  perhaps 
the  most  corrupt  and  debauched  government  of  any  city 
in  the  world.  Its  administration  has  been  so  long  in 
the  hands  of  a  debased  and  debasing  organization  that 
those  responsible  for  it  have  lost  the  capacity  to  blush. 
Instead  of  being  a  government  for  the  protection  of  the 
city,  it  uses  the  political  power  and  wealth  of  the  peo- 
•  pie  to  traffic  in  crime  and  protect  criminals  and  levy 
blackmail  upon  the  unfortunate  class  whose  duty  it  is  to 

52  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

help  and  protect.  It  has  converted  politics  into  a  cor- 
rupt private  business,  to  the  scandal  of  the  community 
and  disgrace  of  the  nation. 

This  naturally  tends  to  grow  worse  as  it  grows 
stronger,  and  becomes  more  impervious  to  criticism. 
Under  the  tendency  to  neglect  municipal  interests,  these 
corrupting  and  degrading  methods  have  been  systema- 
tized into  regular  organized  politics  on  the  principle 
that  success  succeeds  and  establishes  the  methods  of  its 

The  corrupting  methods  evolved  and  so  skilfully 
adopted  by  Tammany  have  been  imitated  by  the  repub- 
lican organization.  It  is  no  longer  a  question  of  differ- 
ent principles  or  public  policy  that  actuates  the  two 
organizations  in  New  York  city,  but  how  a  division  of 
the  spoils  can  be  secured.  While  Tammany  is  in  con- 
trol of  the  administration,  it  is  frequently  more  or  less 
in  danger  of  dislodgment,  and  in  order  to  perpetuate 
itself  it  consents,  according  to  the  degree  of  danger,  to 
divide  the  emoluments  with  the  other  organization.  It 
has  become  a  question  of  the  division  of  spoils  rather 
than  policy  of  municipal  administration. 

This  evil  has  been  generally  believed  to  exist  for  a 
considerable  time,  the  evidence  of  it  has  been  more  or 
less  manifest  for  many  years,  but  the  proof  of  it  now 
exists  in  indisputable  form.  That  the  republican  man- 
agers and  officeholders  do  trade  with  the  leaders  of 
Tammany  Hall  is  now  susceptible  of  conclusive  demon- 
stration. We  have  in  our  possession  the  evidence  that 
such  dishonest  trading  took  place  in  the  last  election. 
Although  this  vice  is  probably  more  flagrant  in  New 
York  than  in  any  other  city,  it  has  become  a  feature  of 
municipal  politics  in  all  large  cities. 

This  feature  is  responsible  for  the  failure  of  many 
wholesome  efforts  towards  municipal  reform.  There 
have  been  several  spasmodic  attempts  to  cleanse  the 


character  of  municipal  politics,  but  when  the  movement 
seems  to  reach  anything  like  the  danger  point  to  either 
organization  the  other  comes  to  its  rescue.  This  has 
been  done  so  many  times  and  in  so  many  ways  that  the 
faith  of  the  people  in  the  wholesome  integrity  of  the 
local  republican  organization  is  not  much  greater  than 
in  that  of  Tammany.  It  is  probably  true  that  75  per 
cent,  of  those  who  voted  for  McKinley  in  New  York 
city  at  the  national  election  would  be  as  reluctant  to 
give  the  republican  party  control  of  the  city  government 
as  they  would  to  reelect  Mayor  Van  Wyck.  Indeed, 
the  public  belief  is  that  the  municipal  government  un- 
der the  leadership  of  Thomas  C.  Platt  would  be  in  no 
important  sense  better  than  the  present  one  under 
Richard  Croker.  This  may  be  an  unjust  view.  Mr. 
Platt  is  not  a  duplicate  of  Mr.  Croker,  he  is  a  cultivated 
gentleman.  It  has  not  and  probably  cannot  be  proved 
that  he  is  a  personal  beneficiary  of  crime  and  the  crim- 
inal class.  He  has  never  yet  had  Croker's  opportunity, 
yet  it  is  definitely  known  that  those  immediately  under 
him,  who  do  his  bidding,  are  ready  to  and  do  participate 
in  identically  the  same  methods  as  do  the  men  under 
Croker ;  indeed,  that  they  participate  in  the  same  thing 
with  them.  This  belief  regarding  Mr.  Platt  and  the 
republican  organization  is  so  strong  and  knowledge  of 
the  conduct  of  his  subordinates  is  so  conclusive  that  the 
people  will  not  and  ought  not  to  trust  him. 

Although  a  majority  of  the  people  of  New  York  are 
unquestionably  opposed  to  Tammany  and  would  gladly 
rid  themselves  of  Croker  and  all  he  implies,  they  will 
not  transfer  the  administration  to  the  republican  party, 
which  is  so  visibly  tainted  with  Tammany  methods. 
This  fact  has  now  become  so  clear  that  a  republican 
nomination  for  mayor  in  New  York  city  cannot  be  taken 
seriously ;  it  is  so  clear  that  republicans  who  really  want 
clean  politics  would  not  favor  it,  and  any  effort  to  bring 

54  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

about  that  result  would  be  properly  interpreted  as  a  part 
of  a  plan  to  perpetuate  Tammany  and  enable  certain 
republican  politicians  to  divide  with  Tammany  the  reve- 
nues from  the  city's  degradation. 

The  fact  that  this  is  becoming  an  increasingly 
definite  view  held  by  the  citizens  in  both  parties  is  a  still 
further  hopeful  sign  that  the  people  are  getting  ready 
to  face  the  municipal  problem  in  a  practical  and  efficient 
manner.  Past  experience  and  knowledge  of  present 
conduct  on  the  part  of  the  republican  organization,  and 
its  accommodating  relation  to  Tammany,  makes  it  in- 
dispensable to  any  real  success  that  the  republican 
organization  be  not  trusted  with  any  leadership  in 
municipal  politics.  There  are  many  signs  of  real 
awakening  on  the  part  of  the  public  in  this  direction. 
If  the  people  take  vigorously  hold  of  this  aspect  of  the 
subject  at  the  outset  there  are  abundant  reasons  for 
hoping  and  believing  that  a  great  step  in  the  progress 
of  municipal  government  in  this  country  can  be  taken 
during  the  coming  year.  The  movement  to  be  success- 
ful— and  the  time  is  supremely  opportune — must  be 
under  unquestioned  leadership.  The  first,  and  perhaps 
in  this  instance  the  only,  proposition  around  which  the 
people  should  be  asked  to  rally  is  the  complete  and  un- 
qualified dethronement  of  Tammany.  This  would 
make  the  issue  simple,  the  point  of  concentration  easy, 
and  the  motive  for  enthusiastic  cooperation  obvious. 

The  first  thing  to  accomplish  in  dealing  with  the 
municipal  question  is  to  inspire  public  confidence,  in- 
spire the  faith  of  the  people  in  the  possibility  of  clean 
politics  and  honest  administration,  with  the  dominating 
motive  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  city,  not  merely 
in  making  taxes  low  but  in  promoting  public  improve- 
ments and  ministering  to  the  welfare  of  the  people  in 
respect  both  to  the  conditions  of  living  and  the  condi- 
tions of  doing  business.  If  clean  politics  and  honest 


administration  can  once  be  assured,  so  that  blackmail 
and  league  with  crime  between  government  officials  and 
the  criminal  class  shall  disappear,  so  that  the  courts 
shall  be  accessible  to  all  citizens  alike,  regardless  of 
their  relation  to  a  political  organization,  then  the  oppor- 
tunity for  dealing  with  the  real  municipal  problems, 
like  the  sweatshops  and  other  depressing  features  of 
our  city  life,  will  be  at  hand. 

An  important  and  indeed  vital  question  in  connec- 
tion with  the  movement  for  clean  politics  is  the  ma- 
chinery for  nominating  candidates.  It  is  at  this  initi- 
atory stage  where  the  Tammany  and  republican  organ- 
izations exercise  their  vicious  control.  The  public  in- 
fluence in  the  caucuses  is  practically  nil.  The  reason 
for  this  is  that  through  the  power  of  patronage  the 
organization  can  control  the  delegates  in  the  nominating 
conventions, — Tammany  through  municipal  offices  and 
Platt  through  federal  and  state  offices.  Here  is  where 
much  of  the  trading  between  the  two  parties  is  done.  By 
having  office-holders  as  delegates,  they  can  manipulate 
the  conventions  for  almost  any  candidate.  If  they  can- 
not change  the  result  by  putting  the  screws  on  existing 
office-holders  they  can  buy  delegates  with  the  promise 
of  office  or  other  reward. 

It  is  in  this  way  that  Croker  dictated  the  nomina- 
tion of  Van  Wyck  for  mayor  in  1897,  and  forbade  the 
nomination  of  Coler  for  governor  in  1900.  It  was  ex- 
actly in  this  way  that,  for  a  money  consideration,  the 
nomination  of  William  L.  Douglas  for  congress  in  the 
1 4th  congressional  district,  New  York  city,  in  place  of 
Adelbert  H.  Steele,  last  fall,  was  dictated,  although  a 
majority  of  36  of  the  delegates  were  voluntarily 
pledged  to  Mr.  Steele.  In  this  case  Tammany  office- 
holders were  used  to  accomplish  the  result.  So  long  as 
the  organization  leader  through  his  control  of  patron- 
age can  thus  dictate  the  nominations,  the  progress 

56  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

towards  clean  politics  will  be  very  slow.  This  obstacle 
to  free  nominations  ought  to  be  immediately  removed. 

All  that  is  required  to  accomplish  this  end  is  to 
substitute  nomination  by  petition  for  nomination  by 
delegate  conventions.  What  is  needed  is  simply  to 
abolish  the  convention  and  let  the  nomination  of  candi- 
dates be  made  by  petition  of  registered  voters.  Thus, 
for  instance,  in  the  nomination  of  congressmen,  provide 
that  every  name  presented  with  the  endorsement  of 
fifty  enrolled  republicans  or  democrats  shall  be  placed 
upon  the  nominating  ballot  in  alphabetical  order.  In 
this  way,  any  person  whom  fifty  voters  of  his  own 
party  desire  to  have  submitted  to  the  people's  approval 
as  a  candidate  can  be  put  upon  the  list.  At  the  legal 
primaries  the  voting  is  open  to  the  entire  electorate  of 
the  district,  who  are  entitled  to  vote  in  the  party  pri- 
mary. The  person  who  receives  the  largest  number  of 
votes  in  the  secret  ballot  thus  taken  becomes  the  party 
nominee,  whose  name  is  to  go  upon  the  official  ballot 
on  election  day.  This  would  do  two  things :  it  would 
give  the  voters  not  merely  the  right  but  the  protected 
opportunity  to  nominate,  because  it  would  enable  every 
person  of  any  appreciable  popularity  to  have  his  name 
submitted  to  the  voters  of  his  party  for  nomination. 
The  organization  might  nominate  a  candidate  but  they 
could  not  influence  the  voters  any  more  than  they  can 
now  do  so  at  the  polls.  In  short,  this  would  place  the 
nomination  of  candidates  under  the  protection  of  the 
secret  ballot,  which  has  already  been  adopted  as  the 
last  resource  for  protecting  the  citizen's  vote  at  the 

If  Platt  or  Croker  and  their  friends  could  in- 
fluence a  large  number  of  voters  to  support  their  candi- 
dates, they  would  be  perfectly  justified  in  doing  so,  be- 
cause they  could  only  do  this  by  influencing  the  judg- 
ment of  the  voters,  which  it  is  every  citizen's  right  to 


do,  but  their  power  to  coerce  office-holders  would  be 
gone.  This  would  be  the  practical  elimination  of  both 
office-holder  and  boss  from  politics.  With  this  accom- 
plished, the  people  would  then  be  directly  in  control  of 
the  nomination  as  well  as  the  election  of  candidates, 
and  popular  elections  would  be  an  established  fact. 

Of  course,  the  Platts  and  Crokers  would  unite  in 
defeating  any  such  important  legislation  in  the  interest 
of  popular  elections.  It  would  be  like  signing  their 
own  death  warrant.  Nevertheless,  this  is  the  great 
needed  first  step,  and  this  is  the  opportunity  for  the 
republican  party  to  show  whether  it  is  really  in  favor 
of  clean  politics.  The  republican  majority  in  the 
assembly  at  Albany  is  so  great  that  if  the  party  really 
believes  in  popular  nomination  as  well  as  election,  and 
believes  in  placing  the  entire  machinery  of  the  election 
in  the  hands  of  the  citizens,  such  a  law  can  be  promptly 
passed  early  in  the  present  session.  If  such  a  bill  is 
introduced,  as  it  surely  will  be,  the  opportunity  will  be 
presented  and  the  test  applied  to  republican  political 

This  power  over  the  nominations  makes  cowards 
of  most  members  of  the  legislature,  because  they  know 
they  will  perish  in  silence  before  they  have  a  chance  to 
appeal  to  the  people.  For  instance,  when  Mr.  Platt 
was  elected  as  senator  from  New  York  there  were 
seven  members  of  the  legislature  who  preferred  Mr. 
Choate,  and  voted  accordingly.  They  all  died ;  not  one 
of  them  passed  the  renomination  caucus  guillotine. 
This  power  to  kill  at  the  threshold  of  nomination  would 
be  held  over  the  head  of  every  member  of  the  legisla- 
ture of  either  party  who  dared  to  favor  a  measure  which 
would  transfer  the  nominations  from  the  delegate  con- 
vention to  petition  by  the  people.  But  there  is  this 
saving  fact  which  should  not  be  overlooked,  that  if  the 
law  is  passed  neither  Platt  nor  Croker  can  thereafter 


behead  its  advocates  in  the  primaries.  Their  power  to 
kill  by  preventing  nomination  would  be  gone,  and  so 
the  success  of  such  a  measure  would  carry  with  it  the 
self -protection  of  its  supporters. 

If  the  republican  party,  with  the  endorsement  of 
the  national  administration,  would  favor  such  a  propo- 
sition, nothing  could  prevent  its  becoming  a  law  in  New 
York  state  before  next  March.  With  such  a  law,  plac- 
ing the  nominating  machinery  in  the  hands  of  the 
people,  the  work  of  clean  politics  and  real  progress  in 
municipal  government  would  have  begun,  and  once 
fairly  established  in  one  or  two  large  cities  it  would 
soon  permeate  the  political  machinery  and  methods  of 
the  whole  nation. 


IN  CRITICIZING  the  fallacy  of  the  idea  of  government 
repression  of  profits,  so  prevalent  in  many  of  the  social- 
istic movements,  the  Richmond  (Va.)  Times  very  sanely 
remarks : 

"It  is  the  duty  of  government  to  open  the  way  and  give  every 
opportunity  and  encouragement  to  human  endeavor.  If  the  government 
will  do  this,  we  shall  continue  to  progress  and  improve,  and  be  sure  the 
results  will  take  care  of  themselves." 

This  is  eminently  sound  doctrine.  It  furnishes  the 
true  line  of  demarcation  between  wholesome,  protective 
public  policy  and  coddling  paternalism.  It  states  the 
rational  and  scientific  ground  between  a  policy  of  doc- 
trinaire do-nothingism  and  socialism.  Yes,  it  is  the 
duty  because  it  is  the  true  function  ' '  of  government  to 
open  the  way  and  give  every  opportunity  and  encour- 
agement "  to  individual  endeavor,  and,  in  order  to  give 
this  encouragement,  it  must  protect  the  opportunities  for 
the  endeavor  of  our  own  people  to  make  the  most  of 
their  possibilities.  The  Richmond  Times  sounds  the 
note  of  true  political  science  and  wise  public  policy. 

MR.  ANDREW  CARNEGIE'S  promised  contribution  of 
three  million  dollars  to  build  and  endow  a  technical 
institute  at  Pittsburg  is  another  mark  to  his  credit. 
This  makes  about  fifteen  millions  Mr.  Carnegie  has 
contributed  to  public  libraries  and  other  educational 
opportunities  for  the  non-collegiate  class.  Now  if  some- 
body will  endow  an  institute  for  systematic  industrial 
and  political  education,  through  local  classes,  home 
studies  and  lecture  courses,  with  a  permanent  home  in 
New  York  and,  ultimately,  branches  in  the  leading 
cities,  the  real  educational  work  of  the  twentieth  cen- 


60  GUN  TON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

tury  will  have  begun.  There  are  persons  of  great 
wealth  who  could  well  afford  and  would  be  glad  to  aid 
in  such  work  if  they  only  realized  its  importance  and 
necessity.  Peter  Cooper  did  his  work  well ;  Mr.  Car- 
negie is  making  effective  contributions  to  the  prepara- 
tory work  in  this  field,  and  the  university  settlement 
movement  is  also  doing  good  work  in  breaking  the 
ground.  The  time  is  now  ripe  for  a  well-equipped, 
constructive  institution  which  shall  systematically  con- 
duct this  educational  work  throughout  the  country. 

THE  CITY  of  Haverhill,  Massachusetts,  for  two  years 
has  had  a  socialist  for  mayor.  His  election  was  re- 
garded as  a  significant  political  event  and  the  experi- 
ment has  been  watched  with  interest.  The  outcome  is 
that  after  two  years  the  people  of  Haverhill,  like  the 
people  of  Kansas  in  their  experiment  with  populism, 
have  had  enough.  A  republican  mayor  has  been 
elected  by  nearly  one  thousand  majority  over  a  combi- 
nation of  socialists  and  democrats  put  together.  Vaga- 
ries are  good  to  catch  popular  applause,  but  they  are 
usually  disappointing  in  practice,  and  this  is  a  very 
practical  world.  When  we  get  to  them  we  find  that 
single-taxers,  populists  and  socialists,  in  their  interests 
and  daily  action,  are  wonderfully  like  other  people. 
Such  experiments  do  but  emphasize  the  fact  that,  after 
all,  society  is  not  to  be  suddenly  made  over  by  fantastic 
ideals,  but  the  improvements  must  come,  if  at  all,  by 
development  and  expansion  along  the  same  lines  by 
which  all  the  progress  of  the  past  has  come.  Idealism 
is  not  to  be  inaugurated  by  electing  a  populist  governor 
or  a  socialist  mayor,  but  by  gradually  improving  the 
conditions  which  lead  to  the  development  of  the  char- 
acter and  raise  the  standard  of  life  of  the  people.  It 
is  not  miracles  but  progress  that  is  wanted. 


THE  Jacksonville  (Fla.)  Times  takes  exception  to  our 
criticism  of  the  democracy  in  posing  as  the  friend  of 
full  political  rights  of  the  colored  people  in  the  Philip- 
pines while  suppressing  those  of  the  colored  people  in 
the  South.  But  really,  its  tone  is  so  moderate  and  its 
spirit  so  fair  that  we  feel  like  apologizing  though  plead- 
ing not  guilty.  '  'We  grant, "  it  says,  *  *  that  logic  is  on  the 
side  of  our  opponents — we  claim  that  all  precedent  and 
experience  sustains  our  position."  Then,  after  ably 
arguing  that  fitness  is  "  a  prerequisite  in  citizenship," 
it  says : 

"Let  us  pass  out  of  the  atmosphere  of  the  campaign  and  talk  seri- 
ously and  sensibly  among  ourselves.  The  South  would  gladly  surrender 
whatever  strength  in  congress  might  be  necessary  to  lay  the  specter  that 
has  afflicted  our  land  all  these  years — republicans  have  the  power  to  de- 
mand this  if  they  choose,  but  no  man  who  has  an  interest  in  the  South 
could  see  without  apprehension  any  proof  that  the  administration  de- 
signed to  bring  back  the  rule  of  ignorance  and  prejudice  to  a  great  and 
growing  section  of  the  union. " 

Here  the  Jacksonville  Times  is  assuredly  right.  Its 
position  is  sound  theory  and  good  practice.  If  the 
South  would  take  its  stand  squarely  upon  some  scheme 
of  fitness  for  citizenship  and  apply  it  alike  to  all  its 
people,  and  voluntarily  accept  representation  in  con- 
gress upon  the  constitutional  basis  of  its  voting  popula- 
tion, it  would  at  once  put  itself  beyond  criticism  and 
command  the  endorsement  and  cooperation  of  the  en- 
tire nation.  The  Jacksonville  Times  has  sounded  the 
true  note.  With  such  a  policy,  prejudice  would  soon 
disappear  and  the  industrial  prosperity  of  the  South 
would  take  on  even  greater  stimulus. 

A  CONCERN  in  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  which  employs 
some  200  young  women  making  cigars,  has  adopted  the 
novel  experiment  of  furnishing  music  for  them  to  work 
by.  A  grand  piano  is  placed  in  the  work-room,  a  com- 
petent pianist  employed  to  furnish  music  two  hours 

62  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

each  day,  and  a  music  teacher  is  hired  by  the  firm  to 
furnish  singing  lessons  free  to  the  operatives  during  the 
noon  hour.  The  hope  of  the  management  is  that  this 
will  render  thejlabor  of  the  women  less  monotonous  and 
help  to  stimulate  good  feeling  for  their  employers  and 
something  of  refined  taste  which  shall  show  itself  in 
their  domestic  lives.  It  is  a  little  on  the  plan  of  the 
National .  Cash  Register  Company  in  Dayton,  Ohio, 
which  provides  facilities  for  the  operatives  to  take 
recreation,  baths,  etc.,  in  the  company's  time.  What- 
ever the  practical  outcome  of  such  departures,  they 
show  that  the  tendency  has  actually  set  in  among  em- 
ployers to  do  something  for  their  work-people  besides 
exacting  the  maximum  work  for  the  minimum  pay. 
Every  experiment  of  this  kind  is  an  indication  of  a 
better  spirit  toward  laborers,  which  will  ultimately 
bring  better  economic  relations  between  labor  and 
capital.  When  employers,  of  their  own  volition,  begin 
to  furnish  recreation  and  music,  we  may  reasonably 
hope  that  the  opposition  of  the  employing  class  to 
shortening  the  working  day,  securing  ample  oppor- 
tunities for  education  for  working  children,  and  protec- 
tion against  accidents,  will  soon  disappear,  and  a 
general  system  of  old-age  and  accident  insurance  for 
laborers  will  receive  their  active  encouragement. 

IN  A  CLEVER  article  on  democracy  and  panic,  the 
Savannah  (Ga.)  News  comes  to  the  rescue  of  the  New 
York  Times  in  its  effort  to  shield  the  Cleveland  admin- 
istration from  the  responsibilities  of  the  panic  of  1893. 
After  quoting  our  statement  that :  ' '  Of  course  it  was 
not  what  Mr.  Cleveland  did,  it  was  what  it  was  feared 
he  would  do  that  ushered  in  the  panic.  The  panic  came 
ahead  of  him,  but  it  came  because  it  was  known  he  was 
coming  with  disruption  in  his  hands,"  the  News  says: 


"  But  is  it  not  rather  true  that  the  public  doubted  the  ability  of  the 
government  to  continue  for  an  indefinite  period  the  purchase  of  dollars 
for  100  cents  that  only  worth  67  ?  We  think  so." 

This  could  hardly  have  been  the  case,  because,  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  the  government  was  not  ' '  purchasing 
dollars  for  100  cents  that  were  only  worth  67."  Under 
the  Sherman  law  the  government  bought  silver  at  the 
market  bullion  price,  and  at  no  time  during  the  opera- 
tion of  that  law  was  silver  129  cents  an  ounce,  which 
would  be  "  100  cents  "  in  the  dollar.  Indeed,  much  of 
it  was  bought  at  less  than  $i  an  ounce,  some  of  it  as 
low  as  73  cents.  Nor  was  there  any  real  doubt  in  the 
public  mind  on  the  subject.  It  was  discussed  a  little  in 
Wall  Street,  but  it  did  not  become  a  question  of  public 
agitation  and  popular  concern  until  after  the  election. 
The  Sherman  law  ought  not  to  have  been  passed,  and 
its  repeal  was  a  wise  step,  but  there  is  no  ground  for 
attributing  the  panic  to  that  law.  Probably  it  would 
have  created  a  panic  just  as  easily  as  did  the  threat  of 
free  trade,  if  the  public  had  become  frightened  regard- 
ing it,  but  the  fact  is  the  public  did  not  become  fright- 
ened at  it  and  consequently  it  had  practically  no  pan- 
icky effect.  The  panic  was  the  result  of  fear,  and  the 
threat  against  the  tariff,  whether  well  grounded  or  not, 
was  what  caused  the  fear. 

INDICATIONS  ARE  beginning  to  appear  that  Mr. 
Odell  is  not  going  to  be  exactly  a  "Me  too"  governor 
of  New  York.  It  was  taken  for  granted  by  many,  and 
apparently  by  Senator  Platt,  that  Mr.  Odell  would 
remember  his  creator  in  the  days  of  his  youth  and  take 
his  "orders"  without  too  much  explanation.  On  this 
assumption,  immediately  after  the  election  Mr.  Platt 
announced  with  great  assurance  that  certain  things 
would  occur :  Mr.  Aldridge  would  be  reinstated  at  the 
head  of  the  public  works  department,  and  a  state  con- 

64  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

stabulary  bill  would  be  "  promptly  passed."  These 
announcements,  like  his  recent  statement  that  Mr. 
Bidwell  would  not  be  removed  "while  I  live,"  were 
made  with  as  much  assurance  as  if  he  alone  were  to  be 
consulted.  But  something  seems  to  have  occurred. 
Mr.  Odell  is  beginning  to  act  as  if  it  were  he  and  not 
Senator  Platt  that  was  elected  governor,  and  to  the 
surprise  of  Mr.  Platt  he  has  already  indicated  that  Mr. 
Aldridge  cannot  be  reinstated,  but  that  Governor  Roose- 
velt's appointment  of  John  N.  Partridge  will  be  sus- 
tained. And,  as  if  something  serious  had  occurred 
behind  the  scenes,  Senator  Platt  has  suddenly  discov- 
ered that  a  state  constabulary  bill  will  not  be  passed. 
With  all  this  awakening  to  wisdom  who  knows  but  what 
Mr.  Platt  may  yet  discover  that  he  is  not  president  of 
the  United  States,  and  that  after  all  it  was  William 
McKinley  who  was  voted  for  at  the  last  national  election. 
Mr.  Platt  once  before  mistook  himself  for  the  president 
of  the  United  States,  and  that  too  was  about  the  collect  - 
orship  of  the  port  of  New  York.  The  people  of  New 
York  did  not  share  his  hallucination  and  it  took  him 
fifteen  years  to  recover  from  the  shock.  He  is  some- 
what older  now  and  may  be  wiser  by  the  experience, 
but  whether  he  recognizes  it  or  not  it  is  quite  clear  that 
the  people  are  now  in  no  mood  to  brook  his  dictator- 
ship, either  in  New  York  city,  Albany  or  Washington. 

IT  SOMETIMES  seems  as  if  it  were  impossible  for  a 
certain  class  of  journals  to  approach  anything  bearing 
on  protection  without  losing  their  reason.  In  discuss- 
ing the  ship  subsidy  bill,  the  New  York  Times  says : 

"  The  whole  theory  of  the  ship  subsidy  bill  is  that  Americans  cannot 
compete  with  Englishmen  or  Germans  in  building  and  running  ships. 
If  any  American  were  told  that  he  was  inferior  in  brains,  energy,  and 
business  ability  to  the  average  Englishman  or  German,  he  would  resent 
the  statement  as  an  insult.  .  .  .  Why  is  it  that  the  confidence  in 
himself  and  respect  for  himself  which  is  so  strong  in  each  American 
seems  to  vanish  when  the  question  of  aid  from  the  government  is  raised?" 


The  Times  seems  not  to  know  that  the  ability  of 
manufacturing  industries  in  one  country  to  compete 
with  those  in  another  does  not  depend  alone  upon  their 
energy  and  business  ability ;  it  depends  on  a  great 
many  other  things  over  which  the  managers  personally 
have  no  control.  For  instance,  the  civilization  of  the 
United  States  absolutely  prevents  American  shipbuild- 
ers from  procuring  labor  at  the  same  cost  as  English 
and  German  shipbuilders.  That  item  alone  might  ren- 
der it  impossible  for  Americans  to  compete  with  the 
English  or  Germans  though  they  were  not  in  the  least 
"  inferior,"  etc.,  and  might  even  be  superior. 

But  there  is  one  simple  fact  that  conclusively  an- 
swers this  superficial  and  essentially  false  statement  of 
the  case.  American  shipbuilders  have  not  been  able  to 
compete  with  English  and  German  shipbuilders  though 
they  are  admittedly  equal  or  superior  "in  brains, 
energy,  and  business  ability."  Then  manifestly  there 
is  some  other  cause  that  prevents  their  success.  If  they 
could  compete  they  surely  would.  It  is  out  of  no  feel- 
ing of  philanthropy  that  they  permit  95  per  cent,  of 
our  commerce  to  be  carried  in  foreign  bottoms.  Why 
do  people  who  reason  sanely  and  even  profoundly  on 
other  subjects  seem  so  silly  when  they  come  to  this? 
As  if  it  implied  a  lack  of  "confidence  in  himself  and 
respect  for  himself"  for  an  American  manufacturer  to 
admit  that  he  cannot  compete  with  an  English  or  Ger- 
man competitor  when  he  is  handicapped  by  some 
adverse  economic  conditions !  Such  talk  is  not  reason- 
ing ;  it  neither  enlightens  the  people  nor  reflects  credit 
upon  those  who  make  use  of  it.  It  ignores  the  entire 
economic  element  in  the  protective  theory.  The  ship- 
ping bill  may  not  be  a  good  bill,  it  certainly  is  not  the 
best  method  of  protecting  our  shipping  industry,  but 
such  stilted,  cock-sure,  half-charged  arguments  will 
never  correct  the  error. 


In  the  October  number  of  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE 
certain  comments  were  made  upon  the  action  of  the 
school  authorities  in  New  Orleans  regarding  negro 
education,  which  have  given  rise  to  considerable  dis- 
cussion. The  portion  of  our  comment  that  has  been 
chiefly  selected  for  adverse  criticism  is  the  following : 

"New  Orleans  has  decided  to  discontinue  all 
grammar-school  education  for  colored  children  and 
admit  them  to  nothing  above  the  primary  grade. 
Following  so  closely  on  the  heels  of  the  anti-negro 
riots  in  that  city,  with  the  burning  of  the  extensive  and 
expensive  Lafon  school,  built  by  a  negro  for  the  educa- 
tion of  negroes,  this  is  particularly  discouraging.  It  is 
in  line  with  the  increasing  tendency  in  the  South,  first, 
to  provide  an  educational  test  for  negroes  at  the  polls ; 
second,  to  restrict  their  educational  opportunities  so 
that  they  will  never  be  able  to  meet  that  test,  thus 
making  disfranchisement  as  universal  as  possible." 

Commenting  upon  this,  the  New  Orleans  Picayune 
said  editorially,  in  its  issue  of  October  26th : 

' '  It  would  be  difficult  to  find  in  any  pretended 
statement  of  facts  such  an  assemblage  of  falsehoods. 
There  is  but  one  fact  in  the  entire  declaration,  and  that 
is  that  the  Lafon  school  was  burned  during  an  anti- 
negro  disturbance  in  this  city. 

"Feeling  assured  that  GUNTON'S  only  wishes  to 
state  facts  in  this  as  in  every  other  matter,  and  that  its 
expressions  as  given  above  were  made  in  good  faith  on 
information  supposed  to  be  reliable,  the  Picayune  will 
briefly  state  the  facts  in  the  case. 

"  In  the  first  place,  the  New  Orleans  school  board, 
which  is  vested  by  law  to  administer  the  schools  of  this 


city,  has  never  decided  to  discontinue  grammar-school 
education  for  negroes.  On  the  contrary,  the  school 
system  remains  just  as  it  has  been  for  years,  with  both 
primary  and  grammar  schools  for  colored  pupils,  as 
well  as  white,  but  separate  from  the  white  schools. 
The  state  of  Louisiana  also  maintains  in  New  Orleans 
the  Southern  University,  for  the  higher  education  of 
colored  people.  There  has  never  been  any  action  by 
the  school  board,  or  by  any  other  official  organization 
in  this  city,  discontinuing  or  closing  the  grammar 
schools  for  negroes. 

"As  to  the  Lafon  school,  the  facts  are  that  it  was 
not  built  by  a  negro  for  the  education  of  negroes,  but 
was  erected  and  established  by  the  city  of  New  Orleans 
for  the  education  of  negroes.  The  only  way  in  which 
the  school  was  associated  with  Thorny  Lafon  was  that 
it  was  named  by  the  city  in  his  honor.  Lafon  was  a 
colored  man  who  had  amassed  a  considerable  fortune, 
which,  by  his  will,  was  in  large  part  left  to  charities, 
such  as  orphan  asylums,  hospitals,  homes  for  the  indi- 
gent aged  and  the  like.  While  his  bequests  were 
chiefly  left  to  institutions  for  the  benefit  of  persons  of 
his  race,  this  was  not  entirely  the  case,  for  several 
bequests  went  to  similar  institutions  for  whites,  but 
mainly  to  the  Charity  Hospital,  where  the  sick  and 
wounded  of  all  races  and  colors  are  cared  for. 

"  Now  that  the  premises  upon  which  GuNTON'shas 
based  its  line  of  argument  against  the  white  people 
of  New  Orleans  have  been  proven  false,  the  entire 
argument  itself  falls  to  the  ground." 

GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  has  no  desire  to  misrepresent 
or  unfairly  criticize  the  conditions  existing  or  policies 
adopted  in  any  city  or  section  of  the  country.  On  the 
contrary,  it  is  anxious  at  all  times  to  present  the  exact 
facts  and  discuss  them  with  entir :  fairness. 

Therefore,  in  the  light  of  the  Picayune  s  denial,  we 

68  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

have  taken  the  pains  to  write  to  several  reputable 
authorities  in  the  city  of  New  Orleans  to  obtain  addi- 
tional testimony  upon  the  subject.  We  have  the  follow- 
ing in  reply,  from  Mr.  William  Beer,  Librarian  of  the 
Howard  Memorial  Library,  New  Orleans : 

"On  interviewing  the  authorities  of  the  school 
board  I  find  that  the  only  change  that  has  been  effected 
in  the  education  of  the  colored  children  in  this  city  has 
been  to  suppress  the  sixth,  seventh  and  eighth  grades, 
and  increase  the  space  and  teaching  power  dedicated  to 
the  first  five  grades.  It  was  found  by  experience  that 
colored  children  who  had  passed  through  the  earlier 
grades  preferred  to  enter  the  earlier  classes  of  the  four 
universities  for  colored  people  in  this  city.  Of  these, 
one  is  supported  by  the  state ;  consequently  it  came 
about  that  the  space  and  teaching  power  in  the  higher 
grades  of  public  schools  was  so  little  used  that  the  per 
capita  expense  became  abnormally  high.  The  result 
has  been  that  almost  double  the  number  of  colored 
children  are  receiving  the  benefit  of  education  in  the 
public  schools,  and  are  being  prepared  for  the  higher 
education  which  they  will  obtain  either  in  the  state 
university  for  colored  people,  or  in  three  other  univer- 
sities supported  for  their  benefit.  The  Lafon  school 
was,  as  the  article  shows,  only  a  name.'' 

We  have  also  received  thus  far  one  other  reply, 
from  Mrs.  Julia  Truitt  Bishop,  literary  editor  of  the 
Daily  Item,  one  of  New  Orleans'  oldest  journals,  and 
which  describes  itself  as  politically  independent.  Mrs. 
Bishop  interviewed  Superintendent  Easton  of  the  pub- 
lic schools,  and  makes  the  following  statement : 

"In  the  colored  public  schools,  the  sixth,  seventh 
and  eighth  grades  have  been  cut  out  by  the  board  for 
the  reason  of  the  small  attendance  in  those  grades. 
Superintendent  Easton  says,  that  it  is  probable  the 
board  will  restore  the  grades  when  negroes  show  a 

igoi.]       NE  W  ORLEANS  AND  NEGRO  ED  UCA  TION  6» 

disposition  to  take  advantage  of  them.  In  the  mean- 
time there  are  four  negro  universities  in  the  city,  one 
of  which  is  free,  and  those  who  are  anxious  for  a  higher 
education  have  this  recourse." 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  our  original  statement 
was  not  a  misrepresentation  so  far  as  concerns  the  fact 
of  negro  education  in  the  grammar  grades  having  been 
discontinued  in  New  Orleans.  The  reasons  assigned 
for  the  change,  in  the  letters  above  published,  may  be 
entirely  sufficient,  but  this  is  no  adequate  reason  why 
the  Picayune,  which  is  looked  upon  in  the  North  as  the 
representative  New  Orleans  organ  of  public  opinion, 
should  flatly  deny  the  facts  in  the  case  and  accuse 
northern  journals  of  deliberate  falsification  when  they 
state  these  facts.  If  the  Picayune  had  frankly  admitted 
the  discontinuance  of  negro  education  in  the  higher 
grades,  and  proceeded  to  defend  it  along  the  lines 
stated  in  Mr.  Beer's  letter,  it  would  have  been  a  con- 
tribution to  public  information  on  the  subject  and 
avoided  the  unpleasant  appearance  of  seeking  to  cover 
up  an  indefensible  policy.  Conceding  the  situation  to 
be  as  stated  by  Mr.  Beer,  there  is  no  reason  why  the 
Picayune  should  not  have  discussed  it  in  the  same  way. 
A  flat  denial,  under  such  circumstances,  invariably  cre- 
ates the  suspicion  that  there  is  a  side  to  the  case  not 
fully  and  fairly  presented.  Neither  the  New  Orleans 
press  nor  that  of  the  South  in  general  will  find  it  easy 
to  convince  northern  people  of  the  integrity  and  fair- 
ness of  southern  policy  as  to  negro  education,  when 
northern  criticisms  are  met  by  wholesale  denial  of  facts, 
coupled  with  something  bordering  very  close  on  abuse, 
instead  of  by  temperate  argument  and  discussion  of  the 
true  situation. 

If,  as  is  stated  by  Mr.  Beer,  the  upper  grades  have 
been  closed  because  of  the  light  attendance,  and  more 
opportunities  offered  in  the  lower  grades,  while  higher 

70  G  UN  TON 'S  MA  GA  ZINE 

education  for  negroes  is  furnished  by  four  universities, 
we  can  see  little  ground  for  criticism  of  this  rearrange- 
ment on  the  part  of  the  New  Orleans  school  board. 
The  only  reason  for  suspecting  that  there  may  be  an 
unrevealed  side  of  the  case  is  the  fact  of  the  Picayune  s 
denial  that  any  change  at  all  has  been  made. 

We  took  occasion  not  long  ago  to  commend  in  the 
strongest  terms  the  new  policy  of  municipal  improve- 
ment in  New  Orleans,  involving  a  rate  of  expenditure, 
for  a  long  time  to  come,  hardly  to  be  matched  by  any 
other  city  in  the  country.  We  have  no  desire  to  mis- 
represent the  attitude  of  the  city  towards  the  negro 
problem.  Whether  it  is  precisely  true  that  the  attend- 
ance of  negroes  in  the  higher  grades  of  the  grammar 
schools  is  so  light  that  to  discontinue  these  grades  was 
wise  policy  is  a  question  of  fact  upon  which  probably 
neither  Mr.  Beer  nor  Mrs.  Bishop  undertook  to  get 
positive  information.  It  may  be  that  the  new  step  was 
designed,  as  is  claimed,  to  distribute  more  effectively 
the  opportunities  for  negro  education  in  the  city,  and 
if  so  we  are  glad  to  withdraw  our  criticism.  But  it 
could  be  wished  that  the  general  and  traditional  south- 
ern policy  towards  the  negro,  politically,  educa- 
tionally and  industrially,  were  such  as  to  warrant 
more  complete  confidence  in  the  justice  and  necessity 
of  a  step  which,  on  its  face  at  least,  is  a  withdrawal  of 
an  educational  opportunity. 



Miss  Helen  Gould  has  many  private  charities  of 
which  the  public  rarely  hears.  Of  these  the  one  that 
interests  her  most  no  doubt  is  Woody  Crest,  her  fresh- 
air  home  and  school  for  the  children  of  the  poor,  at 
Tarrytown,  New  York.  The  home  is  only  about  a 
mile  from  her  own  country  house,  Lyndhurst,  and  is 
one  of  those  square,  solid  stone  mansions  with  broad 
piazza,  wide  hall  and  high  ceilings  which  the  Dutch 
settlers  were  in  the  habit  of  rearing  a  century  ago.  It 
stands  on  the  crest  of  a  wooded  hill,  one  of  the  range 
which  divides  the  valley  of  the  Hudson  from  that  of 
the  Saw  Mill  River,  and  about  two  miles  distant  from 
either.  The  view  from  its  front  porch  is  superb :  rich 
intervales  green  with  grass  and  springing  wheat  and 
shaded  by  groves  clad  in  the  crimson  and  scarlet  of 
autumn  are  at  one's  feet ;  while  farther  away  flows  the 
silver  tide  of  the  Hudson  with  dark  mountains  for  a 
background.  Miss  Gould  bought  the  house,  with  thir- 
teen acres  of  land  surrounding  it,  in  1893,  and  at  once 
organized  her  beautiful  charity.  Its  practical  working 
is  best  described  in  the  words  of  Miss  Miriam  Jagger, 
the  matron  in  charge : 

"  Our  fresh-air  work  begins  on  June  ist.  Eighteen 
crippled  girls,  selected  by  the  visiting  physician  of  the 
Hospital  for  the  Ruptured  and  Crippled,  are  entertained 
during  June.  July,  August  and  September  are  devoted 
to  children,  both  boys  and  girls,  from  the  Sunday- 
schools  of  the  New  York  city  mission,  who  are  chosen 
by  its  missionaries.  Each  company  of  eighteen  stays 


72  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

two  weeks  and  is  succeeded  by  a  fresh  one.  The  chil- 
dren range  in  age  from  six  to  twelve  years,  and  a  mis- 
sionary accompanies  them  in  order  that  they  may  not 
feel  themselves  wholly  among  strangers.  The  last  two 
weeks  in  September  we  take  working  boys  over  four- 
teen, who  are  obliged  to  work  to  help  maintain  their 
families  and  who  could  not  afford  a  vacation  at  their 
own  expense,  while  the  last  two  weeks  in  September 
are  given  up  to  babies  from  the  day  nurseries  of  New 

"It  is  a  fortunate  child  that  comes  to  this  breezy 
home  from  the  stifling  heat  of  the  tenements,  and  the 
two  weeks  spent  here  usually  give  them  a  new  lease  of 
life.  Everything  they  get  is  of  the  best.  We  raise 
our  own  vegetables  both  for  winter  and  summer,  of 
every  variety.  The  milk  farm  of  the  estate,  with  its 
herd  of  thirty  Jersey  cows,  adjoins  us,  and  I  send  the 
coachman  down  every  morning  with  a  requisition  for 
what  is  wanted.  The  children  have  fresh  milk  three 
times  a  day.  We  have  a  gardener,  a  second  man,  a 
coachman  and  three  horses.  Every  afternoon  the  chil- 
dren are  taken  to  drive.  Last  summer  the  boys  were 
driven  to  the  Hudson,  to  Miss  Gould's  private  dock,  to 
swim.  Then  the  Gould  estate  extends  back  nearly  to 
the  Saw  Mill  River,  much  of  it  beautiful  forests,  high 
timber,  all  of  it  free  to  us,  and  we  take  the  children 
through  it  on  long  rambles,  instructing  them  in  nature 
studies.  They  tell  their  parents  when  they  go  back 
that  it  seemed  like  heaven  up  here.  A  public-school 
teacher  in  the  city  writes  me  that  one  of  our  boys,  who 
n  her  class,  is  doing  splendidly  this  year,  and  she 
attributes  it  to  the  health  and  strength  gained  with  us. 

"  I  do  not  consider  the  fresh-air  work  the  most 
important,  however,*'  Miss  Jagger  continued.  "Our 
winter  school  for  boys  is  more  so.  This  begins  on 
November  ist  and  ends  June  ist.  We  teach  the  com- 


mon  English  U!  ranches  and  manual  training.  This 
winter  we  have  sixteen  boys.  The  well  boys  are 
selected  by  the  superintendent  of  the  city  mission, 
Mrs.  J.  L.  Bainbridge,  who  takes  her  missionaries  into 
consultation,  and  they  select  boys  who  are  ailing  and 
need  country  air,  or  who  cannot  find  a  place  in  the 
public  schools,  or  who  are  orphaned  with  no  home  but 
the  streets.  The  lame  and  crippled  boys  are  selected 
by  the  visiting  physician  of  the  Hospital  for  the  Rup- 
tured and  Crippled. 

"  We  are  quite  proud  of  our  class  in  manual  train- 
ing, under  the  care  of  Miss  M.  Buck,  who  teaches  in 
the  best  schools  in  New  York  city.  She  assures  us  it 
is  the  best  class  she  has  in  her  work.  Paper-work  or 
basket-work  is  given  them  first,  then  sloyd,  then  carv- 
ing, then  iron-work.  Here  are  some  of  the  articles 
they  have  made." 

Miss  Jagger  opened  the  door  of  the  old-fashioned 
china  closet  in  the  corner  of  the  room  and  displayed 
quite  a  variety  of  articles  of  excellent  workmanship ; 
indeed  a  skilled  handicraftsman  might  have  been  proud 
of  them.  There  were  paper  boxes  in  great  variety  of 
form  and  color,  carved  wood-work  of  various  designs, 
and  a  number  of  examples  of  ornamental  iron-work, 
as  photograph  holders,  thermometer  frames,  paper- 
weights, etc. 

The  students  edit  and  publish  a  monthly  paper, 
The  Woody  Crest  Monthly,  the  subscription  price  of  which 
is  twenty-five  cents.  Formerly,  type  for  this  was  set 
up  and  the  paper  printed  by  the  manual-training  class, 
but  the  compositor  and  printer,  Edward  Tape,  a  lad  of 
great  promise,  died  in  December,  1898,  and  there  has 
since  been  no  one  to  take  his  place. 

It  is  the  intention  to  build  a  large  addition  next 
summer  and  materially  increase  the  capacity  of  the 


German  Germany   is   not   only   the   pioneer   but 

Industrial  probably  the  leader,  to-day,  in  technical 

Education  industrial    education.       A    considerable 

portion  of  German  success  in  foreign  trade  competition 
may  be  credited  to  this  cause,  although  its  influence 
has  been  much  overestimated  in  certain  quarters.  The 
fact  of  possessing  practically  the  equivalent  of  the  best 
machinery,  operated  J)y  lower- wage  labor,  is  the  chief 
reason  why  Germany  has  been  able  to  compete,  not  only 
with  England  in  foreign  markets,  but  in  the  English 
market  itself. 

The  newest  proposed  step  in  German  industrial 
and  commercial  education  is  a  commercial  university  at 
Hamburg.  For  the  present  it  will  confine  itself  to 
such  scientific  subjects  as  bear  directly  upon  commerce, 
but  an  effort  is  to  be  made  to  induce  large  industrial 
works  to  cooperate  with  the  new  institution  and  make 
it  possible  for  students  to  obtain  practical  industrial 
experience  which  theoretical  training  does  not  fur- 

Berlin  also  will  probably  soon  have  a  higher  com- 
mercial school,  one  of  the  special  features  of  which  will 
be  the  study  of  English,  as  33  per  cent,  of  Germany's 
export  trade  goes  to  England  and  her  colonies  and  the 
United  States.  The  Prussian  government  is  giving 
much  attention  to  the  increasing  demand  for  technical 
training.  The  amount  set  apart  for  this  purpose  has 
been  increased  nearly  75  percent,  in  four  years,  but,  as 
this  is  still  considered  insufficient,  a  special  committee 
has  been  appointed  to  see  how  the  appropriation  can  be 
further  augmented. 



If  we  are  to  have  the  Philippine  problem 
Educating  permanently  on  our  hands,  its  ultimate 

solution  will  come,  not  by  force,  but 
through  the  slow  in- working  of  industrial  and  educa- 
tional influences.  Like  the  bringing  of  one  thousand 
Cuban  teachers  to  Harvard  last  summer,  the  recently 
started  movement  to  educate  young  Filipinos  in  the 
United  States  is  in  the  right  direction.  Already,  two 
of  our  leading  universities,  Yale  and  Columbia,  have 
each  offered  free  tuition  to  five  Filipinos.  Of  course, 
the  obvious  defect  in  this  plan  is  the  possibility,  even 
probability,  that  these  young  men  when  once  trained  in 
American  ideas  and  familiarized  with  American  oppor- 
tunities will  decline  to  return  and  work  among  their 
own  people,  and  there  is  no  law  that  could  compel 
them  to  do  so.  The  really  effective  step  would  be  to 
establish  a  university  on  American  lines,  right  in  the 
Philippines.  This  would  be  a  center  of  civilizing  influ- 
ence placed  exactly  in  the  spot  where  the  need  exists. 
What  we  now  spend  every  three  or  four  weeks  on 
bayonet  civilization  in  the  Philippines  would  build  and 
equip  a  fine  institution  of  learning  in  Manila, — and  this 
is  not  to  say  that  we  can  or  ought,  having  come  thus 
far,  to  stop  short  of  suppressing  the  insurrection.  It 
simply  means  that  when  peace  is  restored,  if  ever  it  is, 
the  same  moral  obligation  that  is  now  supposed  to 
justify  our  military  expenditures  will  apply  even  more 
forcibly  to  the  furnishing  of  liberal  opportunities  for 
the  development  of  as  high  a  state  of  civilization  as 
tropical  conditions  will  permit. 

Meager  School  Tne  reP°rt  of  M.  G.  Brumbaugh,  COm- 
Facilities  in  missioner  of  education  for  Porto  Rico,  is 
Porto  Rico  virtually  a  strong  plea  for  more  teachers, 
better  facilities  and  better  systems  in  the  island.  The 
present  facilities  only  provide  for  88,000  students,  leav- 

76  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

ing  300,000  children  of  school  age  without  means  of 
securing  an  education.  Small  as  the  number  of  en- 
rolled students  is,  it  is  far  too  great  for  the  number  of 
teachers,  the  average  being  only  one  teacher  for  more 
than  100  pupils.  Such  a  proportion  makes  good  work 

The  report  states  that  Porto  Rico  contains  no  pub- 
lic school  buildings  and  no  public  colleges  or  universi- 
ties ;  80  per  cent,  of  the  people  are  illiterate,  while 
thousands  of  children  are  half -clothed,  half -housed  and 
half -fed.  There  are  now  over  100  American  teachers 
and  more  are  demanded,  provided  they  can  teach  Span- 
ish and  are  in  earnest,  not  mere  seekers  after  novelty. 
Commissioner  Brumbaugh's  report  is  a  reflection,  in 
certain  respects,  on  the  work  of  his  predecessor,  Gen- 
eral Eaton,  who  was  the  first  commissioner  of  education 
under  American  rule,  and  is  naturally  criticized  by 
friends  of  the  latter  as  being  exaggerated  and  unfair. 
It  may  be  that  sufficient  recognition  is  not  given  to  the 
improvements  started  by  General  Eaton,  but  there  is 
little  reason  to  doubt  the  substantial  accuracy  of  Com- 
missioner Brumbaugh's  statement  of  the  existing  con- 
ditions. They  may  be  much  better  than  under  Spanish 
rule  and  still  be  very  bad  indeed ;  it  is  hard  to  imagine 
what  a  school  system  can  be  with  no  public  school 
buildings.  How  the  Porto  Rican  legislature  deals  with 
this  problem  will  be  an  interesting  test  of  its  capacity 
to  exercise  the  powers  of  government. 

Why  the  teachers  in  the  public   schools 

EngHsh  Tongue!  of  New  York  city  should  be  directed  to 
reduce  the  amount  of  time  devoted  to  the 
teaching  of  English  grammar  is  one  of  the  things  that, 
on  the  surface  at  least,  is  beyond  comprehension.  If 
the  object  is  to  permit  a  larger  attention  to  the  study 
of  English  by  more  approved  methods  than  formal  con- 


ning  of  text-books  on  grammar,  then  without  doubt  the 
course  of  wisdom  has  been  adopted.  But  if  the  time 
taken  from  grammar  is  to  be  given  to  anything  except 
English,  it  is  a  mistake,  regardless  of  what  the  subjects 
are  that  will  take  its  place. 

If  there  is  any  one  subject  in  which  American 
school  children  are  deficient  it  is  the  proper  use  of  the 
English  language.  How  anybody,  who  overhears  the 
average  conversation  of  a  crowd  of  average  school  boys, 
can  come  away  with  anything  but  the  sort  of  feeling  he 
would  have  after  witnessing  a  murder,  is  incomprehen- 
sible except  on  the  theory  that  the  man  is  himself  a 
regular  perpetrator  of  linguistic  crimes.  Fortunately, 
there  are  many  exceptions  among  school  boys  on  the 
side  of  good  clean  speech,  but,  in  the  large  cities  es- 
pecially, the  English  language  in  the  mouths  of  school 
boys  is  largely— one  is  tempted  to  say  chiefly — an  out- 
pouring of  vulgar  slang,  barbaric  sentence  construction, 
and  pronunciation  so  drawling  and  slovenly  that  the 
street  gamin's  influence  is  apparently  proved  far  more 
powerful  than  anything  brought  to  bear  in  the  school- 
room. It  may  be  that  formal  grammar  study  is  being 
discarded  as  bad  in  method,  but,  if  any  change  is  to  be 
made  in  the  time  devoted  to  English,  double  it!  To  re- 
duce it  would  be  a  crime. 

The  retirement  of  Daniel  C.  Oilman  from 

Dr.  Oilman  and       ^  .  ,  ..  T    , 

Johns  Hopkins  the  presidency  of  Johns  Hopkins  Univer- 
sity, because  of  advanced  age,  has  again 
brought  into  prominence  the  extraordinary  nature  of 
his  service  to  American  educational  progress.  Perhaps 
no  other  educational  institution  in  the  country  has 
stood  so  conspicuously  for  high  standards  of  research 
and  instruction,  in  preference  to  imposing  buildings 
and  numberless  "fad"  courses,  as  has  Johns  Hopkins 
under  President  Oilman's  direction  during  the  last 


quarter  of  a  century.  It  is  probably  true,  as  the  Phila- 
delphia Press  says  in  the  course  of  an  able  editorial  on 
the  subject,  that  no  institution  with  means  so  small  has 
exercised  so  large  an  influence  in  shaping  educational 
methods  and  elevating  educational  standards  in  this 
country.  The  custom  of  issuing  university  publica- 
tions, containing  the  results  of  the  original  research  of 
experts,  which  has  now  become  a  feature  of  nearly  all 
our  universities,  originated  at  Johns  Hopkins ;  and,  al- 
though these  publications  never  do  and  never  will  have 
a  popular  character  or  influence,  their  service  in  afford- 
ing a  constant  test  of  educational  methods  and  the 
character  of  current  instruction,  conveying  to  all  col- 
leges and  universities  the  results  of  the  best  work  that 
is  being  done  anywhere,  has  been  and  is  of  the  highest 
importance.  Dr.  Oilman's  long  association  with  Johns 
Hopkins  (he  became  president  in  1875)  has  so  identified 
him  with  the  institution  that  it  will  be  hard  to  think  of 
anyone  else  in  his  place.  Probably  the  man  best  fitted 
to  succeed  him,  to  carry  on  the  work  in  the  same  spirit 
and  with  full  appreciation  of  its  high  purpose,  is  Pro- 
fessor H.  B.  Adams,  head  of  the  department  of  histori- 
cal and  political  science  in  Johns  Hopkins.  It  is  en- 
couraging to  note  that  Professor  Adams  is  the  man  who 
is  now  being  most  prominently  mentioned  for  the  place. 


This  department  belongs  to  our  readers,  and  offers  them  full  oppor- 
tunity to  "talk  back"  to  the  editor,  give  information,  discuss  topics  or 
ask  questions  on  subjects  within  the  field  covered  by  GUNTON'S  MAGA- 
ZINE. All  communications,  whether  letters  for  publication  or  inquiries 
for  the  "  Question  Box,"  must  be  accompanied  by  the  full  name  and  ad- 
dress of  the  writer.  This  is  not  required  for  publication,  if  the  writer 
objects,  but  as  evidence  of  good  faith.  Anonymous  correspondents  are 


Ethnology  at  the  Pan-American  Exposition 


Dear  Sir: — I  would  be  very  glad  if  you  would  call 
the  attention  of  your  readers  to  the  department  of  eth- 
nology and  archaeology  of  the  Pan-American  Exposi- 
tion. The  exposition  has  provided  a  circular  building 
128  feet  in  diameter  and  has  also  arranged  for  a  •*  Six 
Nation  "  Indian  exhibit  on  the  grounds  with  a  represen- 
tation of  the  typical  "  Long  House  "  of  the  Iroquoisand 
an  attendance  of  some  sixty  Indians  who  will  be  en- 
gaged in  such  industries  as  basket-making,  wood-work, 
etc.  As  these  Indians  are  pagans  and  have  preserved 
to  a  great  degree  their  ancient  customs,  they  will  cele- 
brate in  appropriate  seasons  their  various  thanksgiving 
festivals,  dances  and  other  rites. 

It  is  not  too  early  to  assure  the  public  that  the 
promises  of  such  institutions  as  the  American  Museum 
of  Natural  History,  The  Peabody  Museum,  University 
of  Pennsylvania,  University  of  Chicago  and  the  Buffalo 
Society  of  Natural  Sciences,  as  well  as  the  friendly  co- 
operation of  the  ministers  of  the  South  American 
republics,  guarantee  the  success  of  this  department.  At 
the  same  time,  there  is  always  room  for  more,  and,  as 



the  aim  of  this  department  is  not  so  much  to  get  togeth- 
er a  large  miscellaneous  collection  of  relics  as  to  afford 
a  means  of  popular  instruction  in  American  archaeology, 
it  is  desired  that  students  from  all  parts  of  the  country 
shall  send  on  exhibits  or  memoranda  descriptive  of  re- 
sults obtained  in  their  special  fields  of  labor.  For  ex- 
ample, one  exhibit  will  show  the  animals  domesticated 
by  the  aborigines  of  the  western  continent  and  will  ex- 
plain why  the  lack  of  large  useful  animals  capable  of 
domestication  hampered  the  development  of  civilization 
in  the  new  world. 

Through  the  cooperation  of  the  department  of 
agriculture  and  horticulture,  exhibits  will  be  made  of 
the  plants  cultivated  in  both  North  and  South  America 
before  the  discovery. 

One  point  we  would  like  to  have  made  perfectly 
clear,  namely,  that  mercenary  collectors  will  not  find 
the  Pan-American  Exposition  a  source  of  revenue, 
although  there  would  be  no  objection  to  a  modest  ad- 
vertisement placed  in  a  case  of  relics  which  are  other- 
wise of  scientific  value. 

A.  L.  BENEDICT,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 


Future  of  the  Democratic  Party 


DEAR  SIR: — In  your  lecture  on  "The  Passing  of 
Bryan,"  published  in  November,  you  said  that  it  would 
1 '  probably  be  a  long  time  before  a  person  of  Mr.  Bry- 
an's stamp  will  again  get  possession  of  the  democratic 

What  signs  are  there  of  any  new  forces  at  work  in 
that  party?  Can  anybody  tell  what  it  stands  for  if 
Bryanism  is  taken  out?  What  issue  has  it  to  rally 
round  that  the  American  people  have  not  already  buried 
beyond  the  hope  of  resurrection?  For  one  I  believe 
that,  although  Bryan  may  drop  out,  what  is  meant  by 
Bryanism  really  represents  whatever  there  is  of  oppo- 
sition to  the  principles  and  tendencies  of  the  now 
dominant  party  in  this  country.  Old  issues  are  gone ; 
old  party  characteristics  are  being  merged  into  new 
forms,  and  the  issue  of  the  future  is  going  to  be  sharply 
drawn  in  a  deadly  struggle ;  vested  interests  and  indi- 
vidualism on  the  one  side,  against  socialism  on  the 
other.  R.  P.  E. 

Our  correspondent  has  stated  the  case  well.  Bryan 
may  be  gone — probably  he  is, — but  the  ideas  for  which 
he  stood  are  by  no  means  gone.  They  may  lull  for  a 
little  while,  especially  if  business  prosperity  continues, 
but  with  the  first  signs  of  business  depression  they  will 
surely  reappear.  All  the  issues  which  rallied  under 
the  name  of  Bryanism  were  essentially  of  a  socialistic 
character;  they  expressed  different  degrees  of  doubt 
and  distrust  of  existing  institutions ;  they  stood  for 
social  and  political  revolution.  The  struggle  in  the 


82  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

future,  and  it  may  be  in  the'  immediate  future,  will 
indeed  be  a  struggle  between  the  right  of  individual 
initiative  and  some  form  of  socialistic  experiment. 
How  deadly  this  struggle  will  be  will  depend  largely 
upon  the  wisdom  of  the  owners  of  wealth  and  organ- 
izers of  industry  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  informed 
intelligence  of  the  masses  on  the  other.  The  character 
of  the  struggle  will  largely  depend  upon  how  far  social 
prejudice  and  class  feeling  among  the  laborers  shall  be 
superseded  by  knowledge  and  wholesome  views  on 
industrial  relations  and  political  policies.  If  the  wis- 
dom of  the  wealthy  is  at  all  commensurate  with  their 
interests  and  their  duty  to  society,  they  will  recognize 
the  importance  of  aiding  the  work  of  industrial  and 
political  education  among  the  masses  as  the  only  source 
of  safety  for  society  against  the  havoc  of  disintegrating 
experiments  with  socialism. 

Is  Civilization  Decaying  ? 


Dear  Sir: — The  rapid  growth  of  vice  in  our  large 
cities  is  an  evidence  of  dry-rot  at  the  heart  of  our  civi- 
lization, and  brings  to  mind  the  beginning  of  Rome's 
degeneracy  so  forcibly  that  it  is  no  wonder  men  tremble 
for  the  future  of  the  republic.  It  is  easy  to  be  opti- 
mistic when  these  things  are  only  in  the  stage  of  being 
merely  signs  and  portents,  but  nobody  in  Rome  realized 
what  was  coming  until  it  actually  came.  In  these  days 
of  fast  living  and  chasing  of  money  and  pleasure,  there 
is  a  decay  of  individual  conscience  and  individual  sense 
of  strict  morality.  What  can  be  done  to  turn  the  cur- 
rent before  it  is  too  late?  M.  H. 

The  pessimism  of  our  correspondent  is  unduly  great. 
There  is  no  ' '  evidence  of  dry-rot  at  the  heart  of  our 
civilization. "  The  progressive  forces  in  the  community 

i9oi.]  QUESTION  BOX  83 

are  neither  dry  nor  rotten.  The  heart  of  our  civiliza- 
tion is  sound,  our  people  as  a  whole  are  honest,  their 
motives  are  upright,  and  their  faith  in  progress  is 
strong.  There  are  some  evidences  of  political  corrup- 
tion and  social  impurity  and  industrial  greed,  but  these 
are  really  but  specks  on  the  surface  of  a  general  whole- 
someness.  We  would  not  underrate  the  importance  of 
eliminating  these  evidences  of  vice  in  various  forms, 
but  it  is  well  to  understand  the  case  correctly  and  not 
mistake  a  few  miscreants  for  all  society. 

It  is  true  that  the  most  serious  problems  of  the 
twentieth  century  will  be  municipal.  While  the  cities 
are  the  seat  of  our  civilization,  they  are  also  the  birth- 
place of  economic  and  political  iniquities.  The  chief 
evil  in  the  political  methods  of  our  cities  is  due,  not  to 
the  depravity  of  the  people,  but  to  the  imperfection  of 
our  political  machinery.  In  the  evolution  of  political 
freedom  we  have  at  last  reached  the  point  of  protecting 
the  vote  of  the  citizen  by  the  ballot,  so  that  the  evil 
which  has  been  so  conspicuous  during  the  greater  part 
of  this  century,  of  coercing  and  otherwise  corruptly 
influencing  elections,  has  substantially  disappeared. 
The  remnant  of  that  corruption  is  now  limited  to  the 
methods  by  which  candidates  for  office  are  nominated, 
and  very  naturally  that  shows  itself  with  the  greatest 
force  in  large  cities.  The  next  step  in  political  progress 
is  to  extend  the  secret  ballot,  which  has  given  such 
security  and  protection  to  citizens  at  the  polls,  to  the 
caucus  machinery  for  nominations.  The  corruption 
to-day  exists  at  the  sources  of  nomination.  There  is 
where  the  buying  and  selling  and  trading  is  done. 
There  is  where  the  corruption  is  practised.  There  is 
where  the  office-holder  is  used  as  an  instrument  for 
corrupt  manipulation  by  the  bosses.  The  masses  of 
the  people  are  honest,  and  they  protest  against  this, 
they  are  disgusted,  and  their  disgust  is  making  them 

84  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  \ January, 

indifferent,  not  because  they  share  the  evil  but  because 
it  seems  beyond  their  reach.  The  remedy  for  this  is  to 
substitute  nominations  by  petition  and  secret  ballot  for 
the  corruptible,  patronage-packed,  delegate  conven- 
tions. Then  the  people  will  have  the  same  power  in 
nominating  candidates  for  mayor  that  they  have  now  in 
voting  for  them  after  they  are  nominated.  With  high- 
minded,  characterful  city  officials,  whose  nomination 
as  well  as  election  is  made  by  the  free  choice  of  the 
people,  the  jobbery,  corruption  and  political  vices  now 
so  conspicuous  in  city  administrations  would  rapidly 

The  Anti-Tammany  Campaign 


Dear  Sir: — What  do  you  regard  as  the  most  feasi- 
ble method  of  electing  an  anti-Tammany  mayor  in  New 
York  city?  The  citizens'  union  is  again  in  the  field, 
and  so  is  the  republican  party.  If  they  fail  to  come 
together,  as  they  failed  in  1897,  the  people  will  have  to 
practically  abandon  one  or  the  other  organization  if  the 
city  is  to  be  saved.  Which  shall  it  be?  L.  A.  S. 

There  appears  to  be  only  one  feasible  method  of 
electing  an  anti-Tammany  mayor,  and  that  is  to  organ- 
ize a  municipal  campaign  and  nominate  a  candidate  out- 
side the  strictly  party  lines.  The  citizens'  union  made 
a  great  many  enemies  by  its  blunders  in  1897.  It  ar- 
rogantly asserted  to  itself  the  sole  prerogative  of  con- 
ducting an  anti-Tammany  campaign,  refusing  definitely 
to  associate  or  enter  into  any  arrangement  with  the  re- 
publicans. Such  short-sighted  egotism  naturally  pre- 
vented the  republican  organization  from  cooperating. 
This  made  unity  of  the  anti-Tammany  forces  impossible, 
and  hence  there  were  three  candidates  and  Van  Wyck 
was  elected.  The  citizens'  union  has  learned  some- 

i90i.]  QUESTION  BOX  85 

thing  since  then,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  the  republican 
organization  has  learned  something,  but  there  is  one 
thing  manifest  to  all  observers ;  namely,  that  while  the 
people  of  New  York  are  disgusted  with  Tammany  rule 
there  is  a  very  prevalent  feeling  that  to  transfer  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  city  from  Tammany  under  Croker 
to  the  republican  organization  under  Platt  would  be 
very  little  if  any  improvement,  at  least  that  the  im- 
provement would  scarcely  be  worth  the  effort.  In  short, 
the  best  people  of  New  York,  and  probably  seventy-five 
per  cent,  of  those  who  voted  for  McKinley,  have  no 
faith  in  the  Platt  organization.  For  this  reason,  any 
nomination  for  mayor  in  1901  by  the  republican  organ- 
ization, under  any  circumstances,  means  defeat.  It 
must  be  general  cooperation  of  all  opposed  to  Tammany 
and  under  leadership  other  than  the  Platt  organization 
or  success  will  be  impossible.  Mr.  Platt  cannot  lead  a 
successful  movement  against  Croker.  The  people  will 
not  follow  him  because  they  know,  as  the  facts  are  now 
in  hand,  that  Mr.  Platt,  if  not  personally  then  through 
his  followers  like  Quigg  and  Bidwell,  trades  with  Tam- 
many, and  the  people  have  no  faith  in  leaders  who  trade 
with  Tammany.  Whether  it  is  the  citizens'  union 
movement  or  another  and  more  largely  republican 
movement  which  shall  make  the  campaign  in  1901 
against  Tammany,  one  thing  is  absolutely  certain,  that 
a  successful  contest  cannot  be  made  by  the  republican 

Southern  Representation  in  Congress 


Dear  Sir: — On  page  34  of  the  Lecture  Bulletin  for 
November  isth  the  statement  is  made  that:  "The 
southern  states  have  representation  in  congress  to-day 
nearly  one-third  larger  than  they  are  entitled  to  be- 

86  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

cause  of  their  suppression  of  the  legal  rights  of  colored 

I  question  the  correctness  of  this  statement.  Is 
not  representation  based  on  population  and  not  on 
voters?  Will  you  kindly  put  me  in  the  correct  posi- 
tion on  this  statement?  I  have  seen  it  made  several 
times  this  fall  but  supposed  it  to  be  an  oversight. 

J.  M.  G. 

It  is  true  that  representation  is  based  on  popula- 
tion rather  than  on  the  number  of  voters.  The  four- 
teenth amendment  to  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States,  which  covers  this  point,  says:  "  Representa- 
tives shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  states 
according  to  their  respective  numbers,  counting  the 
whole  number  of  persons  in  each  state,  excluding 
Indians  not  taxed." 

But  this  same  fourteenth  amendment  also  provides 
for  exactly  such  a  situation  as  is  now  presented  in  the 
several  southern  states  which  have  disfranchised  the 
negro.  Here  is  the  provision : 

"  But  when  the  right  to  vote  at  any  election  for  the  choice  of 
electors  for  president  and  vice-president  of  the  United  States,  repre- 
sentatives in  congress,  the  executive  and  judicial  officers  of  a  state,  or 
the  members  of  the  legislature  thereof,  is  denied  to  any  of  the  male 
members  of  such  state,  being  of  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  or  in  any  way  abridged,  except  for  participation  in 
rebellion  or  other  crime,  the  basis  of  representation  therein  shall  be  re- 
duced in  the  proportion  which  the  number  of  such  male  citizens  shall 
bear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of  age  in 
such  state." 

There  is  no  question,  therefore,  as  to  the  propriety 
and  even  the  constitutional  obligation  of  reducing  the 
representation  of  the  southern  states  which  have  dis- 
franchised the  negro.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  this  applies 
not  merely  to  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  North  and  South 
Carolina,  but  to  practically  all  the  southern  states,  for 
in  no  one  of  them-  is  negro  suffrage  much  more  than  a 



farce.  The  extent  to  which  the  South  has  excess  rep- 
resentation in  congress  is  a  question  of  fact  only,  and 
an  approximate  idea  of  it  may  be  gained  by  comparison 
of  recent  population  and  election  statistics. 

The  1900  census  returns  for  total  population  are  at 
hand,  but  the  figures  showing  the  number  of  males 
over  2 1  years  of  age  have  not  yet  appeared.  We  have 
these  figures,  however,  for  1890,  and  it  is  fair  to  as- 
sume that  the  rate  of  increase  in  the  total  number  of 
males  over  2 1  and  the  number  of  colored  males  over  2 1 
has  been  substantially  the  same  as  the  rate  of  increase 
in  total  population  in  the  various  states.  The  follow- 
ing table  for  the  southern  states  shows  the  total  num- 
ber of  males  over  21,  estimated  in  this  way,  also  the 
total  vote  cast  for  McKinley  and  Bryan  this  year,  the 
difference  between  the  total  number  of  legal  voters  and 
those  actually  voting,  the  total  estimated  number  of 
colored  males  over  21,  and  the  percentage  by  which  the 
legal  voters  outnumber  those  who  actually  voted : 


Males  over 
21,  in  1900 

Total  Vote 
cast  in  1900 
ing votes 

voters  not 


Total  male 
over  21, 
in  IQOO 

Per  cent, 
of  excess, 
legal  vot- 
ers over 

Alabama  . 
Arkansas  . 

129  ooo 


•2C     CQ6 

-    174,158 
QO    J.Q1 

51  ooo 




Georgia    . 
North  Carolina 
South  Carolina 
Tennessee  .   . 


7il  OOO 


4.84.  800 




246  2OO 

139  ooo 




Virginia  .... 






It  will  be  seen,  therefore,  that  taking  these  states 
as  a  whole,  the  number  of  possible  voters  is  more  like 
three  times  that  of  the  actual  voters  than  one-third 
more,  as  was  stated  in  the  Bulletin  lecture  to  which  our 
correspondent  refers. 


Of  course,  nobody  believes  that  the  extraordinary 
discrepancy  between  the  possible  and  the  actual  vote  in 
these  southern  states  is  due  entirely  to  the  failure  of 
the  white  people  to  vote.  In  some  cases  the  difference 
between  the  possible  and  the  actual  vote  is  much  larger 
than,  even  more  than  double,  the  entire  number  of 
negro  voters,  which  allows  a  liberal  margin  for  white 
non-voters  and  leads  irresistibly  to  the  conclusion  that 
practically  none  of  the  negroes  voted. 

Necessarily,  the  total  vote  cast  in  any  election  never 
equals  the  total  number  of  possible  voters,  but  nowhere 
else  in  this  country  is  there  anything  approaching  the 
remarkable  discrepancies  in  the  South.  Even  in  Cuba, 
this  year,  in  the  first  general  election  ever  held,  the 
registration  was  much  larger  in  proportion  to  popula- 
tion than  the  vote  in  some  of  the  southern  states.  The 
statement,  therefore,  that  southern  representation  in 
congress  is  one-third  larger  than  the  conditions  pre- 
scribed by  the  fourteenth  amendment  justify,  is  well 
within  the  facts.  It  would  be  conservative  to  say  that 
the  representation  in  several  of  these  states  is  more 
than  double  what  the  constitution  authorizes  under  the 
conditions  there  existing. 


1861.  By  Jesse  Macy,  A.M.,  LL.D.  Half  leather, 
316  pp.,  with  bibliography  and  index.  $1.25.  The 
Macmillan  Company,  New  York. 

The  real  distinction  between  factions,  parties  and 
propagandists  is  very  seldom  distinctly  recognized.  In- 
deed, it  would  be  not  far  from  the  truth  to  say  that  they 
are  commonly  if  not  generally  confused.  Yet  there  is 
a  real  difference.  Each  pursues  a  different  object  and 
frequently  exercises  a  different  influence.  When  we 
confuse  their  functions  we  frequently  misinterpret  their 
object.  This  subject  is  ably  discussed  and  clearly  de- 
fined by  Professor  Macy  in  the  little  volume  under  con- 
sideration. In  discussing  modern  political  parties  he 
defines  a  political  party  as  a  conscious  organic  agency 
of  the  people  for  the  attainment  of  good  government ; 
in  other  words,  a  conscious  organization  whose  specific 
object  is  to  transform  public  opinion  into  public  policy. 

Professor  Macy  fixes  the  date  for  the  advent  of 
political  parties  at  the  passage  of  the  first  reform  bill  in 
England  in  1832.  We  commonly  speak  of  parties  ex- 
isting in  England  from  the  reign  of  the  Stuarts,  and 
conspicuously  after  the  revolution  of  1688,  but  these 
the  author  explains  as  political  factions.  They  differed 
from  political  parties  in  that  they  were  in  no  sense 
organs  of  public  opinion.  They  did  not  represent  any 
public  opinion ;  they  took  no  means  to  consult  public 
opinion  or  to  ascertain  what  public  opinion  was  on  any 
theme  of  current  interest.  They  did  sometimes  stand 
for  a  certain  policy  as  against  the  government,  but  in 
this  they  represented  no  expression  of  opinion  by  the 
country.  They  were  for  the  most  part  small  bands 


90  GUN  TON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

who,  sometimes  for  good  motives  and  sometimes  not, 
struggled  for  a  share  in  the  administration,  for  the 
right  to  be  near  the  throne,  the  chief  reason  being,  it 
is  needless  to  say,  that  nearness  to  the  throne  brought 
richer  emoluments. 

The  political  party  differs  entirely  from  this  in  that 
it  is  an  organized  representative  of  external  opinion, 
the  opinion  of  some  section  at  least  of  the  public,  and 
the  object  of  the  party  is  to  transform  that  opinion  into 

The  propaganda  group  differs  both  from  the  fac- 
tion and  the  party  in  that  it  is  a  more  or  less  organized 
body  whose  object  is  to  create  public  opinion.  It  is  not 
so  much  the  representative  of  any  section  of  public 
opinion  as  the  proclaimer  of  an  idea  which  it  endeavors 
to  convert  into  public  opinion.  Lincoln  seems  to  have 
recognized  this  distinction,  so  well  brought  out  by  our 
author.  When  Wendell  Phillips  called  on  him  during 
the  war  to  remonstrate  against  his  toleration  of  slavery, 
urging  that  Mr.  Lincoln  make  abolition  and  not  union 
merely  the  issue  of  the  war,  Lincoln  replied :  Your 
function  and  mine  are  different ;  yours  is  to  make  pub- 
lic opinion,  mine  is  to  use  it.  You  make  public  opinion 
in  favor  of  abolition  and  I  will  use  it  as  fast  as  you  can 
make  it. 

Professor  Macy  has  not  merely  related  the  history  of 
political  parties  in  the  United  States,  but  he  has  dis- 
cussed the  subject.  Moreover,  he  has  discussed  it  with 
a  delightful  clearness  which  makes  the  book  at  once 
instructive  and  interesting.  It  is  a  little  book  which 
contains  a  fund  of  information  for  young  readers,  and 
may  be  read  with  interest  and  profit  by  students.  It 
discusses  in  a  clear,  concise  manner  the  existence  and 
work  of  factions  in  the  evolution  of  political  institutions 
and  the  preparation  for  the  rise  of  responsible  political 
parties.  Its  account  of  the  origin,  character  and  devel- 

i9oi.j  BOOK  REVIEWS  91 

opment  of  political  parties  in  this  country  is  full  enough 
to  be  clear  and  interesting,  and  brief  enough  not  to  be 
tedious.  It  brings  the  history  down  to  the  war.  It  is 
an  excellent  contribution  to  the  discussion  as  well  as  to 
the  history  of  the  subject. 

SOURI. By  Frederick  N.  Judson,  of  the  St.  Louis  bar. 
Cloth,  358  pp.  E.  W.  Stephens,  Publisher,  Columbia, 

Mr.  Judson  prepared  this  volume  because  he  felt 
strongly  impressed  with  the  fact  that  before  citizens 
can  demand  reform  in  taxation  they  must  know  what  it 
is,  how  it  has  been  developed  and  how  it  has  been  en- 
forced. The  result  is  not  a  general  treatise  on  taxation 
but  a  history  of  taxation  in  Missouri,  the  present 
system  and  proposed  amendments. 

In  discussing  the  presenj;  system  Mr.  Judson  points 
out  its  effective  and  ineffective  features,  some  of  the 
former  being  the  valuation  of  such  properties  as  are  of 
an  interstate  character  by  a  central  state  authority,  the 
assessing  of  the  shares  of  stock  of  banks,  trust  com- 
panies and  domestic  insurance  companies,  and  the 
method  of  collecting  delinquent  taxes.  Among  the 
inefficient  features  are  found  inequality  of  taxation, 
direct  personal  taxation  and  double  taxation.  The 
separation  of  the  sources  of  state  and  local  revenue  as 
a  remedy  for  unequal  taxation,  and  adoption  of  an  in- 
heritance tax  as  an  effective  method  of  reaching  per- 
sonal property,  are  some  of  the  changes  suggested. 
Although  inheritance  taxes  are  taxes  on  personal  prop- 
erty, Mr.  Judson  seems  fully  to  appreciate  the  fact  that 
modern  scientific  investigation  of  taxation  is  resulting 
in  an  almost  universal  trend  of  the  best  opinion  away 
from  any  further  efforts  at  personal  direct  taxation. 
Taxes  levied  on  real  property  only,  as  near  as  possible 

92  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [January, 

to  the  sources  of  production,  are  most  equitably  dis- 
tributed throughout  the  community,  and  reach  the 
owners  of  personal  investments  far  more  certainly  and 
uniformly  by  this  indirect  method  than  by  any  direct 
forms  of  personal  property  taxation  ever  devised. 

Charles  J.  Bullock,  Ph.  D.  Half  leather,  273  pp.,  with 
bibliography  and  brief  index.  The  Macmillan  Com- 
pany, New  York. 

If  one  takes  up  this  book  with  the  idea  that  it  is  a 
consecutive  history  of  the  monetary  system  of  the  United 
States  he  will  be  disappointed.  It  is  really  three  essays 
or  lectures,  put  together  in  book  form.  The  first  is  a 
brief  review  of  the  monetary  experience  of  the  United 
States,  covering  three  centuries.  Although  this 
survey  of  monetary  history  is  crowded  into  121  pages, 
it  contains  a  good  deal  of  information  upon  the  sub- 
ject, and  withal  there  is  a  streak  of  sound  banking 
doctrine  running  through  it. 

The  second  paper  is  a  history  of  paper  currency  in 
North  Carolina  and  the  third  is  on  the  history  of  paper 
currency  in  New  Hampshire.  Both  of  these  essays  are 
confined  to  the  colonial  era.  Much  of  the  matter,  how- 
ever, in  these  essays  is  of  interest  only  to  investigators 
who  desire  early  data,  and  shed  little  if  any  light  upon 
modern  monetary  questions.  The  author  has  taken 
great  pains  in  giving  frequent  and  sometimes  copious 
foot-note  references.  It  is,  in  short,  a  contribution  to 
early  data  upon  the  subject,  which  evidently  involved 
painstaking  effort,  and  as  such  it  is  a  creditable  product. 

THE  ENGLISH  SENTENCE.  By  Lillian  G.  Kimball, 
instructor  in  English,  State  Normal  School,  Oshkosh, 
Wisconsin.  Cloth,  i2mo,  244  pp.,  75  cents.  American 
Book  Company,  New  York. 

i9oi.]  BOOK  REVIEWS  93 

This  book,  which  is  intended  as  a  continuation  of 
grammar  study,  ought  speedily  to  find  a  place  in  the 
high  schools  and  normal  schools  for  which  it  is  in- 
tended. The  style  is  so  easy  and  natural  that  the  book 
is  readable  as  well  as  instructive.  Its  object  is  the 
analysis  af  the  English  sentence  in  relation  to  the 
thought  embodied.  This  takes  the  study  of  grammar 
out  of  the  realm  of  rules  and  definitions  only,  gives  it 
life  and  meaning,  and  trains  the  student  to  interpret 
the  speech  of  others  and  give  correct  expression  to  his 
own  ideas. 

The  sentences  for  analysis  have  been  chosen  from 
the  writings  of  reputable  authors  of  the  present 
century.  No  attempt  is  made  to  criticize  the  sentence 
structure,  the  object  of  the  analysis  being  to  determine 
the  efficiency  of  the  sentences  in  conveying  thought  to 
the  mind  of  the  reader. 

TIONS. By  George  Howard  Opdyke,  M.A.  Cloth,  271 
pp.  Laird  &  Lee,  Publishers,  Chicago,  Illinois. 

This  compilation  shows  a  careful  selection  from 
the  most  important  collections  in  all  languages,  and  a 
classification  quite  different  from  the  usual  order  of 
such  works.  An  alphabetical  arrangement  by  subjects 
has  been  adopted  which  weaves  the  proverbs  into 
essays,  making  the  book  readable  as  well  as  useful  for 

Disraeli  said :  "There  seems  to  be  no  occurrence 
in  human  affairs  to  which  some  proverb  may  not  be 
applied,"  and,  judging  from  the  variety  of  topics 
covered  in  this  volume,  he  would  seem  to  have  been 
very  nearly  right. 



Spencer  and  Spencerism.  By  Hector  Macpherson, 
author  of  "Thomas  Carlyle,"  and  "Adam  Smith." 
Cloth,  241  pp.,  $1.25.  Doubleday,  Page  &  Co.,  New 

The  History  of  Colonization.  From  the  Earliest 
Times  to  the  Present  Day.  By  Henry  C.  Morris.  2 
vols.,  crown  8vo,  cloth,  gilt  tops,  459-383  pp.,  $4. 
The  Macmillan  Company,  New  York. 

Jesus  Christ  and  the  Social  Question.  An  Examina- 
tion of  the  Teaching  of  Jesus  in  its  Relation  to  some 
of  the  Problems  of  Modern  Life.  By  Francis  Green- 
wood Peabody,  Plummer  professor  of  Christian  morals 
in  Harvard  University.  The  Macmillan  Company, 
New  York. 

The  Settlement  after  the  War  in  South  Africa.  By 
M.  J.  Farrelly,  LL.D.,  barrister  at  law,  advocate  of  the 
supreme  court  of  Cape  Colony.  8vo,  cloth.  321  pp.,  $4. 
The  Macmillan  Company,  New  York. 

The  Venetian  Republic:  Its  Rise,  its  Growth,  and  its 
Fall.  421-1797.  By  W.  Carew  Hazlitt.  8vo,  cloth, 
gilt  tops,  maps,  2  vols.,  814-815  pp.,  $12.  The  Mac- 
millan Company,  New  York. 

The  United  States  Naval  Academy.  By  Park  Benja- 
min, of  the  class  of  1867.  494  pp.,  $3.50.  A  history 
of  the  evolution  of  the  American  navy.  With  70  illus- 
trations. G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  New  York. 

Two  Women  in  the  Klondike.  The  Story  of  a  Jour- 
ney to  the  Gold- Fields  of  Alaska.  By  Mary  E.  Hitch- 
cock. $3.  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  New  York.  With  a 
folding  map  of  Alaska  and  500  illustrations. 

The  Life  of  William  Ewart  Gladstone.  Edited  by  Sir 
Wemyss  Reid.  2  vols.,  $4.50.  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons, 
New  York.  Containing  over  200  illustrations. 


"The  close  of  the  century  is  signalized  by  a  nota- 
ble step  taken  by  Russia  in  abolishing  deportation  as  a 
part  of  her  penal  system,  with  the  exception  of  a  small 
penal  colony  for  political  and  habitual  offenders.  This 
is  a  step  long  contemplated  by  Russia,  and  now  deter- 
mined upon  after  the  most  positive  evidence  of  the  evils 
of  deportation  to  Siberia.  Russia  is  about  to  make  pro- 
vision in  prisons  for  14,000  more  prisoners;  and  she 
has  appropriated  §3,520,000  for  the  new  buildings 
which  must  be  erected  for  the  8,000  who  cannot  be  ac- 
commodated in  existing  prisons." — S.  J.  BARROWS,  in 
"  Progress  in  Penology  ;"  The  Forum. 

"If  only  Gutenberg  could  return  to  the  world, 
with  what  astonishment  would  he  behold  his  art, 
fit  for  delicacy  and  learning,  used  to  record  the 
tattle- tattle  of  a  not  too  refined  society?  Would 
he  not  feel  shame  at  his  own  invention,  when  he 
witnessed  the  ardent  ingenuity  wherewith  men  and 
women  intrigue  to  obtain  press  notices  for  themselves 
and  their  friends,  the  active  indiscretion  wherewith  the 
journals  belittle  the  heroes  of  our  time?  And  might 
he  not  justly  refute  Lamartine,  declaring  that  the 
printing  press  is  not  the  telescope,  but  the  microscope 
of  the  soul?" — CHARLES  WHIBLEY  in  "Jubilee  of  the 
Printing  Press;"  The  North  American  Review. 

"The  problem  in  China  is  not  how  to  get  the  most 
work  out  of  a  man,  but  how  to  divide  a  given  piece  of 
work  so  as  to  give  the  greatest  possible  number  of  men 
a  chance  to  make  a  day's  living  out  of  it.  The  cheap- 
est thing  in  the  empire  is  a  man,  and  therefore  labor- 
saving  devices  are  not  in  demand.  How  cheap  this 
Chinese  labor  actually  is  may  be  better  understood 



when  it  is  known  that,  in  certain  parts  of  the  empire, 
Chinese  carpenters  have  proved  that  it  is  cheaper  to 
saw  up  logs  into  planks  by  the  use  of  hand  labor  than 
with  a  sawmill;  while  in  the  great  Kaiping  mines, 
which  have  been  developed  under  English  engineers, 
it  has  been  found  cheaper  to  bring  the  coal  to  the  sur- 
face by  the  use  of  human  labor  than  to  use  engines, 
stationed  at  the  very  mouth  of  the  mines  and  run  with 
coal  taken  from  them." — ' 'Highways  and  Byways;" 
The  Chautauquan. 

"The  law  of  consolidation  of  capital  and  division 
of  labor  holds  as  good  in  the  field  of  distribution  as  in 
that  of  production.  It  is  inevitable,  and  it  is  profitable. 
The  department  stores  and  the  mail-order  stores  sell 
for  10  per  cent,  instead  of  for  30  per  cent,  profit,  and 
the  consumer  thus  saves  20  per  cent.  The  profit  ob- 
tained by  the  distributor  of  staples,  on  the  way  from 
the  farmer  to  the  consumer,  is  less  than  one-quarter 
what  it  was  thirty  years  ago.  The  farmer  secures  a 
wider  market,  the  consumer  gets  his  staples  just  so 
much  more  cheaply,  and  the  enterprising  middleman 
avails  himself  of  improved  banking  and  transportation 
facilities  to  do  a  larger  business.  This  is  why  he  has 
adopted  as  his  motto,  'Quick  sales  and  small  profits.' 

"The  real  benefits  of  'capitalistic  production,'  as 
compared  with  production  on  a  small  scale,  are  two- 
fold. The  first  and  greatest  benefit  of  industrial  com- 
binations goes  to  the  whole  body  of  the  community  as 
consumers,  through  reduction  in  prices.  The  next 
benefit,  and  that  next  most  largely  distributed,  goes  to 
the  workers  through  increase  of  wages,  and  thus  it  hap- 
pens that  the  workingman  gains  simultaneously  in  two 
ways.  He  gets  more  money  for  his  work  and  more 
goods  for  his  money." — CHARLES  R.  FLINT,  in  "Indus- 
trial Combinations  in  the  United  States;''  Gassier s 

(Courtesy  of  Leslie's  Weekly;  Copyright  by  Judge  Co.,  1901) 

See  page  158 



Just  as  we  go  to  press  comes  the  news  of 

t]be  death  of  the  aSed  sovereign  of  the 
British,  empire.     Though  daily  expected 

for  more  than  a  week,  the  certainty  that  Queen  Victoria 
is  no  more  is  none  the  less  an  impressive  fact,  and  will 
shock  the  thought  of  Christendom  into  even  keener 
appreciation  of  what  the  great  epoch  marked  by  her 
reign  has  meant  to  the  world  than  the  formal  passing 
of  the  old  century  into  the  new,  three  weeks  ago,  could 
do,  despite  the  tons  of  retrospective  literature  and 
floods  of  sermonizing  that  accompanied  the  event.  The 
world  sees  most  vividly  through  personality,  and  there 
is  something  that  profoundly  stirs  the  imagination  and 
brings  the  marvels  of  the  greatest  century  of  human 
progress  sharply  down  into  the  foreground  in  the  pass- 
ing away  of  a  monarch  whose  life  and  reign  have  been 
so  closely  identified  with  it  all  as  even  to  have  given 
it  the  name  of  the  "  Victorian  Era/'  Personally,  the 
queen  was  not  a  history  -making  monarch.  She  was  an 
exalted  type  of  womanhood,  but  not  a  particularly 
aggressive  or  determining  force  in  the  great  world 
movements  that  were  developing  and  coming  to  fruit- 
age all  about  her.  The  marvelous  progress  of  the 
epoch  that  has  taken  her  name  was  the  work  of  the 
world,  not  of  any  individual  or  group  of  individuals  ;  it 
was  the  work  of  the  masses  struggling  for  broader 
liberties,  of  science  seeking  for  broader  knowledge,  of 


98  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

invention  reaching  out  for  completer  mastery  over 
nature,  of  literature,  art  and  music,  striving  to  express 
the  highest  and  finest  thought  of  the  age.  Victoria's 
place  in  history  will  not  be  that  of  England's  most 
brilliant  sovereign ;  rather,  it  will  be  that  of  the 
worthy  head  and  representative  of  the  greatest  empire 
upon  earth  during  the  most  illustrious  period  in  human 
history.  She  will  stand  out  less  as  a  personality  than 
as  the  personal  embodiment  of  a  wonderful  age. 

In  our  next  issue,  probably,  we  shall  review  some 
of  the  epoch-marking  features  of  this  reign  and  try  to 
point  out  their  significance.  It  is  a  striking  and  im- 
pressive evidence  of  the  growing  solidarity  of  the 
English-speaking  race,  no  less  than  of  the  worldwide 
respect,  transcending  national  bounds,  for  a  life  whose 
personal  influence  stands  out  far  above  its  political,  that 
in  this  city  to-day  the  flag  is  everywhere  floating  at 

After  lone  delays,  the  representatives  of 

Settlement  at  ,,        .  •     .T*  *j 

Last  ia  China  foreign  powers  in  Peking,  on  Decem- 

ber 22d,  signed  the  note  conveying  to 
the  Chinese  government  the  conditions  upon  which 
peace  could  be  restored.  The  demands  submitted  were 
grouped  under  twelve  distinct  heads,  providing  in  brief 
as  follows : 

1.  China  must  send  a  special  mission  to  Germany  with  the  apologies 
of  the  Chinese  government  for  the  murder  of  Baron  von  Ketteler,  and 
erect  a  monument  to  his  memory  on  the  spot  of  his  assassination. 

2.  The  severest  punishment  for  ringleaders  in  the  Boxer  uprisings, 
and  suspension  for  five  years  of  official  examinations  in  all  cities  where 
foreigners  have  been  subjected  to  outrages. 

3.  Reparation  to  Japan  for  the  murder  of  Mr.  Sujyama. 

4.  Erection  of  a  monument  in  every  foreign  cemetery  in  China  which 
has  been  desecrated  by  the  Chinese. 

5.  Prohibition  of  the  importation  of  war  materials. 

6.  Indemnities  to  all  foreigners  who  have  suffered  in  person  or  prop- 
erty during  the  Boxer  uprisings. 

1 90i.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  99 

7.  A  permanent  guard  maintained  by  each  of  the  powers  for  its 
legation  in  Peking. 

8.  Destruction  of  forts  between  Peking  and  the  sea. 

9.  Military  occupation  by  the  powers  of  certain  points  between 
Peking  and  the  sea. 

10.  Publication  by  the  Chinese  government  throughout  the  empire, 
for  two  years,  of  decrees  prohibiting  membership  in  any  anti-foreign 
society,  under  penalty  of  death,  and  holding  all  viceroys  and  governors 
responsible  for  the  maintenance  of  order  within  their  districts. 

11.  China  to  give  commercial  and  industrial  treaty  rights  within  the 
limits  of  the  empire,  as  may  be  desired  by  the  powers. 

12.  Reform  of  the  Chinese  department  of  foreign  affairs. 

As  might  be  expected,  the  Chinese  peace  commis- 
sioners vigorously  objected  to  the  provisions  for  de- 
stroying the  forts  and  permitting  permanent  guards  for 
the  legations  in  Peking,  but  it  was  clearly  hopeless  to 
offer  any  important  resistance  and  the  commissioners 
were  ordered  to  sign  within  a  week  after  receipt  of  the 
note.  The  act  of  signing,  on  January  I3th  or  i4th, 
closed  the  first  chapter  in  the  history  of  the  final  march 
of  western  civilization  into  the  great  oriental  empire 
that  has  so  long  struggled  against  all  external  influ- 
ences. Already  the  British  minister  at  Peking  has 
proposed  a  new  commercial  treaty  with  China,  securing 
new  rights  and  guarantees  of  protection  for  foreign 
industry  and  trade  within  the  empire.  It  is  along  this 
line  that  progress  in  the  immediate  future  may  be 
expected.  The  genuineness  or  otherwise  of  the  pledges 
not  to  engage  in  any  partition  of  China  will  have  to  be 
determined  by  experience.  Faithfulness  to  this  pledge, 
unless  the  Chinese  government  should  utterly  break 
down  and  chaos  ensue,  will  be  the  test  of  the  moral 
integrity  of  Christendom's  attitude  in  the  East. 

Endless  The   familiar  report   that   Aguinaldo  is 

Philippine  dead  comes  along  with  the  other  equally 

Warfare  monotonous  items  of  news  from  the  Phil- 

ippines during  the  past  month.     Whatever  may  have 

100  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

become  of  the  Filipino  leader,  it  is  certain  that  there  is 
a  widespread  revival  of  insurgent  activity,  especially  in 
Luzon,  and  this  despite  the  fact  that  early  in  December 
some  2,200  natives  surrendered  to  General  Young  at 
Santa  Maria  and  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
United  States.  It  will  be  remembered  that  President 
McKinley  in  his  letter  of  acceptance,  on  September  8th 
last,  declared  that  if  it  were  not  for  the  hope  that  Bryan 
would  be  elected  and  withdraw  American  authority,  the 
Filipino  insurrection  would  speedily  cease.  "But  for 
these  false  hopes,"  he  said,  " a  considerable  reduction 
could  have  been  had  in  our  military  establishment  in 
the  Philippines,  and  the  realization  of  a  stable  govern- 
ment would  be  already  at  hand."  This  was  certainly 
an  optimistic  view  of  the  situation ; — much  more  so  than 
the  statement  by  Secretary  Root  less  than  a  month  ago, 
to  the  members  of  the  Senate  military  affairs  commit- 
tee, that  so  long  as  present  conditions  in  the  islands 
continued  we  should  need  the  full  strength  of  our  army 
of  100,000  men.  On  January  3d  Senator  Sewell  of  New 
Jersey,  a  strong  supporter  of  the  administration's  Phil- 
ippine policy,  while  arguing  in  the  senate  for  the  army- 
increase  bill,  made  this  significant  declaration,  equally 
out  of  joint  with  the  president's  predictions : 

"  It  is  perfectly  apparent  to  anyone  who  will  look  into  the  situation 
that  we  have  got  to  continue  about  the  same  number  of  men  (76,000  to 
79,000)  for  some  time  to  come.  It  may  be  for  one  or  two  years,  or  three 
years,  but  it  ought  not  to  be  limited.  .  .  .  There  is  a  war  going  on, 
a  very  serious  war.  It  is  not  in  great  shocks  of  battle,  which  may  occur 
one  day  in  a  month,  but  the  loss  is  equal  to  it,  taking  the  aggregate  in  a 
month  or  three  months.  Our  troops  to-day  are  being  denuded  by  losses 
which  grow  out  of  the  little  posts,  where  they  are  turned  out  as  scouts, 
and  where  they  are  ambushed,  and  all  that  kin  a  of  thing.  The  country 
has  got  to  face  the  situation  boldly  as  to  whether  we  are  to  uphold  our 
flag  in  the  Philippines  or  not.  If  we  are— and  I  take  it  that  we  shall— 
we  certainly  must  provide  the  men  with  which  to  do  it." 

As  a  part  of  our  policy  of  dealing  with  the  situation 
we  have  begun  an  exile  or  banishment  system,  deport- 


ing  Filipino  leaders  to  the  island  of  Guam,  pending  the 
conclusion  of  peace ;  which  from  the  present  outlook 
very  likely  means  that  several  of  these  men  have  seen 
the  last  of  their  native  land.  It  is  still  further  inter- 
esting to  note  in  connection  with  the  Philippine  situa- 
tion that,  according  to  a  special  report  from  Major 
Edie,  there  are  some  thirty  thousand  lepers  in  the 
Visayas  group,  with  practically  no  provision  for  isolat- 
ing them  or  preventing  a  spread  of  the  disease  through- 
out the  archipelago  at  any  time.  This  is  a  problem 
that  must  be  handled  promptly  and  on  a  thoroughgoing, 
wholesale  plan,  involving  nobody  knows  how  much 
expense  in  ferreting  out  the  unfortunate  victims  from 
their  hiding  places  and  conveying  them  to  some  perma- 
nent quarantined  reservation.  Clearly,  those  who 
defend  our  Philippine  policy  as  a  purely  philanthropic 
rather  than  financially  profitable  enterprise  have  the 
bulk  of  the  experience  to  support  them  thus  far. 

Popular  There  is  no  question  but  that  the  Amer- 

Weariness  with  ican  people  are  becoming  more  and  more 
tired  of  the  entire  Philippine  complica- 
tion, and  are  rapidly  losing  patience  with  the  desultory 
movement  of  affairs.  The  Filipinos  want  self-govern- 
ment, and  the  long  continuance  of  this  insurrection 
offers  increasing  evidence  of  their  probable  capacity  to 
carry  it  on,  at  least  as  well  as  many  other  self-governing 
peoples  of  relatively  low  civilization,  with  whose  affairs 
we  do  not  consider  it  our  mission  to  interfere.  The 
petition  from  some  2,000  leading  Filipino  citizens  of 
Manila  and  vicinity,  read  in  the  United  States  senate 
on  January  loth,  is  another  evidence  of  the  persistence 
and  growth  of  the  independence  idea.  The  declaration 
in  this  petition  that,  since  the  revolution  began,  the 
peaceful  natives  engaged  in  their  ordinary  vocations 
have  liberally  supported  the  Filipino  soldiers  in  the 

102  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

field  and  seem  disposed  to  support  them  so  long  as  the 
war  lasts,  is  amply  borne  out  by  the  statements  of 
General  MacArthur  in  his  official  report,  summarized 
in  our  December  issue.  At  present  there  seems  little 
evidence  that  the  administration  contemplates  any 
change  of  policy.  Senator  Hoar's  resolution  providing 
that  an  armistice  be  granted  the  Filipinos,  and  that  a 
number  of  their  leaders  be  brought  to  the  United  States 
at  our  expense,  with  the  view  of  arranging  a  suitable 
and  honorable  termination  of  the  miserable  situation 
now  existing,  was  laid  on  the  table  on  January  nth  by 
a  vote  of  32  to  19,  the  only  republicans  voting  for  it 
being  Senators  Hale  and  Hoar.  We  believe  the  time 
will  come,  however,  when  Senator  Hoar's  attitude  in 
this  matter  will  be  regarded  as  that  of  high  statesman- 
ship, representing  the  true  line  of  policy  for  our  gov- 
ernment ;  and  that  if  we  persist  in  the  extreme  policy 
of  subjugation  by  force,  with  complete  annexation  and 
no  prospect  of  ultimate  independence  for  the  islands,  it 
may  be  the  rock  of  disaster  for  the  administration's  sec- 
ond term. 

Out  in  Hawaii,  too,  the  policy  of  terri- 
Thc  Hawaiian  '  , ^ ,.  J ,.  .,  , 

Elections  torial   expansion   beyond   the   limits   of 

natural  affinity  and  fitness  has  lately  re- 
ceived a  significant  setback.  At  the  election,  held  early 
in  December,  for  the  first  delegate  to  be  sent  from  the 
new  territory  to  the  United  States  congress,  Robert 
Wilcox,  a  half-caste  Hawaiian,  aggressively  represent- 
ing the  interests  of  the  old  native  monarchy,  was 
elected  over  his  two  competitors,  one  a  republican  and 
the  other  a  democrat,  who  were  understood  to  be  favor- 
able to  American  rule.  The  strangeness  of  this  lies  in 
the  fact  that,  for  years  before  annexation  took  place, 
the  Hawaiian  people  were  represented  as  vainly  and 
pathetically  knocking  at  our  doors,  fairly  pining  away 

igox.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  103 

with  anxiety  to  get  in.  It  will  be  remembered  how  the 
reports  of  the  public  grief  when  our  flag  went  up  in 
Honolulu  came  as  a  shock  of  surprise ;  and  the  recent 
election  still  further  confirms  the  growing  impression 
that  the  supposed  annexation  sentiment  was  all  the 
time  chiefly  the  creation  of  a  group  of  American  and 
English  residents,  with  scarcely  any  native  support. 
In  fact,  it  is  becoming  clearer  all  the  time  that  the 
nation,  which  for  more  than  a  century  has  stood  as  the 
shining  type  of  political  independence  and  advocate  of 
the  right  of  self-government,  is  going  to  find  the  re- 
sults of  that  example  and  influence  confronting  it,  either 
in  sullen  resentment  or  forcible  resistance,  wherever  it 
attempts  to  reverse  its  own  principle  of  freedom  by 
forcing  its  authority  upon  unwilling  peoples.  It  is  a 
strange  and  unwelcome  situation  that  we  should  be  en- 
gaged in  rooting  up  growths  of  our  own  planting. 

The  Great  Meanwhile,  the  momentous  question  of 

Constitutional  the  status  of  our  new  dependencies,  un- 
der the  constitution,  is  at  last  before  the 
supreme  court.  A  number  of  cases  have  been  pre- 
sented and  argued  but  the  issue  involved  is  substan- 
tially the  same  in  all.  The  first  cases  to  go  before  the 
court  were  those  involving  the  right  of  the  government 
to  collect  tariff  duties  on  certain  merchandise  brought 
from  the  Philippines  and  Porto  Rico  into  the  United 
States.  The  Philippine  case  is  that  of  a  soldier  named 
Pepke,  who  brought  back  with  him  from  the  islands  a 
number  of  diamond  rings  which  were  subsequently 
confiscated  by  the  government.  The  Porto  Rico  case 
is  that  of  John  H.  Goetze,  who  paid  duties  on  tobacco 
imported  from  Porto  Rico  and  is  contesting  the  right 
of  the  government  to  collect  such  duties.  In  both  cases 
the  point  at  issue  is  whether  these  islands  are  parts  of 
the  United  States  in  the  sense  that  would  bring  them 

104  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

under  the  constitution  and  require  free  rights  of  trade 
with  the  states.  Argument  on  these  two  cases  was  be- 
gun in  the  supreme  court  on  December  i/th  and  con- 
cluded on  the  2oth,  the  government's  contention  being 
that  these  islands  are  not  necessarily  under  the  consti- 
tution but  were  annexed  by  the  superior  power  of  con- 
gress and  may  be  governed  by  congress.  It  is  an  issue 
of  extraordinary  interest,  involving  an  interpretation  of 
the  intent  of  the  constitution  to  a  degree  of  importance 
which  has  hardly  been  equalled  since  the  great  Webster- 
Hayne  debates  in  the  senate. 

Attorney-General  Griggs,  in  presenting  the  gov- 
ernment's case,  contended  for  the  extra  sovereignty 
rights  of  congress,  along  lines  well  indicated  by  this 
brief  extract : 

1 '  They  [the  f ramers  of  the  constitution]  gave  to 
the  nation  they  founded  the  usual  untrammeled  powers 
of  making  war  and  treaties,  the  most  frequent  methods 
by  which  foreign  territory  is  acquired  by  the  nations 
of  the  earth.  If  they  intended  to  restrict  or  limit  their 
own  government  in  these  respects,  would  they  not  have 
done  so  in  express  terms?  They  did  not  do  so  by  any 
language  \vhich  can  even  be  suggested  as  capable  of 
such  import,  and  it  is  therefore  right — nay,  necessary — 
to  conclude  that  they  did  not  intend  to  do  so.  ... 

"Is  the  United  States  so  bound  and  tied  by  this 
constitution  of  ours  that  it  can  never  acquire  an  island 
of  the  sea,  a  belt  across  the  isthmus,  a  station  for  a 
naval  base,  unless  it  be  at  the  cost  of  admitting  those 
who  may  happen  to  inhabit  the  soil  at  the  time  of  pur- 
chase to  full  rights  as  citizens  of  the  union,  no  matter 
how  incongruous  or  unfit  they  may  be,  while  the 
foreign-born  inhabitant  or  the  aboriginal  red  man  must 
depend  upon  the  grace  of  congress,  though  he  dwell 
half  a  century  among  us?" 

On  the  other  hand,  the  contention  of  the  claimants 

igoi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  105 

is,  in  the  language  of  Mr.  Lawrence  Harmon,  one  of 
the  attorneys  for  Pepke : 

' '  By  the  treaty  of  peace  between  the  United  States 
and  Spain,  the  Philippines  became  a  part  of  the  United 
States ;  the  government  and  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  both  enter  said  islands  under  the  authority  of  the 
constitution,  with  their  respective  rights  defined  and 
marked  out ;  the  former  can  exercise  no  power  over  the 
person  or  property  of  a  citizen  of  the  United  States 
beyond  what  that  instrument  confers,  nor  lawfully 
deny  any  right  which  it  has  reserved.  .  .  .  The 
president  of  the  United  States  has  no  legislative  power. 
The  imposition  of  customs  duties  upon  commerce  be- 
tween these  islands  and  other  parts  of  the  United 
States  after  the  treaty  of  peace  and  exchange  of  ratifi- 
cations, by  executive  order,  is  without  lawful  authority, 
and  the  seizure  of  the  property  of  the  plaintiff  in  error, 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  under  such  pretended 
authority,  constitutes  a  taking  of  his  property  without 
due  process  of  law." 

The  decision  in  any  one  of  these  cases  will  practi- 
cally be  the  decision  for  all.  It  is  now  expected  that 
the  court  will  declare  against  the  government's  conten- 
tion and  in  favor  of  the  position  that  uniform  regula- 
tions must  prevail  throughout  all  the  annexed  terri- 
tories. If  so,  we  shall  begin  without  further  delay  to 
see  some  of  the  consequences  of  our  colonial  policy. 
The  bars  will  be  thrown  down,  and  American  capital- 
ists will  be  able  to  take  the  most  modern  machinery 
into  these  various  groups  of  islands,  employ  ten-cent-a- 
day  labor,  and  import  the  products  into  the  United 
States  in  competition  with  American  industries,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  free  immigration  of  coolies  into  the 
United  States  to  compete  with  American  laborers.  Not 
only  this,  but  each  of  these  possessions  will  have  the 
status  of  regular  territories  of  the  United  States,  in  line 

106  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

for  statehood.  Whoever  imagines  that  any  effort  to 
convert  them  into  states  is  an  exceedingly  remote  con- 
tingency should  abandon  the  delusion  without  delay. 
Already  there  is  discussion  of  the  possible  admission 
within  a  few  years  of  both  Hawaii  and  Porto  Rico. 

Whichever  way  the  court  decides,  the  real  solution 
of  the  problem  will  not  be  reached.  If  the  constitution 
goes  with  the  flag,  then,  as  we  have  just  pointed  out,  it 
is  bars  down  and  an  open  road  for  admission  of  these 
groups  of  wholly  unfit  population  to  the  privileges  of 
American  citizenship.  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  right 
of  congress  to  govern  these  possessions  outside  the  con- 
stitution is  sustained,  then  the  very  principle  of  our 
democratic  institutions  is  undermined.  Whether  that 
principle  has  been  violated  before,  in  minor  instances, 
does  not  modify  the  fact  that  to  violate  it  now,  in  order 
to  permit  the  beginning  of  a  new  and  distinctly  monar- 
chical policy  of  annexation  and  subjugation  of  alien 
peoples  without  their  consent,  would  mark  the  first 
really  great  and  fundamental  departure  from  the  rock 
on  which  our  republic  was  erected. 

The  only  permanently  safe  solution  of  this  prob- 
lem is  to  adopt  the  principle  that,  where  the  flag  cannot 
go  without  danger  to  our  institutions,  it  must  not  go  at 
all.  We  must  adopt  in  the  Philippines  the  policy  we 
have  pursued  in  Cuba,  and  if  we  do  so  we  shall  be  more 
honored  in  this  return  to  the  principles  of  true  democ- 
racy than  we  ever  could  be  in  arbitrarily  forcing  through 
a  mistaken  policy  under  the  shallow  "  spread-eagle  " 
plea  that  where  the  flag  has  once  been  raised,  whether 
right  or  wrong,  it  must  never  come  down. 

The   wave   of    capitalistic   consolidation 

Deals Railf  ttat  ^as  been  sweePin£  over  tne  country 

during  the  last  few  years,  reaching  its 

height  in  1899,  seems  to  be  finding  its  final  expression 


in  gigantic  railroad  combinations.  Within  the  last  few 
weeks  negotiations  have  been  under  way  looking  to- 
wards the  consolidation  of  a  system  of  roads  that  would 
give  a  through  transcontinental  line  under  one  single 
management,  including  steamship  lines  operating  in 
both  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific.  This  consolidation, 
in  which  the  chief  promoter  is  understood  to  be  the 
master  railroad  organizer  James  J.  Hill,  of  the  Great 
Northern,  will  if  completed  probably  include  the  Great 
Northern  Railway,  the  Northern  Pacific,  the  Chicago, 
Milwaukee  and  St.  Paul,  and  the  Erie  Railroad ;  the 
total  mileage  being  nearly  20,000.  At  the  same  time, 
another  group  of  roads  have  been  passing  under  one 
control  here  in  the  East,  including  more  especially  the 
lines  engaged  in  the  coal-carrying  trade.  Mr.  J.  P. 
Morgan,  who  represents  the  controlling  interest  in  the 
Philadelphia  and  Reading  road,  has  recently  acquired 
also  the  Central  Railroad  of  New  Jersey  and  the  Le- 
high  Valley,  which,  with  certain  other  smaller  lines, 
will  give  to  the  Morgan  interests  more  than  sixty  per 
cent,  of  the  eastern  coal  shipments.  The  other  impor- 
tant coal-carrying  roads  being  under  management 
friendly  to  the  Morgan  lines,  it  is  estimated  that  fully 
96  per  cent,  of  the  coal  tonnage  will,  when  these  re- 
organizations are  complete,  be  handled  under  practi- 
cally uniform  policy. 

Railroad  consolidation  is  no  new  thing.  It  has 
been  progressing  for  many  years,  but  never  before  has 
it  taken  on  such  tremendously  far-reaching  proportions. 
Perhaps  it  is  natural  that  this  should  come  a  little  later 
than  the  great  tide  of  reorganization  in  manufacturing 
industries,  for  the  reason  that  railroad  interests  are  so 
vast,  so  widely  separated  geographically,  subject  to 
such  complex  conditions,  and  with  interests  frequently 
very  antagonistic.  If  properly  financed,  however,  and 
not  burdened  with  extravagant  obligations  which  re- 

108  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

suits  cannot  justify,  the  economy  of  consolidation  is 
obvious,  not  to  mention  t}ie  relief  it  will  give  from  dis- 
astrous rate  wars  and  trie  constant  temptation  to  rate 
discriminations.  The  chairman  of  the  inter-state  com- 
merce commission,  Hon.  Martin  A.  Knapp,  states  this 
aspect  of  the  case  clearly  in  the  following  interview, 
based  obviously  upon  hard  experience  with  the  difficult 
problem  of  preventing  discrimination  where  railroads 
are  prevented  by  law  from  pooling  their  earnings : 

'  •  While  combinations  of  this  kind  are  not  very  desirable,  in  the 
broad  sense,  still  I  hold  them  preferable  to  conditions  brought  about  by 
existing  laws,  especially  the  anti-trust  law,  with  reference  to  large  and 
small  shippers  by  the  public  carriers,  and  which  have  militated  against 
the  latter  to  the  extent  of  almost  driving  them  completely  out  of 

"One  of  these  things  must  happen — the  legalized  •  pooling '  of  com- 
petitive traffic,  general  consolidation  or  government  ownership.  .  .  . 

"  I  hold  that  railroad  rates  should  be  as  uniform  as  the  postal  rates, 
and  that  the  business  man,  small  or  large,  should  be  no  more  concerned 
about  his  neighbor  getting  an  advantage  through  lower  traffic  rates  than 
about  postage." 

Meanwhile,  the  great  field  of  manufac- 

Prcsent  Status  .        .          '  .       , 

of  Trusts  tunng  industry  is  characterized  at  present 

by  somewhat  of  a  reverse  movement. 
The  high-water  mark  of  reorganization  has  been  reached 
and  passed,  and  the  more  prominent  feature  now  is  the 
growth  of  new  competition.  The  recent  out-reachings 
by  the  Carnegie  interests,  including  the  proposed  build- 
ing of  a  vast  new  tube  plant  at  Conneaut  Harbor,  though 
seeming  to  be  a  part  of  the  trust  movement  are  really 
steps  in  the  direction  of  new  competition  with  some  of  the 
great  steel  and  iron  consolidations.  The  New  York 
Journal  of  Commerce  and  Commercial  Bulletin,  which  has 
for  a  long  time  occupied  a  position  largely  unfavorable 
to  trust  organization,  points  out  in  a  recent  review  of 
the  situation  that  the  value  of  the  interests  which  have 
passed  into  great  consolidations  is  much  less  than  is 
popularly  supposed,  and  supports  this  by  showing  that, 

igoi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  109 

as  a  rule,  only  the  preferred  stock  and  bonds  of  the  new 
"  trusts "  represent  the  actual  value  of  the  properties 
included ;  the  common  stock  being  for  the  most  part 
non- dividend  earning,  for  the  present  at  least.  This 
conclusion  is  at  least  plausible,  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
in  the  organization  of  most  of  the  large  new  combina- 
tions it  was  a  practice  to  give  away  common  stock  as  a 
bonus  to  the  promoters,  and  to  the  financial  interests 
that  could  be  persuaded  to  buy  the  bonds.  It  is  clear 
at  any  rate  that  the  gross  amount  represented  in  the 
capitalization  of  the  new  concerns  gives  a  considerably 
exaggerated  idea  of  the  extent  to  which  the  industrial 
interests  of  the  country  have  passed  under  so-called 
"trust"  control.  The  same  paper,  on  December  3ist, 
published  a  classified  list,  showing  by  names  and 
amounts  of  capital  stock,  a  very  large  number  of  new 
independent  corporations  that  have  recently  been  organ- 
ized to  compete  with  the  "trusts  "  in  a  variety  of  indus- 
tries; notably  wire  nails,  tin-plate,  tubes,  sheet  steel, 
glucose,  matches,  baking  powder,  oil,  paper  and  ice. 
This  list  makes  no  mention  of  a  projected  new  sugar 
refining  company  in  Philadelphia,  nor  of  the  recent 
extensive  growth  of  competition  with  the  United  Fruit 
Company  (banana  "trust"),  nor  of  the  formation  in 
Chicago  of  a  new  rubber  shoe  concern  to  compete  with 
the  United  States  Rubber  Company. 

In  spite  of  this  growth  of  competition,  there  have 
been  a  few  instances  lately  of  concerns  which  seem 
determined  to  pursue  the  old  path  of  folly  which  nearly 
all  the  great  corporations  have  been  wise  enough  per- 
manently to  abandon :  namely,  trying  to  make  excessive 
profits  through  "squeezing"  the  consumers  by  high 
prices.  The  Rochester  Optical  and  Camera  Company, 
a  combination  about  a  year  old,  undertook  this  on  a 
large  scale,  and  as  a  result  its  business  fell  in  a  year 
from  $1,500,000  to  about  $800,000.  Its  stock  has  de- 

110  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February 

clined  in  value,  and  it  is  reported  as  having  great 
difficulty  in  paying  dividends  even  on  its  preferred 
stock.  At  the  same  time,  the  salt  combination  has  been 
raising  prices  to  such  an  extent  that  there  has  actually 
been  a  notable  increase  of  salt  importations  from  abroad, 
in  spite  of  the  tariff.  Just  why  this  corporation  should 
deliberately  select  a  policy  that  has  been  discarded  as 
ultimately  ruinous  by  practically  all  the  great  well- 
established  industries  is  one  of  the  things  that  passes 
understanding.  It  is  unfortunate  that  a  large  industry 
should  put  itself  into  a  position  where  it  must  sooner 
or  later  learn  by  hard  experience  what  it  might  avoid 
by  starting  out  with  a  wise  economic  policy. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  in  this  connec- 

A  Permanent  tjon  another  difficulty  which  limits  and 
Limitation  to  -.,  ,  -.  .,  ,.,  f 

"Trust" Growth  1S  llkelY  always  to  limit  the  growth  of 
gigantic  combinations  beyond  a  certain 
point :  namely,  the  increasing  difficulty,  as  the  combina- 
tion extends,  of  securing  sufficiently  able  managing 
ability  to  conduct  successfully  enterprises  so  vast. 
Professor  Adams,  of  the  University  of  Michigan,  in  a 
recent  address  delivered  at  the  university,  called  atten- 
tion to  this  feature,  and  it  is  reported  in  connection 
with  it  that  the  head  of  one  of  the  great  American 
industrial  combinations  has  recently  declared  that  sev- 
eral positions  in  his  organization,  commanding  upwards 
of  $10,000  per  year  salary,  were  vacant  from  sheer 
inability  to  find  men  with  sufficient  talent  and  capacity 
for  responsibility  to  fill  them.  Of  course,  with  the 
further  development  of  business  along  these  vast  new 
lines  we  may  expect  an  increase  in  available  managing 
ability,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  human  capacity  can  ever  be 
sufficiently  extended  to  permit  of  effective  control  of 
widely  differing  industries  under  one  management,  as 
it  is  sometimes  feared  will  eventually  occur.  The 

i90i.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  111 

probability  is  that  the  line  of  greatest  economic  effi- 
ciency (which  is  the  line  that  always  limits  any  further 
growth  of  industrial  combination,  because  of  the  cer- 
tainty of  new  competition  when  that  line  is  passed)  will 
be  found  to  be  in  the  organization  under  single  man- 
agement of  industries  of  very  similar  character.  The 
natural  law  which  limits  superior  human  ability  to  at 
most  two  or  three  distinct  fields  will  be  the  permanent 
bar  to  any  universal  "trust."  Whenever  that  line  is 
passed,  the  economy  of  specialization  will  be  more 
effective  than  the  economy  of  organization.  The  inde- 
pendent establishment  devoted  to  one  distinct  purpose 
will  win  the  day  against  any  unwieldy,  unnatural  com- 
bination of  many  diverse  interests  under  what  is  certain 
to  be  at  least  partially  ineffective  management. 

The  removal  by  Governor  Roosevelt,  on 

Reform  Efforts  in     ^  jr-r^-^-^A-L  A 

New  York  City  December  22d,  of  District  Attorney  Gar- 
diner of  New  York  city,  and  appointment 
of  Eugene  A.  Philbin,  a  clean  and  capable  democrat, 
in  his  stead,  has  resulted  in  more  activity  in  the  prose- 
cution of  violators  of  the  law  than  New  York  has  wit- 
nessed for  a  long  time.  It  is  at  last  possible  to  secure 
indictments  against  offenders  without  indefinite  delay, 
so  that  those  who  are  working  for  better  conditions  in 
the  metropolis  can  now  feel  that  at  least  one  depart- 
ment of  the  city  government  is  no  longer  in  corrupt 
league  with  the  lawbreakers. 

Mr.  Croker's  wonderful  "  committee  of  five,"  ap- 
pointed as  a  Tammany  instrument  for  unearthing  vice 
and  bringing  offenders  to  justice  (!)  has  been  chiefly 
occupied  thus  far  in  explaining  that  law-breaking  does 
not  exist  to  any  important  extent.  For  the  very  shame 
of  the  thing,  the  efforts  of  this  committee  cannot  be 
wholly  without  fruit,  but  the  obvious  insincerity  and 
political  expediency  of  its  work  places  it  in  the  category 

112  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

of  things  farcical  so  far  as  any  permanent  contribution 
to  clean  government  is  concerned.  There  has  been,  it 
is  true,  some  shaking  up  of  the  police  force,  including 
the  substitution  of  Captain  Titus  for  Herlihy  in  the 
Eldridge  Street  district  where  some  of  the  worst  abuses 
have  existed ;  and  temporary  improvement  has  occurred, 
which  may  be  expected  to  last  just  about  as  long  as 
public  indignation  remains  sufficiently  intense  to  cause 
the  Tammany  ring  any  serious  apprehension.  Chief 
Devery  has  refused  to  suspend  Captain  Herlihy  and 
Inspector  Cross,  pending  trial  for  neglect  of  duty,  and 
the  outcome  is  practically  a  deadlock  between  the  chief 
and  the  board  of  police  commissioners,  during  which 
further  reform  hangs  in  suspense. 

The  humiliating  absurdity  of  the  situation  is  lead- 
ing up  to  an  exceedingly  strong  sentiment  in  favor  of  a 
single  police  commissioner  in  place  of  the  present  bi- 
partisan board,  to  accomplish  which  a  bill  has  already 
been  introduced  in  the  legislature  at  Albany.  Whether 
this  is  the  best  solution  of  the  problem  experience  will 
have  to  determine,  but  certainly  nothing  could  be  much 
worse  than  the  bi -partisan  board  plan,  which  has  here- 
tofore meant  either  deadlock,  with  consequent  stagna- 
tion and  inefficiency  of  service,  or  else  systematic 
trading  and  dealing  between  the  two  parties  represented 
in  the  control  of  the  police  department.  The  proposed 
substitution  of  a  single  police  commissioner  does  not 
necessarily  conflict  with  the  democratic  idea  of  govern- 
ment, which  ought  to  recognize  the  important  difference 
between  legislative  and  executive  functions.  The 
present  arrangement  is  an  attempt  to  embody  legislative 
features  in  what  is  really  an  executive  function.  The 
true  distinction  should  be  to  offer  the  amplest  oppor- 
tunity for  expression  of  the  public  will  in  all  matters 
involving  choice  of  public  policies,  and  then  to  provide 
ample  power  to  enforce  the  results  of  the  people's  deci- 

i  goi.]  RE  VIE  W  OF  THE  MONTH  113 

sion ;  this  power  to  be  exercised  in  such  a  way  that  con- 
flict of  authority  will  be  impossible  and  responsibility 
for  the  results  will  be  definite,  explicit  and  unescapable. 
Meanwhile,  the  committee  of  fifteen,  organized  on 
December  ipth  under  the  auspices  of  the  chamber  of 
commerce,  and  headed  by  Mr.  William  H.  Baldwin,  Jr. 
as  chairman,  is  planning  and  inaugurating  a  campaign 
of  progressive  reform  work  which  ought  to  have  wide- 
reaching  results.  It  proposes  to  institute  a  thorough 
non-partisan  investigation  into  the  causes  of  the  more 
extensive  and  familiar  forms  of  vice  now  flourishing 
under  police  protection,  and  to  collect  evidence  show- 
ing where  the  official  responsibility  rests.  Next,  it 
proposes  to  publish  the  results  of  these  inquiries  and 
work  systematically  for  legislation  which  shall  make  it 
possible  to  center  more  effectively  the  responsibility  for 
enforcement  of  the  laws. 

/  This  committee  is  also  arranging  to  undertake  a 
campaign  of  public  education  on  the  conditions  existing 
in  the  city  and  the  kind  of  improvement  in  the  social 
environments  that  ought  to  be  developed  as  offsets  to 
the  innumerable  incentives  to  vice  and  crime.  If  the 
committee  can  carry  out  even  a  part  of  this  most  whole- 
some program  it  will  justify  itself  and  become  a  per- 
manently necessary  institution.  Bishop  Potter,  by  the 
way,  has  suggested  a  permanent  vigilance  committee  of 
several  thousand  members  to  keep  constant  watch  on 
the  relations  between  the  police  and  protected  vice,  all 
over  the  city,  and  constantly  stimulate  active  public 
sentiment  in  favor  of  wholesome  civic  conditions.  It 
would  be  difficult  to  keep  such  an  organization  in  good 
working  condition  for  any  length  of  time,  and  it  might 
easily  drift  into  misguided  officiousness,  but  for  a  period 
it  might  have  a  powerful  effect  in  rousing  public  con- 
science to  a  higher  sense  of  municipal  duty. 

Both  this  plan  and  the  efforts  of  the  committee  of 

114  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

fifteen  will  bear  fruit  in  the  slow  betterment  of  civic 
conditions,  but  at  the  present  moment  the  most  impor- 
tant, direct  and  obvious  way  to  secure  the  opportunity 
for  these  efforts  to  yield  the  results  expected  of  them  is 
for  all  the  forces  of  decency  to  unite  in  a  strenuous,  deter- 
mined movement  to  oust  the  Tammany  organization 
from  every  part  of  the  municipal  government.  It  is 
possible  to  do  this,  but  it  cannot  be  done  through  any 
one  reform  organization  or  political  body.  There  must 
be  a  complete  sinking  of  prejudices  and  differences, 
and  harmonious  union  for  the  one  object  in  view,  if  the 
enemy  is  to  be  dislodged  and  an  era  of  decency 
ushered  in. 

Governor  OdelPs  Meanwhile,  the  new  governor  of  New 
Doubtful  York  is  trying  hard  to  make  a  reform 

record  of  his  own  and  is  welding  his 
political  future  to  the  cause  of  economy  in  public  ex- 
penditures. This  was  the  keynote  of  his  first  message 
to  the  legislature,  and  his  various  suggestions  are  all 
interesting,  many  of  them  clever,  some  of  them  useful, 
but  practically  none  of  them  reflecting  any  high  order 
of  statesmanship.  The  most  important  specific  recom- 
mendations he  makes  are  for  the  consolidation  of  the 
board  of  mediation  and  arbitration,  board  of  labor  sta- 
tistics, and  factory  inspection  department  into  one  new 
department  of  labor,  accomplishing  a  saving  of  some 
$72,000  a  year;  consolidation  of  the  forest  preserve 
board  and  forest,  fish  and  game  commission,  saving 
$35,000  a  year ;  abolition  of  the  state  board  of  charities, 
state  board  of  health  and  state  prisons'  commission  and 
substitution  of  a  single  commissioner  in  each  case; 
abolition  of  the  state  lunacy  commission  and  return  to 
the  old  plan  of  separate  management,  saving  $750,000 
a  year. 

Mr.  Odell  has  a  plan  for  abolishing  all  direct  state 


taxation  by  virtue  of  these  economies,  and  also  by  in- 
creased taxation  of  savings  banks,  trust  companies,  in- 
surance companies  and  the  capital  stock  of  corporations 
organized  in  other  states  but  doing  business  in  New 
York.  There  is  no  doubt  that  a  larger  revenue  might 
properly  be  drawn  from  some  of  these  sources,  but  this 
does  not  imply  that  there  is  either  justice  or  economic 
wisdom  in  trying  to  transfer  the  entire  burden  of  tax- 
ation to  a  few  specific  interests  in  the  community.  Our 
present  system  of  taxation  is  glaringly  defective  at 
almost  every  point,  but  when  it  is  reformed  it  should 
be  reformed  scientifically,  with  a  view  to  securing  the 
widest  and  most  equitable  distribution  of  the  tax  bur- 
den. This  will  never  be  accomplished  by  any  arbi- 
trary scheme  for  transferring  all  the  taxes  of  the  com- 
munity to  a  few  interests  that  happen  to  be  unpopular 
on  the  political  stump. 

An  economy  program  like  Mr.  Odell's  may  have 
many  meritorious  features,  but  is  the  program  of  a 
politician  rather  than  of  a  statesman.  The  politician  is 
always  striving  for  spectacular  and  semi-sensational 
effects,  always  attempting  to  identify  himself  with  some 
proposition  that  has  elements  of  popularity,  and  if  it 
can  be  something  that  seems  thoroughgoing  and  radical 
all  the  better  for  the  purpose.  But  this  sort  of  thing 
is  not  possible  for  the  statesman.  The  true  statesman 
knows  that  genuine  reform  can  never  be  accomplished 
by  wholesale,  sweeping,  unqualified  measures  that  cut 
down  good  and  bad  together.  Economy  is  a  word  to 
conjure  with,  but  it  is  the  politician,  not  the  statesman, 
that  holds  it  up  as  the  highest  attainable  wisdom  in 
public  policy. 

The  true  end  of  statesmanship  is  to  promote  the 
greatest  public  welfare,  whether  this  means  saving 
dollars  or  spending  dollars.  Where  economy  will  con- 
tribute to  this  welfare  economy  is  good,  but  where  it 


will  cripple  some  important  branch  of  public  service 
then  economy  is  bad,  and  the  public  official  who  tries  to 
make  a  record  in  defiance  of  this  fact  is  no  real  friend 
to  public  welfare.  Where  sinecures  exist,  or  useless 
political  "  job"  commissions,  or  where  waste  occurs  by 
poor  organization  of  the  service,  then  economy  and 
reorganization  are  in  order,  but,  where  important  work 
would  be  less  effectively  done  by  arbitrarily  abolishing 
offices  and  reducing  the  number  of  employees,  then  the 
path  of  statesmanship  is  to  point  out  the  grounds  for 
distinguishing  between  the  two  cases,  and  shape  poli- 
cies accordingly.  In  brief,  Mr.  Odell's  attitude  on  this 
matter  thus  far  only  goes  to  confirm  the  general  im- 
pression of  him  prior  to  his  nomination,  that  he  is  a 
clever  politician  and  shrewd  business  man,  but  lacking 
in  broad-minded  conception  of  the  duties  of  progressive 
rational  statesmanship  in  any  large  field  of  public 


Business  stability  is  a  vital  element  in  national  wel- 
fare and  progress.  Nothing  contributes  so  much  to 
cheerful  optimism  and  inspires  such  confidence  in  social 
institutions  as  continued  business  prosperity.  It  broad- 
ens the  life,  liberalizes  the  spirit,  elevates  the  charac- 
ter, stimulates  the  growth  of  altruism,  and  strengthens 
the  bonds  of  human  association.  It  turns  on  the  sun- 
shine in  human  experience  and  fructifies  the  best  there 
is  in  human  nature. 

On  the  other  hand,  industrial  uncertainty  is  the 
most  depressing  fact  in  social  experience.  No  other 
element  in  society  is  so  fatal  to  energy,  enterprise  and 
hopeful  anticipation.  Laborers,  business  men,  public 
officials,  the  workers  in  every  calling  of  life,  can  do 
their  best  only  under  conditions  of  approximate  secur- 
ity. Present  prosperity  loses  much  of  its  stimulating 
effect  if  the  immediate  future  be  shrouded  in  uncer- 
tainty. While  business  prosperity  acts  as  the  main- 
spring of  progress,  furnishing  the  inspiration  for  new 
ideas,  new  methods  of  doing  and  new  standards  of  liv- 
ing, which  bring  new  types  of  institutions  and  civiliza- 
tion, business  depression  brings  doubt,  distrust  and 
pessimism,  and  contains  the  germs  of  disintegration 
and  disruption.  Business  depressions  bring  economic 
heresies  and  the  seeds  of  political  revolution.  The  dis- 
ruption in  which  farmers  lose  their  land  by  foreclosed 
mortgages,  merchants  and  manufacturers  lose  their 


118  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

business  and  property  by  bankruptcy,  and  laborers  are 
forced  into  idleness,  creates  pessimism  and  distrust. 
Under  such  conditions  it  is  not  unnatural  for  the  dis- 
located to  doubt  the  equity  of  existing  institutions  and 
feel  that  injustice  is  at  the  very  basis  of  economic  rela- 
tions. When  such  feelings  grow  into  theories,  and 
those  theories  become  convictions  of  the  community, 
they  are  likely  soon  to  be  converted  into  political  policy. 
This  is  the  way  revolutionary  theories  arise  and  grow 
into  political  movements.  The  greenback,  free-silver, 
populist  and  socialist  movements,  which  are  jointly  ex- 
pressed in  Bryan's  popularity,  were  the  cumulative  re- 
sult of  these  forces. 

Had  1900  been  a  year  of  industrial  depression  in- 
stead of  one  of  high  industrial  prosperity,  nothing 
could  have  prevented  Mr.  Bryan  with  all  his  economic 
heresies  and  disintegrating  political  ideas  from  sweep- 
ing the  country.  The  period  of  business  depression 
and  disaster  from  1893  to  1896  furnished  exceptional 
nursery  conditions  for  the  development  of  revolutionary 
economic  and  political  theories.  The  doctrines  of  so- 
cialism promulgated  by  Karl  Marx  and  Rodbertus,  as 
the  reaction  against  monarchical  institutions  in  Europe, 
took  very  little  root  in  this  country  so  long  as  prosperity 
continued.  Every  industrial  disturbance,  like  a  strike 
or  labor  riot,  afforded  temporary  opportunity  for  the 
socialist  prophet,  but  it  made  little  permanent  inroads 
with  the  American  people.  The  fiat-money  theory  repre- 
sented by  greenbackism,  and  the  debased-coinage  doc- 
trine represented  by  free  silver,  were  latent  ideas  that 
were  starved  into  impotence  by  industrial  prosperity, 
but  a  four  years'  period  of  continued  depression,  idle- 
ness and  increased  poverty  furnished  the  opportunity 
for  these  disintegrating  ideas  to  be  worked  into  social 
and  economic  theories  and  be  accepted  as  the  higher 
gospel  of  society. 


Under  this  protracted  experience  of  adversity,  it 
was  easy  for  the  suffering  masses  to  yield  a  ready  ear 
to  the  gospel  of  antagonism  to  capital.  The  theory 
that  corporations  are  organized  exploiters  of  society, 
that  private  profits  are  robbery,  that  the  capitalist  sys- 
tem is  inherently  unjust  and  that  public  ownership  of 
industry  is  the  only  equitable  system  by  which  the  in- 
justices and  misfortunes  that  afflict  mordern  society  can 
be  abolished, — all  this  and  the  reasoning  leading  up  to 
it  was  readily  accepted.  Consequently,  when  Mr. 
Bryan  appeared  on  the  scene  declaring  against  capital 
and  corporate  industry  and  denouncing  our  industrial, 
financial  and  judicial  institutions,  he  was  at  once  popu- 
lar with  the  masses,  not  so  much  for  the  exact  formu- 
lation of  his  ideas  as  for  the  fact  that  he  voiced  the  ag- 
gregate discontent.  He  was  friendly  to  the  new  eco- 
nomic, financial  and  social  theories  that  were  developed 
under  the  influence  of  industrial  depression  and  social 
hardship.  Nothing  but  the  hope  and  faith-inspiring 
influence  of  returned  business  prosperity  prevented  his 
success.  The  ideas  and  theories  that  were  developed 
to  a  greater  or  less  degree  of  exactness  were  not  dis- 
pelled ;  they  are  still  lurking  in  the  background,  and  if 
another  industrial  depression  overtakes  us  in  the  near 
future  these  theories  will  reassert  themselves  with  in- 
creased force  and  vigor.  Nothing  but  an  extended 
period  of  industrial  prosperity  or  increased  opportunity 
for  wholesome  industrial  and  political  education  can 
prevent  an  experiment  with  doctrines  of  the  sort  Bryan 
represents.  Business  stability  and  widespread  liberal 
economic  education  are  the  only  forces  which  can  pre- 
vent such  a  national  calamity. 

The  characteristic  feature  of  the  progress  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  particularly  the  last  half  of  it,  is 
the  development  of  the  means  of  industrial  prosperity. 
Science,  ability,  organization,  and  indomitable  energy 

120  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

have  combined  to  increase  the  capacity  of  wealth  pro- 
duction. Nature  has  been  made  to  yield  more  at  every 
touch ;  steam,  electricity,  and  gravitation  have  been 
harnessed  to  the  work.  Wealth  has  been  multiplied  at 
a  marvellously  diminished  cost ;  the  wealth  per  capita 
of  the  community,  in  this  country,  has  increased  four- 
fold, wages  have  increased  more  than  ninety  per  cent., 
the  working  day  has  been  shortened  by  more  than  one- 
quarter,  and  the  purchasing  power  of  a  day's  work  has 
more  than  doubled.  All  this  has  made  for  national 
progress  and  whatever  is  implied  in  a  higher  civiliza- 

But  thus  far  this  progress  has  been  accompanied  by 
the  menacing  effect  of  recurring  industrial  depressions, 
which  furnish  the  soil  and  seed  of  social  disruption. 
These  business  disturbances  have  not  only  accompanied 
the  rapid  progress  of  the  century  but  they  are  a  part  of 
very  rapid  progress  wherever  it  takes  place.  There  are 
no  business  depressions  in  China,  India,  Africa,  or  any 
countries  where  the  methods  of  industry  are  uniform 
and  progress  imperceptibly  slow.  There  may  be  fam- 
ines in  these  countries,  but  never  business  depressions. 
Famines  are  the  result  of  failing  production ;  business 
depressions  are  the  result  of  irregular,  unbalanced  in- 
crease in  production.  Increased  production  can  only 
be  permanently  beneficial  to  the  nation  when  it  is  ad- 
justed approximately  to  the  consumption  or  market  for 

Industrial  progress  is  itself  a  disturbance.  It  is  a 
constant  substitution  of  new  for  old,  of  superior  for  in- 
ferior methods  of  doing.  Every  such  substitution 
brings  with  it  some  dislocation.  The  benefits  must  be 
greater  than  the  injuries  from  dislocation,  or  there  is  no 
real  gain.  Unless  the  new  movement  absorbs  the  dis- 
located elements  to  their  advantage,  or  at  least  not  to 
their  disadvantage,  a  current  of  reaction  will  be  created. 


Several  examples  of  this  have  occurred  during  the  last 
three-quarters  of  a  century,  with  increasing  havoc. 
This  is  chiefly  due  to  the  fact  that  industrial  activity 
has  been  dominated  by  what  some  delight  to  call  '  'nat- 
ural selection."  The  rule  of  "survival  of  the  fittest,' 
which  is  blind  struggle  for  supremacy,  has  prevailed  in 
both  theory  and  practice.  The  idea  that  unlimited  and 
unorganized  competition  is  the  source  of  success  and  the 
sole  solvent  for  economic  problems  has  been  taught  by 
the  scholar  and  practised  by  the  capitalist.  Hence  we 
have  had  a  protracted  regime  of  struggle  and  strife, 
with  the  maximum  waste  and  the  minimum  economic 
and  scientific  direction. 

In  the  era  of  hand  labor,  with  small  production  and 
restricted  markets,  this  unrestricted  competition  had 
the  effect  of  wholesome  rivalry,  but  as  production  in- 
creased in  quantity,  markets  expanded  in  area  and  com- 
petitors multiplied  in  number  and  strength,  single- 
handed  competition  became  mere  blind  struggle  against 
the  unknown.  Ignorance  of  what  others  were  doing, 
and  disregard  of  the  law  of  market  equilibrium,  have 
given  us  rapidly  recurring  business  fluctuations,  so  that 
we  have  been  constantly  rising  on  a  "boom"  or  descend- 
ing with  an  industrial  depression.  Under  the  stimulus 
of  advancing  prices,  capital  rushes  in  as  if  the  market 
demand  for  products  were  infinite,  and  business  men 
borrow  heavily  in  the  effort  to  produce  the  maximum 
and  get  the  quick  benefit  of  the  boom.  This  uneco- 
nomic stampede  soon  results  in  an  inflated  overdoing, 
with  the  consequence  of  reaction  and  inability  profita- 
bly to  dispose  of  products  and  pay  credit  obligations ; 
all  of  which  culminates  in  disruption  and  forced  liqui- 
dations, destruction  of  confidence,  and  enforced  idle- 
ness, with  all  its  concomitant  evils  throughout  society. 
This  has  been  no  less  general  in  agriculture  than  in 
manufacture  and  commerce.  When  the  price  of  corn 

122  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

or  cotton  is  high,  farmers,  each  regardless  of  what  the 
others  are  doing,  immediately  turn  their  energies  to 
raising  more  corn  or  cotton,  with  the  disappointing  ef- 
fect of  falling  prices  and  a  depressed  market. 

While  these  reactions  accompany  industrial  prog- 
ress and  expansion  they  are  not  an  inevitable  part  of 
it.  They  are  rather  the  result  of  adhering  too  long  to 
blind  competition  as  the  governing  force  in  industry. 
To  reap  the  benefits  of  expanding  industry,  natural  se- 
lection must  be  superseded  by  scientific  selection,  blind 
competition  must  yield  to  intelligent,  comprehensive 
organization.  Unrelated  individual  effort  can  only  be 
successful  in  the  realm  of  small  things ;  the  civilization 
of  great  things  is  the  civilization  of  scientific  organiza- 

Successful  business  to-day  involves  more  than  the 
mere  capacity  to  produce  or  even  to  produce  cheaply. 
It  involves  maintaining  the  equilibrium  between  the 
forces  of  production  and  consumption.  This  requires  a 
knowledge  of  the  world's  economic  conditions  in  each 
line  of  industry.  To  know  the  output  and  the  demand 
in  any  given  line  of  industry,  and  correctly  to  antici- 
pate their  movement  so  as  approximately  to  maintain  a 
working  equilibrium,  requires  a  knowledge  of  the  state 
of  invention,  the  amount  <?f  new  machinery  used,  capital 
invested,  stocks  on  hand,  and  substantially  all  the  con- 
ditions affecting  industry  in  every  part  of  the  world 
from  whence  competing  products  may  come.  This  is 
impossible  to  individual  producers  or  small  concerns. 
It  is  only  with  immense  capital  and  perfect  organization 
that  this  can  be  accomplished.  Frequent  and  reliable 
statistical  advices  of  all  the  details  of  production,  con- 
sumption, transportation,  stocks  on  hand,  and  antici- 
pated innovations,  are  among  the  necessary  equipments 
of  modern  industry.  Only  with  such  information  and 
far-reaching  organization  is  approximately  correct  eco- 


nomic  forecast  possible.  With  this  knowledge  of  the 
world's  economic  conditions,  industrial  enterprise  will 
be  governed  with  more  definite  relation  to  the  world's 
economic  demand. 

Another  feature  of  present  industry  is  the  sudden- 
ness of  changes  in  social  desires  and  the  immense 
quantity  which  it  is  necessary  to  carry  for  the  normal 
supply.  Small  concerns  are  wholly  incapable  of  ade- 
quately adjusting  these  conditions.  With  small  pro- 
ducers, a  little  change  and  fluctuation  in  the  public 
demand  for  products  when  the  supply  on  hand  is  large 
causes  numerous  failures  and  bankruptcies ;  with  large 
concerns,  the  stocks  can  be  safely  carried  and  even 
transferred  from  one  section  or  class  of  demand  to 
another.  The  losses  involved  in  carrying  declining 
supplies  will  be  offset  by  the  increased  margin  in  the 
new  supplies.  Thus,  what  to-day  would  cause  bank- 
ruptcies and  perhaps  widespread  business  disturbance 
would  be  absorbed  in  readjustment  under  the  manage- 
ment of  adequately  large  concerns. 

Moreover,  very  large  concerns  have  so  much  in- 
volved that  a  few  mistakes  will  often  involve  the  loss 
of  millions  of  dollars.  Such  establishments  cannot 
afford  to  be  idle.  A  very  small  concern  can  close  down, 
throw  laborers  out  of  employment,  and  impair  the 
market  demand  of  the  community  rather  than  endure 
loss  in  running.  The  investment  is  so  small  that  the 
loss  of  stoppage  may  easily  be  much  less  than  the  loss 
of  disadvantageous  working,  but  in  large  concerns, 
where  hundreds  of  millions  are  involved,  the  loss  of 
stoppage  may  soon  be  fatal.  Where  world  markets  are 
the  prize,  the  richest  concerns  cannot  afford  to  retire 
even  temporarily,  lest  new  competitors  step  in  and  per- 
manently secure  the  business. 

Thus  all  the  conditions  of  large  enterprise  tend  to 
make  the  maintenance  of  market  equilibrium  or  busi- 

124  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February 

ness  stability  an  important  feature  of  success.  It  is  in 
response  to  this  law  of  business  success  that  large  cor- 
porations succeeded  small  ones,  and  so-called  "trusts'' 
made  their  appearance.  Despite  all  the  public  opposi- 
tion to  large  corporations,  they  are  admittedly  here  to 
stay  and  have  already  begun  to  exercise  a  marked 
steadying  influence  upon  business.  In  the  last  business 
disturbance,  for  example,  which  came  suddenly  through 
a  threatened  change  of  national  policy,  it  was  the  smaller 
concerns  which  suddenly  succumbed  to  the  depressing 
wave ;  concerns  which  could  not  afford  to  carry  large 
stocks  of  goods  and  whose  financial  credit  was  limited. 
Large  concerns,  like  the  Carnegie,  Standard  Oil  and 
sugar  companies,  withstood  the  shock  almost  undis- 

Business  depression  and  uncertainty,  which  are  the 
bane  of  modern  industry,  can  be  avoided  in  only  one  of 
two  ways,  either  by  returning  to  the  era  of  small  pro- 
duction, or  else  by  adopting  the  methods  of  larger  and 
more  perfect  industrial  organization.  With  the  growth 
in  size  and  complexity  of  productive  enterprise  must 
come  the  growth  in  magnitude  and  complexity  of  the 
organizations  to  deal  with  it.  Liliputians  cannot  do  the 
work  of  giants.  If  we  insist  upon  having  small  re- 
stricted concerns  to  deal  with  the  colossal  interests  of 
the  twentieth  century,  we  may  expect  and  will  surely 
have  constant  disturbances  and  failure  with  their  train 
of  disrupting  evils.  As  well  might  we  expect  to  govern 
a  modern  city  by  the  primitive  town  meeting  as  expect 
individual  effort  and  small  corporations  adequately  to 
deal  with  the  colossal  proportions  of  modern  industry. 
Everything  points  to  the  conclusion  that  the  real  rem- 
edy for  business  disturbance  is  more  perfect  develop- 
ment of  large  corporations. 

But  here,  as  in  every  other  phase  of  social  life,  the 
spurious  comes  with  the  genuine.  In  the  development 

igoi.]         "TRUSTS"  AND  BUSINESS  STABILITY  125 

of  corporate  enterprise  as  the  natural  method  of  dealing 
with  our  increasing  industrial  interests  have  come  a 
species  of  uneconomic  and  unsubstantial  organizations. 
In  the  flush  of  business  boom,  the  promoters  in  many 
instances  have  taken  the  place  of  investors.  Corpora- 
tions have  been  organized  for  speculative  rather  than 
economic  purposes.  Advantage  has  been  taken  of  the 
overconfidence  of  the  public,  and  to  give  abnormal 
rewards  to  promoters  and  speculators  a  system  of  over- 
capitalization has  come  into  vogue.  This  has  been 
especially  true  during  the  last  two  years.  With  the 
settling  down  of  business  to  normal  conditions,  how- 
ever, these  overcapitalized  concerns  will  fail  to  yield 
encouraging  profits,  some  of  them  will  collapse  and 
others  be  compelled  to  reorganize.  This  abnormal 
inflation  is  so  uneconomic  that  it  will  bring  its  own  retri- 
bution and  teach  the  lesson  that  watered  stock  does  not 
earn  dividends,  but  that  after  all  it  is  only  investment 
and  economically  organized  enterprise  that  yields  per- 
manent success.  We  are  in  some  danger  of  condemn- 
ing all  corporations  because  of  the  conduct  of  the 
spurious  ones,  but  experience  will  educate  the  public 
to  discriminate  between  legitimate  investment  and 
mere  speculative  inflation.  If  bankers  would  refuse  to 
lend  their  names  and  influence  to  watered-stock  corpo- 
rations, and  the  public  refuse  to  invest  in  mere  specu- 
lative industrials,  buy  only  stocks  that  represent  legiti- 
mate investment  and  established  earnings,  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  promoter  in  fabricating  mere  "wind" 
corporations  would  soon  be  gone. 

Corporations,  like  trade  unions,  which  are  another 
phase  of  the  same  industrial  movement,  have  many 
crude  uneconomic  features,  but  the  remedy  for  these 
defects  is  not  restriction  and  repression  but  more  eco- 
nomic, scientific  and  comprehensive  organization.  In- 
discriminate antagonism  to  a  natural  movement  always 


brings  out  its  worst  features.  Suppression  of  free 
speech,  restriction  of  the  press,  and  forbidding  of  free 
public  meetings  always  lead  to  inflamed  secret  discus- 
sion and  usually  to  conspiracy  and  physical-force 
methods.  This  was  true  of  the  Fenian  movement  in 
Ireland,  is  true  of  the  nihilists  in  Russia ;  and  in  fact  wher- 
ever organized  authority  is  used  to  suppress  a  natural 
movement  it  drives  it  from  the  field  of  open  action  to 
secret  underhanded  methods  which  inspire  less  honora- 
ble motives  and  develop  the  worst  characteristics. 
Much  of  the  physical  force  used  by  trade  unions  is  the 
result  of  the  same  mistaken  antagonism  to  the  natural 
growth  of  labor  organization.  For  a  long  time  a  trade 
union  was  conspiracy;  then  for  decades  it  remained 
outside  the  pale  of  law.  Its  funds  had  no  protection 
in  court  and  the  treasurer  could  steal  the  revenues  with 

It  is  only  when  the  normal  movement  is  protected 
by  the  moral  sentiment  and  legal  institutions  of  society 
that  it  unreservedly  comes  out  into  the  light  and  devel- 
ops its  best  characteristics.  Nothing  more  effectively 
develops  the  worst  in  human  nature  than  to  put  it 
under  the  ban.  To  this  universal  law  corporations  are 
no  exception.  An  inflamed  and  perverted  public  senti- 
ment against  corporations,  to  which  small -calibre  poli- 
ticians are  ever  ready  to  respond  with  petty  inquisito- 
rial repressive  legislation,  is  the  most  effective  means 
of  stimulating  the  worst  phases  of  corporate  develop- 
ment. It  constantly  creates  a  presumption  against  the 
new  organization  and  leads  to  numerous  devices  of 
secrecy  and  suppression,  which  grow  into  misrepre- 
sentation. It  develops  the  quality  of  the  pirate  instead 
of  true  economic  leadership. 


ARCHER      B.      HULBERT,     FORMERLY      EDITOR      OF      THE      KOREAN 

Civilization  is  a  word  of  double  meaning.  It  some- 
times means  that  enlightened  condition  of  society  in 
which  each  individual  has  the  best  opportunity  for  self- 
development,  and  in  this  sense  it  is  never  used  in  the 
plural.  It  may  also  mean  one  of  several  modes  of 
social  and  political  development  whereby  different 
styles  of  national  life  have  been  evolved.  In  this  sense 
we  may  use  it  in  the  plural — as  the  European,  Moham- 
medan and  Chinese  civilizations.  Etymologically  it 
refers  to  the  relation  between  the  citizen  and  the 
state,  and  depends  upon  that  great  law  of  human  prog- 
ress that  necessitates  a  growing  interdependence  of 
man  upon  man. 

The  various  civilizations  of  the  world  differ  widely, 
not  because  of  any  difference  in  the  fundamental  ele- 
ments of  human  nature  but  because  these  elements 
have  received  such  different  handling.  Thus  it  comes 
about  that  we  shrink  from  conceding  any  similarity 
between  our  civilization  and  that  of  such  a  people 
as  the  Chinese. 

It  must  be  granted  at  the  start  that  the  civilization 
of  China  is  as  highly  developed  as  the  Anglo-Saxon, 
but  the  lines  of  that  development  have  been  so  different 
that  it  may  interest  us  to  glance  at  some  of  the  more 
important  of  them,  for  by  so  doing  we  shall  be  able  to 
discover  wherein  lies  the  lamentable  failure  of  the 
Chinese  system.  A  thorough  discussion  of  the  'subject 
would  nil  a  volume ;  we  must  confine  ourselves,  there- 
fore, to  one  special  phase  of  it — namely,  what  has  China 


128  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

retained  of  the  great  original  ideas  of  the  race  and 
what  has  the  West  rejected. 

I.  China  has  retained  the  original  theocratic  idea, 
the  West  has  rejected  it.  We  find  that  in  the  begin- 
ings  of  history  kings  held  their  seats  not  only  by  a  sup- 
posed divine  right  but  by  some  assumed  direct  connec- 
tion with  divinity,  so  that  they  were  themselves  clothed 
with  a  dignity  that  claimed  a  kinship  with  the  divine. 
The  reason  for  this  is  not  far  to  seek.  Let  us  grant  for 
the  sake  of  argument  that  the  biblical  account  is  sub- 
stantially correct,  then  we  shall  find  that  the  divine 
attributes  given  to  kings  was  a  counterpart  of  sacrificial 
offerings.  The  apostacy  of  the  race  cut  them  off  from 
direct  communion  with  divinity,  and  just  as  sacrifice 
took  the  place  of  direct  worship  so  the  direct  govern- 
ment of  God  was  modified  to  a  delegated  theocracy. 
At  least  the  universal  acceptance  of  the  general  law  of 
divine  government  constrained  men  to  recognize  their 
temporal  rulers  as  the  seat  and  symbol  of  that  govern- 
ment. In  no  other  way  can  we  account  for  the  divine 
honors  that  were  given  to  the  ancient  kings  of  Assyria 
and  Babylonia,  and  later  to  the  Roman  emperors.  It 
survives  to-day  in  the  expression  '  'divine  right  of  kings, " 
but  in  our  western  civilization  this  means  little  more 
than  the  divine  right  of  any  man  to  do  his  own  proper 
work  whether  he  be  king  or  mechanic. 

The  Chinese  have  retained  the  idea  of  a  delegated 
theocracy  and  their  government  is  the  logical  outcome 
of  such  a  course.  A  delegated  theocracy  to  succeed 
must  have  a  perfect  medium.  A  Moses  or  a  Samuel 
might  presumably  be  an  approximately  perfect  medium, 
but  even  in  these  instances  we  find  that  human  fraility, 
both  in  the  medium  and  in  the  governed  parties,  ren- 
dered the  divine  will  nugatory,  as  expressed  in  many 
instances,  whatever  may  have  been  the  undisclosed  will 
of  the  Almighty.  If  these  men  were  only  approxi- 


mately  successful  what  shall  be  said  of  those  who  have 
had  neither  the  ability  nor  the  preparation  for  such  a 
calling  as  they  had  ?  The  ancient  custom  of  giving 
divine  honors  to  kings  worked  boundless  evils  in  society, 
for  the  imbecilities,  the  cruelties,  the  injustices  of  those 
supposed  vice-gerents  of  God  could  not  but  lower  the 
peoples'  notions  of  the  Diety.  The  contemptible  ac- 
tions of  God's  agent  would  inevitably  make  the  Divine 
Being  contemned  by  the  people.  At  the  same  time,  the 
terror  inspired  by  the  belief  that  the  king  stood  for 
God  himself  in  the  government  of  the  kingdom  would 
naturally  engender  that  servility  of  manner  which  is 
such  a  prominent  feature  of  the  Oriental  court  life. 
Now  these  are  precisely  the  features  which  differentiate 
the  Chinese  form  of  government  from  ours.  It  has  en- 
gendered deceit,  insincerity,  servility  in  the  outward 
manner,  while  at  heart  there  is  secret  contempt.  This 
pseudo-theocracy  is  a  cloak  for  untold  and  untellable 
oppression  and  injustice.  It  is  the  cause  of  venality, 
nepotism  and  all  political  uncleanliness,  for  the  basis 
of  a  theocracy  is  necessarily  absolutism,  and  a  corrupt- 
ed absolutism  bears  such  fruit  as  we  find  in  Turkey, 
Persia,  China  and  like  absolute  governments.  Those 
kingdoms  whose  sovereigns  make  the  loudest  claims  to 
divine  vice-gerency  are  the  most  corrupt.  The  Mikado 
of  Japan  was  for  two  thousand  years  considered  semi- 
divine,  and  it  was  only  when  he  laid  aside  this  guise 
and  admitted  his  people  as  copartners  of  his  responsi- 
bilities and  his  honors  that  Japan  became  politically 

The  higher  a  thing  is  the  more  momentous  is  its 
fall.  An  American  writer  has  illustrated  this  by  a  tell- 
ing though  humble  metaphor.  The  higher  the  form 
of  animal  life  the  more  offensive  it  becomes  to  the  nos- 
trils when  it  decays.  Beginning  with  the  mollusk  and 
proceeding  through  all  the  grades  of  animal  life  till  we 

130  G UNTON 'S  MA GAZ1NE  [February, 

reach  that  of  the  human  being  we  readily  perceive  the 
truth  of  this  statement.  And  it  is  on  some  such  theory 
as  this  that  we  can  explain  why  a  theocracy,  the  highest 
ideal  form  of  government,  may  become  the  very  worst 
when  it  loses  the  vitalizing  force  and  becomes  a  corpse. 
Such  is  the  government  of  China.  It  has  always  been 
a  pseudo-theocracy  and  as  such  could  neVer  be  other 
than  offensive  to  the  lover  of  good  government.  The 
West  long  ago  rejected  this  idea  and  eliminated  it  from 
its  idea  of  human  government,  not  because  a  genuine 
theocracy  is  not  the  only  perfect  form  of  government 
nor  because  rulers  do  not  need  divine  guidance,  but  be- 
cause Christianity  has  taught  the  fallibility  of  human 
judgment  and  has  thereby  proved  that  a  democratic 
form  of  government  is  the  next  best  to  a  pure  the- 
ocracy. Such  democracy  we  find  in  all  limited  monarch- 
ies to-day,  modified  in  various  ways  to  suit  the  condi- 
tions and  limitations  of  society.  The  evils  of  a  parli- 
mentary  government  are  incidental  and  adventitious ; 
those  of  a  pseudo-theocracy  like  that  of  China  are  in- 
trinsic and  fundamental. 

II.  China  has  retained  the  original  patriarchal  idea, 
but  the  West  has  rejected  it.  Here  we  touch  upon  the 
social,  not  the  political,  organism.  In  the  morning  of 
the  race  the  term  of  human  life  ran  into  the  centuries, 
and  we  can  readily  imagine  how  a  family  in  which  ten 
or  a  dozen  generations  were  represented  would  look 
with  the  utmost  reverence  upon  the  hoary  patriarch  at 
its  head  and  receive  his  words  as  well-nigh  oracular. 
China  retained  this  notion.  It  was  old  when  Confucius 
crystallized  it  into  a  written  dogma.  It  has  never 
ceased  to  be  the  basis  of  their  social  system.  But  this 
idea,  like  that  of  her  delegated  theocracy,  has  run  to 
seed.  Its  most  baneful  effect  has  been  to  adumbrate 
the  individual  by  the  clan.  It  has  made  China  a 
nation  not  of  individuals  but  of  cliques.  It  is  difficult 


for  a  westerner,  even  after  years  of  residence  among 
the  Chinese,  to  realize  the  full  significance  of  a  China- 
man's intense  loyalty  to  his  clan.     He  never  thinks  of 
adopting  an  independent  line  of  action.     He  must  dis- 
cuss every  matter  with  the  members   of  his  family  or 
clan  and  his  every  act  is  that  of  the  clan  rather  than  of 
himself  as  an  individual.     In  short,   as  in  America  the 
unit  of  value  is  the  dollar  and  all  less  than  that  is  mere 
fractional  currency,  so  in  China  the  social  unit  is  the 
clan,   and  all  the  members  that  compose  the  clan  are 
mere  fractions  devoid  of  all  integral  force.     A  man  can- 
not name  his  son  without  consulting  the  clan.     He  can- 
not give  his  daughter  in  marriage,  nor  sell  his  estate, 
nor  change  his  place  of  residence,  nor   make   his  will, 
nor   choose  a  profession  without   conferring  with   his 
relatives.     If  he  is  fortunate  enough  to   amass  wealth 
he  shares  it  in   great  part  with   the  clan.       If  he   gets 
into  trouble  he  is  sure  of  all  the  help  the  clan  can  give. 
If  he  commits  a  capital  crime  a  dozen  of  his  relatives 
may  be  decapitated  with  him,  or  sold  into  slavery  or 
driven  into  banishment.     There  is  no  such  thing  as   a 
purely  personal  course  of  conduct  in  such  a  country  and 
in  consequence  there  is  no  such  thing  as     personal  re- 
sponsibility.    If  he  does  wrong  it  is  taken  for  granted 
that  his  relatives   are   his   accomplices.     It  would  be 
difficult  to  exaggerate  the  obstacles  which  such  a  system 
throws  in  the  way  of  national  progress.     Being  not  a 
self-dependent  and  independent  member  of  society  but 
only  a  single   factor  in  a  highly  articulated   family  sys- 
tem his  every  act  must  have   a  disturbing   effect   upon 
the  system.     A  barrow  wheel  may  turn  slow  or  fast, 
backward   or   forward,  without   disturbing  any  one  or 
anything,  but  not  so  with  a  cog-wheel  in  a  complicated 
machine.       Any   erratic    movement   disorganizes   the 
whole  mechanism.     Thus  it  is  that  the  life  of  a  China- 
man is  circumscribed.     He  can  have  no  genuine   ambi- 

182  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

tion.  He  can  never  climb  the  ladder  of  fame  or  fortune 
without  dragging  his  clan  with  him.  There  is  no  such 
thing  as  starting  as  an  office-boy  and  ending  as  the 
president  of  a  railroad,  or  of  beginning  life  as  a  news- 
boy and  rounding  off  his  career  as  the  governor  of  a 
province.  There  is  no  such  a  thing  as  a  son  attaining 
a  fortune  in  trade  and  living  in  a  city  mansion  while  his 
aged  father  lives  on  the  old  farm  and  rejoices  in  still 
being  independent  of  his  son's  help.  Such  a  thing 
would  be  subversive  of  all  notions  of  Chinese  propriety. 
It  would  be  impossible.  There  is  no  such  thing  as  a 
mother  sending  her  sons  out  into  the  world  to  fight  for 
themselves.  The  boy  chooses  neither  his  occupation 
nor  his  home  nor  his  bride  nor  his  companions.  They 
are  all  prepared  for  him  and  he  never  dreams  of  acting 
independently  in  anything. 

It  is  to  this  patriarchal  idea  that  we  must  charge 
the  inertia  of  China.  It  is  harder  to  move  a  clan  than 
an  individual,  and  it  is  doubly  hard  for  the  younger 
members  of  a  clan  to  effect  any  change  for  they  are  con- 
fessedly its  weakest  element.  By  the  time  they  have 
reached  years  of  experience  they  have  received  the  im- 
press of  the  clan  and  no  longer  desire  a  change.  This 
is  why,  with  all  their  civilization,  they  still  make  use  of 
implements  and  utensils  that  would  be  considered  pri- 
meval in  America.  Their  arts  and  sciences  are  based 
upon  models  as  crude  as  those  that  did  duty  in  the  days 
of  ancient  Babylon. 

In  the  West  all  this  is  changed.  Here  again  it  is 
Christianity  that  has  effected  the  change.  It  inculcates 
the  principle  of  individual  responsibility.  It  sets  each 
man  upon  his  own  merits  and  judges  him  thereby.  It 
makes  each  man  a  king  by  making  him  autocratic  in 
the  field  of  personal  opinion.  It  makes  the  individual 
the  social  unit  distinct  from  his  parents,  his  wife  and 
his  children,  and  leaves  him  to  play  with  the  facts  and 


the  forces  about  him  without  having  to  square  his 
opinions  to  any  set  standard.  This  ideal  has  not  yet 
been  fully  realized  but  in  so  far  as  it  has  the  world  has 
become  enlightened. 

III.  China  has  retained  the  ancient  ideographic 
idea.  The  West  has  rejected  it.  The  first  attempts  of 
the  race  to  transfer  ideas  by  means  of  visible  symbols 
resulted  in  the  hieroglyph,  or  more  scientifically  speak- 
ing, the  ideograph.  The  discovery  of  a  phonetic  system 
took  place  only  after  man  had  attained  a  considerable 
degree  of  intellectual  growth,  and  when  an  ideographic 
system  failed  to  convey  the  fine  shades  of  meaning 
which  such  growth  necessarily  involved.  But  the 
Chinese  have  never  shaken  themselves  loose  from  the 
crude  system  which  the  race  learned  in  its  infancy. 
We  find,  nevertheless,  that  China  has  evolved  a  ponder- 
ous literature  and  that  the  art  of  letters  is  considered 
the  art  par  excellence.  An  examination  of  this  literature 
shows  that  it  is  lacking  in  the  very  elements  that  one 
would  suppose  it  to  lack  in  view  of  its  cumbersome 
system.  In  the  first  place  they  have  no  true  poetry  in 
our  sense  of  that  term.  They  have  imaginative  ideas 
expressed  in  a  certain  metrical  or  rather  geometrical 
form,  but  it  is  all  a  matter  of  literary  finesse  rather  than 
an  outpouring  of  genuine  poetic  feeling.  Chinese  poetry 
must  be  read  from  the  page  to  be  most  highly  appre- 
ciated, while  with  us  it  is  the  human  voice  that  carries 
the  poetic  truth  most  closely  home  to  the  human  heart. 
In  truth  we  may  say  that  the  element  of  heart  is  quite 
lacking  in  Chinese  literature  as  a  whole.  In  like  manner 
we  find  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  oratory  in  China, 
and  thus  one  of  the  most  important  avenues  of  intellec- 
tual intercourse  is  cut  off  from  that  people.  For  the 
same  reason  also  music  means  infinitely  less  to  the 
Chinese  than  to  us.  The  professional  musician  in 
China  is  classed  with  the  acrobat,  the  butcher  and  the 

134  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

courtesan.  But  on  the  other  hand  the  Chinese  are 
master  hands  at  anything  that  appeals  to  the  eye. 
Their  countless  flaunting  banners,  their  passion  for 
colors  and  the  high  significance  given  to  these  in  all 
walks  of  life,  the  showy  pageant,  the  spectacular  pyro- 
technics, the  parade  of  finery  on  all  occasions — all  these 
things  show  that  if  you  would  appeal  to  the  Chinese  it 
must  be  through  the  eye.  To  be  able  to  take  a  brush 
and  write  a  single  Chinese  character  faultlessly  would 
make  a  man's  reputation  more  speedily  in  that  country 
than  to  speak  like  Demosthenes  or  sing  like  Jenny 
Lind.  Chinese  literature  deals  with  history  and  ethics 
almost  exclusively.  What  they  call  poetry  would  ap- 
pear to  us  but  a  disconnected  string  of  aphorisms, 
many  of  them  to  the  point,  but  without  a  gleam  of  that 
genius  which  lights  the  page  of  Dante  or  Shakespeare. 
Eye-service  dominates  all  Chinese  life.  What 
they  see  they  will  believe.  Words  are  light,  they  are 
made  to  play  with.  Nothing  is  true  but  that  which  is 
seen  to  be  true.  This  lies  at  the  bottom  of  the  material- 
ism and  utilitarianism  of  the  Chinese.  To  him  diplo- 
macy consists  in  skilful  lying  and  he  commits  himself 
only  by  doing  something.  His  deed  has  no  necessary 
connection  with  his  word.  In  business  life  the  Chinese 
are  exceptionally  honest  but  this  is  only  a  part  of  their 
hard  common  sense  and  their  utilitarian  spirit.  It  pays 
them  to  be  honest  for  they  know  that  it  is  next  to  im- 
possible to  free  themselves  from  their  environments. 
They  cannot  leave  for  parts  unknown  and  begin  life 
anew.  They  have  learned  better  than  we  that  defal- 
cation and  indirection  are  not  only  bad  morals  but  bad 
business  as  well.  But  this  applies  only  to  business  life 
pure  and  simple.  When  it  comes  to  the  matter  of 
official  peculation  the  merest  novice  in  China  would  put 
to  shame  the  cunning  of  the  worst  ring  that  ever  tried 
to  exploit  the  exchequer  of  a  western  government. 


This  ideographic  system  has  proved  a  heavy  drag 
upon  the  progress  of  thought  in  China.  Intellect  has 
pushed  the  cumbersome  system  to  the  wall.  It  has 
continued  to  demand  the  formation  of  new  characters 
to  express  itself  until  the  most  erudite  can  hardly  hope 
to  master  more  than  a  tenth  part  of  them  in  a  lifetime. 
His  education  is  almost  exclusively  glossarial  and  no 
opportunity  has  been  given  him  to  bring  his  intellect 
to  bear  upon  the  production  of  new  and  better  ideas. 
This  has  naturally  resulted  in  intellectual  coma.  It  is 
only  on  the  business  side,  the  economical  side,  that  he 
is  really  alive. 

China's  retention  of  the  ancient  notions  of  the- 
ocracy, patriarchy  and  ideography  is  what  has  thrown 
her  out  of  the  current  of  the  world's  progress.  To  have 
entered  into  a  discussion  of  the  religious  side  of  the 
Chinese  character  would  have  revealed  a  similiar  diver- 
gence from  western  ideals.  But  enough  has  been 
said  to  show  the  pitiable  need  under  which  China  lies 
of  being  loosed  from  the  intellectual,  social  and  politi- 
cal fetters  with  which  she  has  been  bound — lo,  these 
three  thousand  years. 



Within  the  last  few  months  of  1900  there  were 
strikes  and  lockouts  involving  not  less  than  thirty  cotton 
factories  in  North  Carolina.  As  these  outbreaks  between 
labor  and  capital  are  new  in  this  section  it  may  be  of 
general  interest  to  learn  something  of  their  origin  and 
nature.  One  of  the  chief  arguments  used  to  tempt 
capitalists  into  manufacturing  in  the  South  was  that 
there  were  no  labor  organizations  to  make  trouble. 
Mill  presidents  and  promoters  always  gave  out  that  the 
most  pleasant  and  cordial  relations  existed  between  the 
employer  and  employee.  Only  last  spring  at  the  meet- 
ing of  the  Southern  Cotton  Spinners'  Association  the 
president  felicitated  the  members  upon  the  happy  and 
contented  condition  of  the  wage-earners. 

Sometime  in  April  of  last  year  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  commissioned  Mr.  C.  P.  Davis 
of  High  Point,  North  Carolina,  to  organize  local  unions 
throughout  the  southern  states.  He  began  work  first 
in  his  own  state,  going  from  factory  to  factory  and 
quietly  effecting  organizations.  The  operatives  lent 
themselves  readily  to  the  movement,  and  before  it  was 
known  among  the  mill-owners  many  unions  had  been 

About  the  first  of  May  the  first  skirmish  took  place 
between  organized  labor  and  capital  at  the  Proximity 
Mill,  near  Greensboro,  where  a  thousand  or  more  hands 
were  employed.  When  the  president  of  the  mill,  Mr. 
Cone,  learned  of  the  movement,  about  one  hundred 



and  fifty  operatives,  including  twenty-five  women  and 
children,  had  enrolled.  The  mill  was  immediately 
closed  and  a  notice  posted  that  all  operatives  were  dis- 
charged. Mr.  Cone  declared  that  he  had  come  South 
to  get  away  from  labor  organizations  and  would  tear 
down  his  mill  before  he  would  run  a  day  with  union 
labor.  The  company's  store  was  at  the  same  time 
closed  and  no  one  could  obtain  provisions  without  going 
to  the  city,  two  miles  away.  The  post-office,  which  was 
in  the  store,  was  necessarily  closed  also  and  people 
complained  of  trouble  in  getting  their  mail.  Many 
families  were  caught  without  money,  supplies  or  credit. 
A  widow,  Mrs.  Cox,  with  six  small  children,  was  in 
destitute  circumstances  and  the  union  made  up  five  dol- 
lars to  aid  her.  The  company,  fearing  damage  to  their 
property,  hired  twelve  extra  watchmen  and  had  the 
sheriff  on  the  grounds  every  day.  All  families  in  which 
any  one  belonged  to  the  union  were  ordered  to  vacate 
their  houses.  The  conduct  of  the  company  excited  re- 
sentment and  the  membership  ran  up  to  two  hundred 
and  fifty.  The  members  of  the  union  held  meetings  in 
the  woods  and  decided  to  stand  by  their  organization, 
no  matter  what  happened,  After  a  lockout  of  a  week 
the  mill  resumed  with  non-union  operatives,  each  one 
being  required  to  sign  an  agreement  not  to  join  any  or- 
ganization of  laborers.  Some  of  these  who  had  joined 
the  union  renounced  it  and  returned  to  work,  while 
others,  impelled  by  a  sense  of  loyalty  to  their  organiza- 
tion, left  the  community  to  seek  employment  elsewhere. 
The  young  men  secured  positions  in  the  Erwin  Mill  at 
Durham,  but  the  same  day  they  were  discharged  upon 
information  that  they  came  from  the  seat  of  the  trouble 
at  Greensboro.  John  Melvin  and  family  obtained  po- 
sitions at  the  Cedar  Falls  mill,  but  were  likewise  sum- 
marily dismissed  upon  advice  that  they  hailed  from 

138  G  UNTON'S  MA  GA ZINE  [February, 

Greensboro.     Many  other  laborers  who  went  in  search 
of  work  met  with  same  fate. 

The  next  clash  between  labor  and  capital  took 
place  in  Alamance  county,  where  there  are  twenty  or 
more  cotton  mills.  Organizer  Davis  had  effected  labor 
unions  at  nearly  every  one  of  these  plants.  The  clash 
was  precipitated  on  September  2/th  over  the  discharge 
of  Miss  Anna  Whitesell  in  a  mill  at  Haw  River.  This 
girl,  in  attending  to  her  looms,  had  to  make  trips  into 
an  adjoining  room  to  get  rilling.  On  the  day  in  ques- 
tion, after  she  had  made  several  trips,  the  superinten- 
dent met  her  at  the  door  and  accused  her  of  having 
already  made  sixteen  trips,  and  at  the  same  time 
threatened  to  discharge  her.  She  flew  into  a  passion, 
denying  his  charge  and  scorning  his  threat.  Instantly 
she  was  discharged.  Miss  Johnie  Pope,  who  worked  in 
another  part  of  the  mill,  was  offered  the  vacancy  but 
upon  learning  that  Miss  Whitesell,  a  member  of  the 
union,  had  been  discharged  she  declined  to  accept  it. 
The  superintendent  then  waxed  wroth  and  commanded 
her  to  do  the  work  assigned  or  walk  out.  Being  an 
orphan  and  having  to  choose  between  giving  up  her 
job  and  incurring  the  frowns  of  her  union  friends,  she 
did  not  know  what  to  do  and  burst  into  tears.  This  ex- 
cited the  indignation  of  the  union  workers  and  they 
were  on  the  point  of  quitting  the  mill.  However,  Miss 
Pope  went  on  with  her  work  the  remainder  of  the  day. 
When  night  came  the  union  held  a  meeting  and  de- 
cided that  Miss  Whitesell  had  been  unjustly  and  rudely 
treated,  and  that  if  Miss  Pope  should  be  forced  to  take 
Miss  Whitesell's  place  they  would  all  abandon  their 
work.  Next  morning,  Miss  Pope  being  ordered  to  take 
the  vacant  place,  the  union  operatives  threw  up  their 
positions.  In  a  moment  the  whistle  of  the  mill  blew 
and  the  machinery  stopped.  Within  an  hour  the  three 
other  mills  in  the  town  shut  down  also  and  eight  hun- 


dred  operatives  filed  out  into  the  streets.  The  mill 
proprietors  had  determined  to  bring  the  question  of 
organized  labor  to  an  issue.  After  several  days  of  sus- 
pense the  union  held  a  meeting  and  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  confer  with  the  managers  of  the  mills  with  a 
view  to  adjustment.  The  managers  refused  to  treat 
with  the  laborers  except  as  individuals.  Becoming 
alarmed  about  some  rumors  of  a  plot  to  blow  up  the 
mills,  extra  guards  with  Winchester  rifles  were  sta- 
tioned in  and  about  the  property.  A  notice  was  posted 
that  on  Oct.  1 5th  the  mills  would  resume  work  with 
non-union  labor.  The  other  mills  in  the  county  also 
advertised  that  on  the  same  day  the  services  of  all  union 
operatives  would  be  dispensed  with.  According  to  an- 
nouncement the  Haw  River  mills  started  up,  but  with 
only  a  few  hands ;  at  the  same  time  members  of  the 
union  and  their  sympathizers  in  the  other  mills  of  the 
county,  together  numbering  about  four  thousand,  re- 
mained out.  The  following  day  a  great  crowd  of  union 
members  assembled  at  the  town  of  Graham,  and  after 
parading  the  streets  entered  the  court-house  and  lis- 
tened to  speeches  by  organizer  Davis  and  others. 

Since  the  commencement  of  the  lockout  many  union 
members  have  sought  positions  at  other  mills  where 
operatives  are  known  to  be  in  demand,  but  when  ques- 
tioned where  they  came  from  they  are  uniformly  re- 
fused employment.  Nearly  every  mill  in  the  state  has 
pronounced  against  union  labor. 

Upon  inquiry  among  the  laborers  as  to  the  nature 
of  their  grievances  and  the  object  of  their  organization, 
the  writer  learned  that  the  operatives  wished  to  protect 
themselves  against  the  introduction  of  low-priced  labor- 
ers to  undermine  those  already  at  work,  and  to  obtain 
better  wages  for  adults,  so  that  the  small  children 
might  be  sent  to  school  instead  of  being  obliged  to  work 
in  the  mills.  More  than  five  thousand  children  under 

140  GUN  TON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

fourteen  years  of  age  are  employed  in  the  industries  of 
this  state.  It  is  claimed  that  at  many  mills  the  stores 
conducted  by  the  companies  sell  at  higher  prices  than 
the  ordinary  merchants  in  other  places.  At  Haw  River, 
for  instance,  ham  was  known  to  sell  at  15  cents  per 
pound  at  the  company  store,  and  12  ^  cents  at  the 
stores  of  private  merchants,  and  an  employee  told  the 
writer  that  he  had  ordered  bacon  in  100  pound  lots 
from  Goldsboro,  a  distance  of  90  miles,  and  after  pay- 
ing the  freight  it  cost  him  i  j£  cents  per  pound  less  than 
he  could  have  bought  it  at  the  store  of  the  company. 
The  same  employee  stated  that  coal  had  been  hauled  by 
wagon  from  Graham,  two  miles  distant,  and  sold  at  50 
cents  per  ton  less  than  the  company  was  then  charging. 
Flour  which  in  Durham  sells  for  $4  per  barrel  is  sold 
for  $6  at  a  factory  store  a  few  miles  away. 

Mr.  Edward  Johnson,  president  of  the  union  at 
Haw  River,  says  that  the  chief  grievance  against  the 
mill  owners  is  their  opposition  to  organized  labor:  "  I 
think,"  says  he,  "that  we  have  as  much  right  to  organ- 
ize as  capitalists  and  to  belong  to  anything  that  is  right 
and  honorable." 

The  mill  owners  affirm  that  they  would  never  have 
objected  to  the  union  had  not  unreasonable  demands 
been  made,  and  had  not  the  efficient  working  of  the 
mills  been  interfered  with.  The  strike,  they  claim, 
was  precipitated  by  a  flagrant  violation  of  the  rules  by 
Miss  Whitesell,  and  that  the  union  being  made  up 
largely  of  women  and  children  and  the  worst  element 
among  the  men  it  would  be  ridiculous  to  turn  over  the 
management  of  the  mills  to  such  people. 

There  can  be  but  one  outcome  of  this  lockout. 
The  laborers  must  renounce  the  union  or  seek  other 
means  of  earning  a  livelihood.  The  doors  of  all  mills  are 
closed  to  them  while  hundreds  of  recruits  are  ready  to 
accept  the  places  left  vacant.  The  operatives  chose  a 


very  inopportune  time  to  press  the  issue  of  organized 
labor.  The  price  of  yarns  is  low  and  raw  cotton  high, 
and  many  mills  are  running  at  a  loss.  A  further  mis- 
take was  that,  after  having  organized,  the  operatives 
began  too  soon  to  make  demands. 

The  day-laborers  in  the  South  are  peculiar  in  that 
all  have  the  southern  characteristic  of  sensitiveness  and 
quickness  of  temper.  They  will  not  take  an  insult  and 
when  spoken  to  roughly  they  retaliate  with  interest, 
and,  in  case  of  women,  often  with  interest  compounded. 
Much  friction  in  mills  and  much  of  the  moving  from 
one  mill  to  another  arise  from  this  fact.  Labor  organ- 
izations in  the  South  will  be  hampered  for  some  years 
to  come  by  their  liability  to  hasty  and  untimely  action. 
They  lack  the  experience  and  head-work  necessary  to 
formulate  wise  policies. 

[Professor  Dowd's  article  is  an  interesting  illustra- 
tion of  what  nearly  always  takes  place  in  the  early 
stages  of  the  introduction  of  modern  industry  in  old 
agricultural  communities.  The  public  point  of  view  is 
exclusively  that  of  the  capitalist  employer,  and  long 
hours  with  low  wages  is  the  rule.  What  is  now  taking 
place  in  the  South  is  exactly  what  occurred  in  New 
England  twenty-five  years  ago ;  the  difference  to-day 
is  simply  that  the  New  England  manufacturers  have 
learned  economic  wisdom  enough  to  recognize  and 
treat  with  labor  unions,  while  the  southern  mill-owners 
are  pursuing  the  path  of  economic  folly,  every  step  in 
which,  sooner  or  later,  they  will  have  to  retrace.  No 
doubt,  as  Professor  Dowd  says,  the  southern  unions  are 
frequently  rash  and  ill-managed,  but  this  is  largely  due 
to  the  intolerant  opposition  they  are  forced  to  meet. 
In  their  extension  and  improvement  lies  the  chief  hope 
of  decent  wages  and  working  conditions  in  the  new 
manufacturing  sections  of  the  South.] 



It  has  been  said  that  each  era  of  prosperity  as  evi- 
denced by  many  and  many  an  experience  is  the  advance 
agent  of  a  wave  of  depression  which  follows  in  its 
wake.  Equally  true  is  the  inverse  proposition,  and  the 
more  hopeful  among  us  prefer  to  regard  the  subject  in 
that  light.  Certain  writers  have  set  the  cycle  of  rise 
and  fall  at  twenty  years,  as  though  there  were  magic 
in  that  fateful  number,  but  the  fact  remains  that  in  a 
country  subject  to  conditions  of  development  such  as 
bind  us  here,  in  a  country  which  has  reached  a  stage  in 
its  growth  so  great  as  we  have  attained,  this  term  of 
years,  indefinite  at  best,  tends  constantly  to  increase 
and  the  waving  line  of  height  and  depression  seems 
ever  to  become  more  straight. 

So  in  speaking  of  speculation  and  panics  in  this 
time  of  good  cheer  it  is  with  no  idea  of  dismal  croaking 
that  we  enter  on  the  subject,  but  simply  to  study  very 
crudely  the  interesting  phenomena  of  which  the  year 
1900  will  furnish  its  due  share. 

Speculation  exists  not  to  be  ignored;  few  of  us 
have  escaped  its  fascination.  We  are  born  into  an 
atmosphere  saturated  with  it  and  strengthened  in  the 
instinct  by  the  hopefulness  characteristic  of  the  Amer- 
ican people. 

Now  we  have  prosperity.  The  people  engaged  in 
manufacturing  industries  are  employed  making  and 
saving  money.  Through  a  combination  of  circum- 
stances agriculturalists  are  also  doing  well.  Those 
who  are  the  media  of  exchange  and  those  in  the  pro- 



fessions,  being  directly  dependent  upon  the  first  two 
classes  mentioned,  are  thriving  as  a  natural  outcome. 
All  have  or  will  soon  have  capital  to  invest  in  the  pro- 
duction of  more  wealth.  Where  will  this  capital  find 
an  outlet?  Let  us  enumerate  briefly  the  items  in  our 

(1)  In  manufacturing   industries,   supplying   the 
domestic  and  foreign  market. 

(2)  In  agricultural  lands,  manufacturing  and  town 

(3)  In  mining  industries. 

(4)  In  means  of  transportation,  one  of  the  media 
of  exchange. 

(5)  In  commercial  houses,  another  of  the  media  of 

(6)  In  banking  institutions,  another  of  the  media 
of  exchange. 

(7)  In  city  real  estate. 

(8)  In  building  operations  of  all  kinds  in  answer 
to  a  present  or  supposed  future  demand. 

Now  surplus  capital  is  turned  into  the  above  forms 
of  investment  usually  and  principally  through  the  fol- 
lowing three  channels : 

(1)  Money  is  borrowed  from  banks  by  individuals 
or  corporations  upon  security  more  or  less  sound.     Note 
that  while  there  are  legal  safeguards  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent banks  get  money  from  their  depositors  upon  trust 

(2)  Promoters  secure  the  money  from  individuals 
or  sets  of  individuals,  it  may  be  corporations,  giving  in 
return  stock  or  bonds  in  the  new  enterprise. 

(3)  Individuals  invest  their  own  money,  see  to  its 
expenditure,  and  have  a  tangible  view  of  their  trans- 
formed wealth  in  the  property  which  they  may  create. 

The  danger  from  speculation  comes  in  this  wise, 
taking  our  outlets  for  speculation  in  their  order : 

144  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

(1)  Manufacturing  Industries.     The  danger  of  an 
oversupply  in  either  or  both  the  foreign  and  domestic 
markets,  or  the  lack  of  a  demand  in  part  or  altogether 
as  better  things  supersede  the  old. 

Labor  troubles  long  continued,  which  may  mean 
ultimate  ruin. 

(2)  Agricultural  Lands.     Lack  of  inherent  qualities 
in  the  soil,  adversities  due  to  weather  or  plague. 

Lack  of  labor  to  develop. 

Lack  of  capital  to  develop,  consequent  on  an  inade- 
quate comprehension  in  the  first  instance  of  the  amount 
of  necessary  outlay  before  a  project  becomes  self-sup- 

Lack  of  transportation. 

Manufacturing  and  city  sites  are  rendered  value- 
less by  failure  of  the  expected  influx  of  capital  and 

(3)  Means  of  Transportation.      This  class  and  the 
agricultural,  manufacturing  and  mining  are  all  inter- 
dependent.    The  transportation  lines  may  be  put  out 
in  advance  of  the  ability  of  the  undeveloped  mining, 
manufacturing  and  agricultural  industries  to  feed  them, 
and  are  for  the  time  being  run  at  a  loss. 

(4)  Mining  Industries,  usually  projected  in  futuri- 
ties, we  may  regard  as  an  important  part  of  our  subject 
though  not  so  weighty  as  manufacturing  and  agricul- 
ture because  not  affecting  so  widespread  a  population. 
The  danger  of  a  "slump"  here  usually  takes  more  than 
one  form. 

(a)  Enough  money  may  be  raised  to  open  up  a 
property,  but,  confidence  waning,  not  enough  more  is 
forthcoming  to  prosecute  operations  upon  a  business 

(b)  Transportation  may  be  lacking. 

(c)  Labor  may  be  hard  to  find  even  if  the  addi- 
tional capital  were  ready. 

ifoi.]  SPECULATION  145 

(d)  Danger  of  dishonest  promoters  and  the  in- 
ability of  stockholders  to  get  together  for  an  efficient 

So  the  property  becomes  a  present  loss  though  not 
necessarily  a  total  failure. 

(5  and  6)  Commercial  Houses  and  Banking  Institutions 
are,  as  media  of  exchange,  the  one  of  goods  the  other 
of  capital,  equally  dependent  with  transportation  upon 
something  to  handle.  Their  prosperity  then  hinges 
upon  that  of  agriculture  and  manufactures  and  is  largely 
determined  by  the  extent  of  their  sphere  of  action,  i.  e., 
upon  the  markets  that  are  within  their  reach.  In  say- 
ing that  the  media  of  exchange  are  dependent  for  their 
success  upon  something  to  exchange,  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  they  may  be  the  means  of  creating  that 
something  by  finding  a  market  for  its  outlet. 

(7  and  8)  City  Real  Estate  and  Building  Operations  are 
city  questions.  The  city  depending  for  its  welfare 
upon  that  of  its  inhabitants  these  two  items  receive 
their  value  from  the  status  of  merchants,  bankers, 
traders,  manufacturers  (including  of  course  their  em- 
ployees) and  professional  men.  The  manufacturers  in 
the  city  and  the  agriculturalists  without,  though  assisted 
to  their  markets  and  so  advanced  by  the  merchants, 
bankers  and  traders,  are  in  the  first  instance  the  meas- 
ure of  prosperity  or  depression.  Of  the  professional 
men  the  lawyers  may  give  stability  and  security  to  en- 
terprise and  the  engineers  promote  its  details,  but  the 
remaining  professionals  while  indispensable  to  society 
do  not  directly  influence  the  question  at  issue. 

Having  classified  the  outlets  for  capital,  the  chan- 
nels through  which  it  is  turned  into  these  outlets,  and 
the  dangers  to  which  each  class  is  subject,  we  can  now 
consider  how  panics  are  started  and  hastened  on  their 
ruinous  career.  The  causes  are  simple  and  can  be  ex- 
plained in  a  word,  yet  they  may  be  numerous,  unde- 

146  GUNTON'b  MAGAZINE  [February. 

fined  in  origin  and  far-reaching  in  influence  even  as  the 
interests  of  the  members  of  any  society  are  bound  to- 
gether and  all  affected  by  change  to  any  one. 

Of  the  three  channels  for  the  outlet  of  capital, 
banking  loans,  promoters'  receipts,  and  individual  ex- 
penditures under  personal  supervision,  the  banks,  and 
promoters  so  far  as  they  can  resort  to  banks,  have  the 
largest  public  share  in  panics,  or  more  properly  speak- 
ing, industrial  crises  of  which  panics  or  heavy  flurries 
in  the  money  market  are  but  a  subdivision.  Money 
panics  often  occur  without  disturbance  to  any  interests 
other  than  those  of  stock-brokers  and  their  clients,  as 
when  money  is  needed  in  the  fall  to  pay  for  western 
grain,  and  the  banks  by  calling  in  their  loans  cause  a 
slump  in  stocks  necessarily  thrown  on  the  market  t® 
meet  their  demand. 

Individual  effort,  our  third  channel,  upon  failure 
suffers  by  itself  and  affects  confidence  only  as  it  is  an 
index  to  the  general  conditions. 

Confidence  or  the  lack  of  it  is  the  keystone  to  the 
arch  upon  which  rests  speculative  investment.  Re- 
move it  and  the  structure  falls  to  the  ground.  Not  al- 
ways the  cause  of  crises,  if  the  dangers  which  we  have 
already  enumerated  have  been  openly  invited,  it  is 
often  the  occasion  when  a  cause  works  itself  out  to  a 
legitimate  effect.  An  apple  may  ripen  in  the  orchard 
in  due  season  and  eventually  fall  of  its  own  weight. 
But  the  wind  blowing  through  the  branches  hastens 
a  result  which  gravity  would  have  ultimately  attained. 
So  lack  of  confidence  shakes  the  tree  of  stability  upon 
which  hang  the  fortunes  of  many  and  many  an  enter- 
prise, and  they  fall  to  earth. 

Distrust  born  before  a  political  contest  may  prove 
a  check  to  business  until  that  contest  is  decided,  but 
nothing  more.  After  an  election  come  the  serious  re- 
sults. Now  lack  of  confidence  may  become  truly  a 

i90i.]  SPECULA  TION  U7 

cause  of  evil.  Doubt  and  suspicion  may  be  removed  or 
confirmed.  Confidence  in  the  continuance  or  better- 
ment of  existing  circumstances  upon  which  calculations 
have  all  been  based  keeps  enterprise  sustained  unless 
natural  dangers,  such  as  those  mentioned,  be  incurred 
by  the  violation  of  economic  law.  Belief  that  a  change 
promised  by  a  political  party  which  has  come  into 
power  will  overthrow  existing  conditions  and  in  all 
probability  make  them  worse  has  numerous  effects : 

(1)  Checks  the  continuance  of  effort  toward   sus- 
taining investment  until  it  becomes  profitable. 

(2)  Is  an  instigation  to  the  withdrawal  of  capital 
from  certain  fields  in  which  it  has  been  placed. 

(3)  May  depreciate  the  value  of   property  in   cer- 
tain forms,  which  otherwise  would  fulfil   all  the  condi- 
tions for  successful  development. 

(4)  And  may  even  affect  the  interests   of   all   the 
people  of  a  country  when  such  a  change  strikes  at  some 
nerve  center  of  the  national  creation   and   intercourse 
such  as  money,  a  matter  which  touches  the  pockets  of 
every  man. 

So  much  for  the  influence  of  politics  on  industrial 

Confidence  waning  and  suspicion  beginning,  indus- 
trial insolvency  and  general  bankruptcy  may  be  the 
outcome.  How  is  this  brought  about  ? 

The  people  have  lent  money  to  banks,  the  banks 
to  promoters,  to  corporations  or  to  speculative  individ- 
uals,— this  in  addition  to  what  we  would  ordinarily  call 
safe  investments.  The  banks  of  course  want  to  make 
money,  and,  the  bigger  the  risk  they  run,  either  the 
higher  per  cent,  they  get  or  the  larger  the  volume  of 
loans  they  are  able  to  make  at  a  given  rate  of  interest. 
The  limit  is  decided  by  a  balance  between  their  desire 
for  large  profits  and  their  duty  to  protect  the  savings 

148  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

of  those  who  have  trusted  them,  provided  government 
law  enforces  no  other  restrictions. 

The  banks  learn  that  the  enterprises  in  which 
their  capital  was  placed  are  not  paying  well  enough  to 
promise  stability.  If  possible  they  call  in  their  notes, 
or  it  may  be  these  become  due.  It  is  impossible  for 
the  individual  or  corporation,  or  for  a  stockholder  deal- 
ing in  the  public  market,  to  pay  with  stocks  purchased 
with  money  borrowed  from  banking  institutions.  It 
may  be  after  this,  it  may  be  before,  that  the  general 
public  learns  that  these  enterprises  are  not  flourishing 
as  they  should.  Though  ignorant  of  just  how  or 
where  their  money  was  invested,  they  see  so  many 
symptoms  of  feebleness  in  many  new  as  well  as  in 
some  old  and  tried  projects  that  they  deem  it  best  to 
draw  their  money  from  the  banks  at  once. 

Some  one  or  two  or  a  number  of  persons  do  so. 
They  get  their  money  back.  As  their  influence  is  and 
in  proportion  as  the  knowledge  that  they  have  done 
this  and  the  reasons  therefor  spread  among  the  rest, 
in  that  proportion  is  the  run  on  the  bank  large  or  small. 
But  now  the  general  symptoms  of  a  crash  are  in  the 
air  and  the  feeling  of  uneasiness  grows  and  extends 
everywhere.  The  banks,  unable  to  meet  demands, 
suspend  payment.  The  people's  money  is  gone,  spent 
in  works,  some  of  which  will  never  be  heard  of  again ; 
others  requiring  development  which  can  only  come 
with  time  to  make  them  of  any  value. 

Of  course  the  banks  are  only  agents.  Those  who 
have  paid  their  money  directly  into  the  hands  of  pro- 
moters suffer  as  much,  perhaps  more,  for  they  have  not 
the  machinery  and  organization  of  the  banks  at  their 
disposal  to  secure  such  assets  as  may  have  value. 

Business  men  have  advanced  goods  to  small  or 
large  merchants  who  are  trying  to  do  business  in  places 
usually  new,  or  in  old  communities  already  overstocked. 

i9oi.]  SPECULATION  140 

There  is  no  demand.  They  cannot  pay  their  bills. 
The  business  man  who  has  credited  them  owes  in  his 
turn  to  the  manufacturer  or  agriculturalist,  and  goes  to 
the  wall.  The  agriculturist  may  have  mortgaged  his 
farm  and  cannot  now  meet  the  interest,  much  less  pay 
the  principal.  The  manufacturers,  or  it  may  be  manu- 
facturing corporations,  operating  on  borrowed  money, 
have  demands  to  meet,  cannot  do  it  and  go  under. 
Their  money  may  have  come  from  banks.  Thus 
through  the  banks  and  back  to  the  people  again  goes 
the  loss  and  trial. 

Mining  ventures  follow  the  same  career,  and  their 
failure  comes  to  swell  the  public  wail  in  proportion  as 
the  money  invested  comes  from  the  many  or  the  few. 
So  with  land  speculations  and  transportation.  So  with 
our  dependent  but  important  real  estate  and  building 

At  the  bottom  of  all  a  speculative  value  merges 
into  the  real  only  by  the  application  of  labor  to  the  sub- 
ject in  hand,  bearing  in  mind  always  that  intelligent 
direction  of  force  is  as  much  a  part  of  labor  as  work  of 
the  hands.  Organization  is  the  mechanism  through 
which  all  force  works,  whether  that  force  be  supplied  by 
work  of  the  hands  or  by  the  marvelous  and  intricate 
machinery  of  the  present  day. 

So  now  the  surplus  of  the  people  as  a  whole  is 
gone,  some  of  it  for  all  time,  some  of  it  waiting  for 
labor  to  close  the  gap  between  what  an  investment  now 
is  and  what  it  may  become.  What  part  shall  the  gov- 
ernment take  in  spanning  the  chasm?  The  subject  is 
too  broad  for  a  fair  treatment  here.  Van  Buren,  per- 
haps rightly  from  his  point  of  view,  refused  to  build 
the  bridge.  Hamilton  indicated  by  all  his  works  that 
such  would  have  been  his  attempt  in  any  event.  His 
financial  genius  more  than  that  of  any  statesman  of  our 
country  or  of  any  other  was  equal  to  the  task.  Not 


that  government  should  seek  to  postpone  the  inevitable 
crash  which  comes  of  speculation  long  persisted  in,  but 
it  should  seek  to  check  panic  in  some  way,  until  by 
earnest  effort  and  not  by  vain  imaginings  values  become 
more  real. 

The  only  external  check  upon  indiscriminate  spec- 
ulation will  spring  from  a  law  requiring  all  corpora- 
tions and  stock  companies  to  publish  at  intervals  reports 
of  their  resources  and  liabilities,  thus  exposing  their 
operations  to  the  light  of  day.  To  give  a  just  and 
equitable  effect  to  such  a  law  is  one  of  the  problems 
baffling  our  statesmen  now. 

Reorganization  of  the  banking  system  in  such  a 
way  that  hard  times  will  find  the  banks  better  able  to 
meet  the  situation  is  a  great  study  of  itself,  and  endless 
schemes  looking  to  greater  elasticity  in  the  system  have 
been  suggested. 

All  internal  remedy  must  lie  in  the  educated  and 
progressive  business  sense  of  our  people.  It  is  very 
probable  that  for  some  time  to  come  the  only  check 
will  lie  in  the  sobering  shock  of  an  old-time  panic,  the 
only  channel  through  which  restraint  can  reach 
those  upon  whom  it  is  to  be  imposed.  But  let  us  look 
forward  to  better  things. 

Perhaps  our  future  has  been  mortgaged  in  the 
prospect  of  present  gain.  Patiently  we  must  begin  to 
pay  these  debts,  patiently  toil  to  accumulate  anew  a 
reserve  for  coming  years. 



Outside  of  the  telegraph  the  history  of  what  we 
may  call  applied  electricity  is  practically  only  twenty- 
rive  years  old.  If  the  most  advanced  scientist  of  the 
days  of  the  centennial  exhibition  had  died  then  and 
were  to  return  to-day  he  would  be  bewildered  by  the 
various  adaptations  of  this  subtle  power. 

In  no  other  period  of  the  world's  history  have 
there  been  so  many  scientific  applications  of  a  single 
force  as  that  of  electricity,  and  the  most  advanced 
electrician  is  the  least  disposed  to  limit  its  range  in  the 
future.  To-day  one  million  people  are  employed  in 
the  United  States  in  enterprises  which  depend  upon 
electricity.  At  the  beginning  of  the  period  of  our  text 
hardly  a  telephone  was  in  public  use  anywhere  in  the 
world.  In  1880  less  than  35,000  miles  of  wire  and  only 
3,350  employees  were  reported,  while  at  this  moment 
there  is  in  this  country  alone  something  like  $85,000,- 
ooo  invested  in  telephones,  controlling  600,000  miles 
of  wire  and  employing  fully  15,000  persons. 

Fifteen  years  ago  there  was  not  an  electric  road  in 
full  operation  in  the  world.  But  now  in  the  United 
States  alone  there  are  15,000  miles  of  them,  costing 
$900,000,000.  Ten  years  since  there  were  only  two 
or  three  electric  power  and  light  companies  here.  To- 
day we  have  10,000  of  them  representing  a  capital  of 
$500,000,000.  Especially  during  the  last  six  or  eight 
years  has  the  application  of  this  force  been  marvelous, 
not  only  in  the  different  channels  of  its  present  use,  but 
also  in  the  enormous  pressures  to  which  it  is  subject 
for  man's  convenience.  In  no  respect  is  it  more  start- 


152  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

ling  than  in  its  transmission  over  long  lines.  Four 
years  ago  the  highest  pressure  employed  was  10,000 
volts,  that  being  the  force  used  I  believe  on  the  line 
between  Buffalo  and  Niagara.  Within  fifteen  months 
this  pressure  was  doubled,  and  to-day  40,000  volts  are 
in  use.  The  increase  in  this  respect  means  a  good 
deal  from  an  economical  standpoint,  for  the  higher  the 
pressure  the  more  economical  is  the  plant,  because  the 
conductivity  of  a  copper  thread  increases  as  the  square 
of  the  pressure. 

Relatively  therefore  you  require  less  metal  with  a 
high  potential  than  with  a  low  one.  And  while  on  this 
subject  we  may  notice  that  though  the  transmission 
pressure  is  used  in  excess  of  what  is  required  by  the 
purpose  of  the  current,  and  for  which  purpose  it  is 
transformed  to  the  point  needed,  as  for  manufacturing, 
lighting  and  propelling,  still  it  will  not  be  forgotten 
that  the  limit  of  the  possible  voltage  determines  the 
distance  to  which  that  power  can  be  profitably  sent. 
This  becomes  of  consequence  in  reference  to  the  loca- 
tion of  the  site  for  the  use  of  the  power  with  regard  to 
its  source.  In  other  words,  it  becomes  of  the  highest 
moment  to  determine  whether  the  source  of  supply  can 
transmit  the  current  one,  two  or  any  other  number  of 

For  example:  at  present  the  farthest  distance  to 
which  the  Niagara  current  is  sent  is  but  little  more  than 
twenty  miles.  But  there  are  plants  now  in  operation 
which  transmit  the  current  four  or  five  times  that  dis- 
tance. This  being  so,  a  water  privilege  is  no  longer 
valuable  simply  for  those  electrical  industries  in  its 
immediate  vicinity;  so  that,  the  manufacturer  who 
happens  to  live  where  fuel  is  comparatively  scarce  will 
suffer  no  disadvantage  in  using  such  a  transmitted  cur- 
rent as  compared  with  the  one  whose  factory  is  situated 
where  fuel  is  plentiful.  Only  a  few  weeks  ago  the 


Snoqualmie  Falls  Power  Company  of  Seattle  performed 
the  feat  of  driving  an  electric  motor  one  hundred  and 
fifty-three  miles  distant  from  the  generator. 

Returning  from  this  digression  we  notice  a  few  of 
the  things  now  accomplished  by  electricity,  which  until 
within  a  few  years  were  considered  impossible.  Thus 
the  use  of  the  electric  arc  renders  possible  the  creation 
of  a  temperature  of  7,200  degrees  Fahr.  This  is  more 
than  strong  enough  to  reduce  to  its  first  elements  every 
known  substance.  Gold,  platinum,  copper,  may  be 
volatilized  in  the  electric  furnace ;  copper,  steel  and 
nickel  may  be  welded,  and  carborundum,  the  hardest 
known  substance  next  to  the  diamond,  is  now  made  at 

By  means  of  electricity  one's  handwriting  may  be 
sent  by  telegraph,  and  half-tone  pictures  reproduced 
many  miles  away  from  the  subject.  We  can  crowd  a 
wire  with  seventy  simultaneous  messages,  and  by 
touching  a  button  in  Washington  one  can  in  a  moment 
alter  clocks  all  over  the  United  States  to  the  true  time. 

There  is  no  form  of  machine  but  what  may  be  run 
by  this  current,  from  the  ponderous  engine  down  to  the 
churn  in  the  dairy ;  and  when  we  have  turned  in  won- 
der from  the  motions  of  the  mighty  crank  that  moves 
and  stops  in  obedience  to  the  hand  that  presses  the 
lever  we  can  turn  the  fluid's  sparkling  current  to  account 
to  enable  us  to  see  every  bone,  sinew  and'  muscle  in 
that  hand. 

Tiny  incandescent  lamps  may  be  swallowed  and 
the  hidden  anatomy  of  the  stomach  be  revealed  without 
impairing  its  processes.  By  it  we  can  separate  alumi- 
nium from  the  earth  and  thereby  furnish  it  for  a  frac- 
tion of  its  former  cost.  The  home  may  be  heated, 
lighted,  ventilated,  and  the  elevator  run  by  it.  And 
we  are  here  reminded  that  one  of  the  latest  appliances 
of  electricity  enables  us  with  perfect  safety  to  use  an 

1$4  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

elevator  by  means  of  a  storage  battery  without  requiring 
an  attendant  to  the  machine. 

Electrolysis  separates  from  a  vat  of  common  brine 
the  chlorine  and  sodium,  and  thus  two  valuable  chem- 
ical agents  are  produced.  You  can  place  drugs  on  a 
moistened  electrode,  and  they  can  be  carried  intact  to 
diseased  parts  of  the  system.  We  cut  coal  by  electricity 
and  the  same  force  moves  the  pit-car  to  the  mouth  of 
the  shaft  and  hoists  the  coal  to  the  surface.  It  even 
ministers  to  the  toilet  of  the  man  or  woman  of  fashion, 
and  can  be  used  to  stimulate  the  hair  or  destroy  it, 
according  to  our  wishes. 

We  put  it  in  the  form  of  a  hundred  gleaming  stars 
on  our  horse's  harness  and  store  it  under  the  carriage- 
seat  to  light  our  vehicle.  It  is  no  longer  an  open 
question  as  to  whether  our  railroads  will  eventually  be 
electric  roads,  the  main  difficulty  being  the  value  of  our 
present  locomotives,  with  reference  to  the  cost  of  laying 
them  aside  for  the  electric  motor,  and  the  next  genera- 
tion will  wonder  how  we  endured  the  smoke  and  steam 
and  grime  incident  to  our  "steam-cars." 

The  possibilities  of  wireless  telegraphy  are  too 
many  to  keep  it  long  in  what  are  now  its  initial  stages. 
Only  a  few  weeks  since,  Prof.  Fessenden  and  his  assist- 
ant, Prof.  Kintner,  of  the  Western  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania, were  reported  as  having  produced  a  receiver 
for  this  means  of  communication,  which  is  2,000  times 
as  sensitive  as  Marconi's  coherer.  The  latter  has  shown 
that  he  can  send  messages  90  miles,  and  the  improved 
receiver  must  of  necessity  lengthen  this  distance. 

If  so  many  of  these  things  have  already  been 
accomplished  the  query  naturally  arises,  what  yet 
remains  to  be  done?  The  question  is  necessarily 
indefinite  but  suggestive.  We  have  spoken  of  the  high 
voltage  of  the  transmission-line  and  the  enormous 
power  thus  possible  to  be  conveyed.  A  difficulty  in 


this  branch  met  the  experimenters  at  the  outset, — to 
invent  insulators  strong  enough  to  withstand  the  strong 
pressure.  This  has  been  overcome  only  to  present 
another  arising  from  electrical  leakage.  At  30,000 
volts  this  is  hardly  noticeable,  but  when  this  voltage 
is  doubled  the  loss  on  bare  wires  becomes  too  serious 
as  an  economical  factor  to  be  passed  by.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  placing  the  wires  under  ground  or 
enclosing  them  in  tubes  and  placing  oil  in  contact  with 
the  copper  might  reduce  materially  the  leakage. 

Another  undeveloped  field  of  the  highest  import- 
ance is  the  direct  transformation  of  heat  into  electricity. 
When  this  is  done  the  great  heat  stores,  as  already 
suggested,  will  become  of  much  greater  value  in  the 
production  of  a  given  electrical  end  than  now,  and 
cheaper  electricity  will  result. 

The  sun  and  the  tides  are  being  canvassed  to  see  if 
their  exhaustless  stores  of  energy  can  be  utilized  as 
electric  creators.  Nay,  who  will  say  that  the  magnetic 
currents  on  the  earth's  surface  may  not  be  harnessed 
for  the  same  purpose?  This  may  seem  only  a  dream, 
but  so  was  the  conception  that  first  saw  in  Niagara's 
rushing  waters  the  potential  strength  of  a  mighty 

For  years  we  have  been  taught  that  there  is  elec- 
tricity within  and  all  about  us,  generated  wholly  by 
natural  forces.  Now,  that  supply  is  supplemented  by 
the  handiwork  of  man,  ministering  to  his  wants  and 
comforts  until  trade  and  art  and  science  fairly  bristle 
with  them.  Franklin's  key  and  kite  have  evolved  the 
mightiest  force  of  nature  as  a  servant  to  man,  tireless, 
resting  neither  night  nor  day. 


IN  HIS  RECENT  address  before  the  Holland  Society, 
Mr.  Cleveland  gave  another  demonstration  of  his 
capacity  as  a  prophet  of  pessimism.  He  gave  all  the 
influence  of  his  imposing  ponderosity  to  the  solemn 
prediction  that  we  are  going  to  the  bad,  but  he  had  no 
hint  of  a  helpful  suggestion  to  offer.  His  every  appear- 
ance before  the  public  seems  to  justify  his  reputation 
as  a  messenger  of  misfortune.  When  he  cannot  lead  to 
disaster  he  predicts  it,  but  fortunately  he  has  been 
retired  and  for  all  practical  purposes  belongs  to  the 

IT  is  WITH  no  little  surprise  that  we  note  in  the 
December  number  of  Money  an  article  by  its  editor  urg- 
ing the  republican  party  to  emphasize  its  adherence  to 
the  doctrine  of  international  bimetalism.  In  the  evo- 
lution of  the  subject  the  republican  party  has  finally 
taken  the  position  of  a  gold-standard  party.  The  con- 
version from  free  silver  to  international  bimetalism  and 
ultimately  to  the  gold  standard  has  been  a  gradual  his- 
toric process,  and  any  return  to  the  free -silver  doctrine, 
international  or  national,  would  be  a  retrogressive  step. 

Of  the  two  kinds  of  free  silverites  the  international 
bimetalist  is  the  worst,  because  he  tends  to  keep  the 
subject  in  agitation  on  the  theory  that  it  is  the  true 
future  position,  whereas  the  world  is  gradually  tending 
away  from  bimetalism  altogether.  The  i6-to-i  silver 
advocate  has  become  less  dangerous  because  the  absurd- 
ity of  his  position  is  more  obvious.  The  future  improve- 
ment of  our  monetary  system  lies  in  the  direction  of 
better  methods  of  banking  and  not  in  any  new  agitation 
about  the  standard. 



IT  is  ANNOUNCED  that  Mr.  John  D.  Archbold  has 
contributed  $400,000  to  the  endowment  fund  of  Syra- 
cuse University,  and  simultaneously  comes  the  infor- 
mation that  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  has  contributed 
$260,000  for  the  building  of  a  public  library  in  Syra- 
cuse, following  only  by  a  few  months  his  contribution 
of  $300,000  to  Cooper  Union,  New  York  city.  This 
shows  that  our  wealthy  men  are  more  and  more  seri- 
ously realizing  the  importance  of  furthering  opportuni- 
ties for  education.  No  better  use  can  be  made  of  great 
wealth.  The  problems  that  are  to  be  faced  in  this 
country  during  the  next  twenty-five  years  are  going  to 
be  solved  in  a  contest  between  the  forces  of  construct- 
ive, progressive,  intelligent  evolution  and  the  forces  of 
socialism.  The  socialistic  propaganda  is  already  in  the 
lead.  It  has  an  organized  army  and  a  political  chief  in 
the  person  of  Mr.  Bryan,  and  it  feeds  on  social  distrust 
of  industrial  progress.  Education  of  public  opinion, 
particularly  among  the  masses,  is  the  only  weapon  with 
which  this  movement  of  hazardous  experiment  and 
disruption  can  be  successfully  met. 

INCONSISTENCY  and  insincerity  sometimes  look  so 
much  alike  that  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  between 
them.  There  are  certain  newspapers  in  New  York 
city  which  are  so  near  the  border  line  and  so  frequently 
cross  it  as  to  justify  the  suspicion  that  they  belong  to 
the  less  ethical  side.  These  papers  constantly  parade 
their  virtues  as  the  guardians  of  political  ethics,  yet 
they  are  generally  among  the  first  to  find  reasons  for 
questioning  the  motives  or  denouncing  the  wisdom  of 
any  official  who  has  the  courage  effectively  to  deal  with 
scandalous  political  conduct.  This  was  illustrated  in 
the  hostile  attitude  of  certain  New  York  papers  toward 
Governor  Roosevelt's  removal  of  District  Attorney 
Gardiner  of  New  York  city,  despite  their  moral  pre- 

1S8  GUNTOWS  MAGAZINE  [February, 

tences.  Every  clean-minded  and  patriotic  citizen  of 
New  York,  and  for  that  matter  of  the  country,  feels 
that  the  moral  atmosphere  was  cleared  and  political  in- 
tegrity strengthened  by  the  governor's  act.  The 
American  people  have  more  faith  in  the  virile  integ- 
rity of  such  men  as  Roosevelt,  even  though  they  make 
some  mistakes,  than  in  the  ethics  of  the  cynical  critics 
whose  chief  virtue  is  to  find  fault  with  whatever  is,  and 
take  more  comfort  in  picking  a  technical  flaw  in  a  vir- 
tuous act  than  in  supporting  the  courage  and  energy 
that  takes  some  risks  in  favor  of  public  honesty  and 
political  decency. 

IN  THE  DEATH  of  Michael  G.  Mulhall  the  world  has 
lost  one  of  the  most  remarkable  statisticians  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  Unlike  most  statisticians,  Mr.  Mulhall 
had  the  faculty  of  marshalling  statistics  into  massive 
generalizations  and  at  the  same  time  reducing  them  to 
intelligible  specific  quantities.  Dr.  Giffen  is  probably 
a  more  painstaking  original  investigator,  but  his  results 
are  neither  as  comprehensive  nor  as  intelligible  as  were 
those  of  Mulhall.  The  great  work  of  Mulhall  was  not 
in  original  investigation,  but  in  the  massing  and  mar- 
shalling into  comprehensive  form  the  work  of  the 
world's  investigators.  He  took  the  statistics  of  differ- 
ent nations  and  made  them  intelligible  to  the  average 
mind.  It  may  be  said  that  he  was  not  as  accurate  in 
minutiae  as  some  others,  but  he  dealt  with  such  large 
quantities  and  in  such  a  methodical  way  that  minor  de- 
fects were  offset  and  practically  eliminated.  In  other 
words,  he  had  a  faculty  for  and  developed  a  system  of 
reducing  the  world's  doings  to  the  comprehension  of 
the  ordinary  mind.  In  his  hands  the  average  person 
could  understand  almost  at  a  glance  statistics  that  run 
into  the  billions.  He  did  this  so  well  and  so  persist- 
ently  that  by  sheer  force  of  his  superior  ability  he  be- 


came  the  most  frequently  quoted  authority.  He  was  a 
statistical  genius,  who,  besides  having  the  eminent  fac- 
ulty for  statistics,  had  the  power  of  organization.  He 
reduced  his  work  to  a  system  which  it  is  to  be  hoped  is 
sufficiently  well-established  to  remain  a  permanent 
source  of  world- wide  statistical  information. 

IN  HIS  RECENT  address  at  the  University  of  Mich- 
igan ex- President  Harrison  gave  the  key  for  his  silence 
during  the  recent  national  campaign.  He  advocated  in 
vigorous  terms  the  doctrine  that  the  constitution  must 
accompany  the  flag.  If  by  governing  under  the  con- 
stitution he  means  giving  the  people  full  rights  of  suf- 
frage and  self-government  with  representation  in  con- 
gress, then  all  our  territorial  government  has  been  un- 
constitutional. If  Mr.  Harrison  contends  that  when 
the  flag  goes  to  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines  and 
Hawaii  it  must  carry  with  it  all  the  rights  of  American 
citizenship  that  are  exercised  in  Indiana,  he  should 
oppose  annexation  of  inferior  peoples  altogether.  But 
he  started  the  present  annexation  movement  by  annex- 
ing Hawaii,  a  group  of  people  economically,  politically 
and  socially  inferior  to  most  of  the  inhabitants  of  Porto 
Rico  and  probably  to  many  of  the  Filipinos.  If  Mr. 
Harrison  is  in  favor  of  annexing  barbarism,  with  the  full 
privileges  of  United  States  citizens,  he  is  advocating 
the  most  dangerous  doctrine  that  has  ever  been  pro- 
mulgated in  this  country. 

To  take  the  position  of  ex-Speaker  Reed  and  Sen- 
ator Hoar  that  the  annexation  of  barbarians  is  a  bad 
and  even  dangerous  departure  from  American  policy  is 
sound  and  defensible,  but  to  advocate  the  annexation 
of  unclad  savages  and  then  insist  that  the  constitution 
must  accompany  the  flag  is  a  combination  which  makes 
an  intolerable  doctrine  for  the  United  States  or  any 
other  civilized  country.  If  we  are  to  have  the  strict 


construction  doctrine  that  ' '  the  constitution  goes  with 
the  flag,"  then  we  must  scrupuously  avoid  letting  the 
flag  go  where  the  people  are  industrially  and  politically 
unfit  for  the  constitution.  Mr.  Harrison's  address  at 
Ann  Arbor  does  not  sustain  his  reputation  for  statesman- 
ship and  legal  learning.  If  his  annexation  theory  and 
practice  is  sound  his  constitutional  doctrine  is  bad,  and 
if  his  constitutional  doctrine  is  right  his  theory  of 
statesmanship  is  disastrous. 

GOVERNOR  ODELL  of  New  York  appears  to  be 
ambitious  to  make  a  record  for  economy.  He  has 
begun  by  urging  the  abolition  of  many  of  the  state 
commissions,  among  which  he  has  selected  the  board 
of  arbitration,  the  board  of  factory  inspectors  and  the 
bureau  of  labor  statistics.  The  work  hitherto  done  by 
these  three  boards  he  recommends  should  all  be  per- 
formed by  one  new  department.  This  may  save  a  few 
dollars  but  it  will  impair  the  scope  and  efficiency  of  a 
line  of  work  that  should  be  increased  and  strengthened 
instead  of  curtailed.  Instead  of  reducing  the  work  of 
factory  inspection  it  should  be  increased.  The  demand 
for  workshop  inspection  in  the  interest  of  wholesome 
labor  conditions  is  increasing  every  year.  Similarly, 
the  work  of  the  bureau  of  labor  statistics  should  not  be 
curtailed  but  rather  extended.  The  data  furnished  by 
an  efficient  bureau  of  labor  statistics  is  altogether  more 
important  than  a  governor's  staff ;  it  furnishes  a  reliable 
basis  for  sound  discussion  of  public  questions.  There 
is  ample  room  for  criticism  of  the  work  of  these 
bureaus,  because  they  have  been  equipped  largely  by 
political  patronage  instead  of  competent,  efficient  ap- 
pointments. The  one  mistake  Governor  Roosevelt 
made  was  in  assuming  that  he  could  get  efficient 
service  by  parcelling  out  these  positions  to  trade 
unions.  He  soon  found  that  trade  unions  were  won- 


derfully  like  political  organizations.  As  soon  as  they 
saw  an  office  they  all  wanted  it,  and  it  was  a  disgrace- 
ful struggle  in  which  all  united  to  abuse  the  one  who 
got  it.  If  these  appointments  were  made  solely  on  the 
ground  of  fitness,  regardless  of  trade  union  or  any  other 
"  pull,"  the  boards  of  factory  inspection,  labor  statistics, 
and  arbitration,  would  be  three  important  features  of 
the  state  government  and  would  be  worth  to  the  public 
many  times  more  than  their  cost.  Abolishing  these 
bureaus  or  lumping  them  all  under  a  single  head  with 
reduced  force  would  be  a  step  backwards,  distinctly 
detrimental  to  the  interests  of  labor  throughout  the 
state,  and  against  which  the  workingmen  ought  vigor- 
ously to  protest. 

EUROPE  is  evidently  becoming  disturbed  by  the 
striking  progress  of  the  United  States.  M.  Leroy- 
Beaulieu,  the  French  economist,  has  sounded  the  alarm 
and  proposes  a  social  union  of  Europe  against  the 
United  States.  He  says : 

"  They  are  on  the  point  of  becoming  by  far  the  most  important 
economic  factor  in  the  world.  They  may  henceforth  be  regarded  as  the 
first  industrial  nation,  and  their  superiority  will  become  more  strikingly 
evident  year  by  year.  Moreover,  they  will  very  soon  have  a  consider- 
able mercantile  marine." 

To  prevent  this  he  proposes  a  practically  prohibi- 
tive or  highly  discriminating  duty  against  American 
products  throughout  Europe.  There  is  not  much 
danger  that  such  a  scheme  will  immediately  prevail, 
because  of  the  suspicion  and  rivalry  between  many  of 
the  European  countries,  particularly  France  and  Eng- 
land. This,  following  Mr.  Chamberlain's  proposition 
for  an  industrial  confederacy  between  England  and  her 
colonies,  having  free  trade  within  and  imposing  a  duty 
on  all  imports  from  without,  shows  the  trend  of  affairs. 
It  shows  that  instead  of  the  world  growing  towards  free 


trade  it  is  altogether  likely  to  adopt  a  more  comprehen- 
sive system  of  protection,  and  that,  after  all,  the  great 
and  most  important  thing  any  nation  can  do  for  the 
perpetuation  of  its  own  growth  and  prosperity  is  to 
develop  its  own  market  resources  through  domestic 
consumption.  There  is  a  lesson  in  this  that  American 
statesmen  will  do  well  to  learn.  Those  doctrinaires 
who  assume  that  either  England  or  the  United  States, 
or  both,  are  going  to  be  permitted  long  to  monopolize 
the  markets  of  other  countries  for  manufactured  prod- 
ucts are  counting  without  the  facts.  The  most  ordi- 
nary self-interest  in  social  advancement  will  invent 
some  method  to  stop  any  such  monopoly.  As  progress 
advances,  it  becomes  more  and  more  obvious  that 
civilization  and  national  power  are  incompatible  with 
merely  agricultural  industries.  Manufactures  and  com- 
merce, with  their  socializing  effect  upon  population,  are 
indispensable  to  any  appreciable  national  strength; 
consequently,  every  nation  is  going  to  become  a  manu- 
facturing country  as  fast  as  it  shares  in  any  appreciable 
degree  in  the  world's  consumption  of  manufactured 


The  inauguration  of  the  "Ruskin  Hall"  movement 
in  this  country,  by  the  starting  of  a  school  at  Trenton, 
Missouri,  raises  the  question  of  the  possible  place  of 
such  a  propaganda  among  the  educational  forces  of  the 
nation.  The  school  at  Trenton  is  to  be  operated  by  the 
income  received  from  students,  who  will  provide  for  a 
considerable  part  of  their  tuition  and  living  expenses 
by  working  on  a  farm  connected  with  the  institution. 
On  its  practical  side  there  is  nothing  particularly  novel 
about  this  plan, — there  are  numerous  worthy  educa- 
tional institutions  in  this  country  conducted  in  much 
the  same  way.  But  the  next  step  the  Ruskin  Hall  peo- 
ple have  in  view  is  to  establish  branch  schools  in  cities 
throughout  the  country  and  carry  on  a  propaganda  of 
economic  doctrine  by  means  of  these  schools,  supple- 
mented by  home-study  courses.  The  point  of  view  and 
general  character  of  instruction  given  will,  of  course, 
be  largely  determined  by  the  influence  of  John  Ruskin ; 
which,  in  economics,  means  socialism  pure  and  simple. 

It  is  hardly  worth  while  to  comment  on  the  pros- 
pects of  an  undertaking  before  it  has  been  submitted  to 
the  test  of  practical  experience,  but  it  is  not  out  of  place 
to  discuss  its  probable  effect  in  case  it  succeeds.  With- 
out minimizing  the  elevating  and  stimulating  character 
of  much  of  Ruskin's  teaching  in  certain  important 
fields,  it  cannot  be  said  that  his  economic  notions  were 
either  sound  in  theory  or  helpful  in  their  practical  rela- 
tion to  society.  Minor  points  aside,  the  two  really 
characteristic  and  vital  features  of  Ruskin's  economic 
thought  were  antagonism  to  mechanical  industry  and 
the  use  of  machinery,  on  the  one  hand,  and  thorough 
belief  in  a  socialistic  reorganization  of  society  on  the 


164  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

Ruskin  is  regarded  as  the  most  prominent  repre- 
sentative, probably,  of  the  literary  school  of  modern 
socialists.  In  this  country  several  communistic  experi- 
ments have  flourished  (and  most  of  them  withered)  un- 
der the  name  of  "Ruskin  colonies."  One  of  these, 
started  in  Tennessee  and  afterwards  reestablished  in 
Ware  County,  Georgia,  was  thus  described  by  a  writer 
in  the  Savavnah  (Ga.)  News,  last  October : 

' '  The  Ruskinites  have  demonstrated  by  actual  ex- 
perience the  lowest  possible  daily  cost  for  food  for  their 
entire  community.  .  .  . 

' '  Everything  they  consume  is  bought  at  wholesale, 
in  large  quantities,  and  is  cooked  in  the  community 
kitchen.  In  the  community  dining-room  tables  are  set 
for  three  hundred  people.  Those  who  do  not  wish  to 
eat  with  the  crowd  are  given  the  privilege  of  purchasing 
company  stores  and  cooking  it  at  home.  When  vege- 
tables are  scarce  these  people  are  allowed  seven  cents 
per  capita  a  day,  that  is,  seven  cents  for  each  person, 
big,  little,  old,  young,  sick  or  well.  When  vegetables 
are  plentiful  the  cash  allowance  is  only  five  cents.  As 
the  community  raises  its  own  vegetables,  the  approxi- 
mate cost  is  only  about  two  cents  per  capita  a  dayf 
making  the  actual  cost  of  living  at  Ruskin  from  seven 
to  nine  cents  a  day  for  each  man,  woman  and  child. 

"Let  us  go  into  the  community  dining-room  and 
see  how  they  live.  We  go  at  the  invitation  of  Professor 
Denny,  an  eminent  socialist  speaker  and  scholar.  In  a 
large  room  20  feet  wide  and  150  feet  long  we  see  nearly 
three  hundred  men,  women  and  children  seated  at  long 
tables.  Breakfast  is  our  first  meal.  It  is  well  prepared, 
savory  and  daintily  served.  We  make  a  wholesome 
meal  on  light  bread  furnished  by  the  colony  baker,  but- 
ter, Georgia  syrup,  oatmeal,  Irish  potatoes,  milk,  cereal 
coffee  and  sugar.  Sometimes  we  have  fried  mush  with 
fruits  and  jellies. 

igoi.]  THE  "R  USKIN  HALL"  MO  VEMENT  165 

' l  Our  dinner  generally  varies  according  to  the  sea- 
son. Meat  only  comes  to  the  table  twice  a  week.  The 
bill  of  fare  usually  consists  of  rice  or  peas,  beans  or 
macaroni,  some  two  or  more  of  these ;  Georgia  syrup, 
beets,  tomatoes,  eggplants,  potatoes,  soup,  bread  and 
cereal  coffee — cereal  coffee  is  manufactured  by  the  col- 
onists and  is  one  of  their  main  industries. 

"  For  supper,  cheese  in  some  form,  lemonade,  cake, 
rice  or  beans,  sugar,  grits,  mush,  fried  potatoes,  cold 
tea  and  bread.  The  person  visiting  Ruskin  and  taking 
his  meals  in  the  community  dining-room  will  have  the 
above  bill  of  fare  placed  before  him,  with  slight  varia- 
tions. He  will  find  that  it  is  not  only  possible,  but 
practicable,  for  people  to  live  at  a  cost  of  from  seven  to 
nine  cents  a  day  per  capita." 

The  same  writer,  in  speaking  of  the  economic  views 
and  purposes  of  these  colonists,  says : 

"  The  Ruskinites  are  socialists.  .  .  .  They  be- 
lieve firmly  in  the  doctrine  that  society  should  be  reor- 
ganized by  regulating  property,  industry  and  the 
sources  of  livelihood.  They  also  believe  in  a  community 
of  property  and  the  negation  of  individual  rights  in 
that  property." 

t  The  only  significance  of  this  illustration  is  that  it 
shows  the  kind  of  efforts  which  naturally  spring  out  of 
Ruskin's  economic  influence,  and  even  adopt  his  name 
as  best  typifying  the  spirit  of  the  undertaking.  There 
need  be  no  uncertainty,  and  ought  to  be  no  lack  of 
clear  understanding,  as  to  just  what  sort  of  ' '  educa- 
tional "  work  this  Ruskin  Hall  movement  is  designed 
to  perform. 

Any  propaganda  which  has  for  its  background  a 
practically  communistic  reorganization  of  society  on  the 
basis  of  a  return  to  agricultural  conditions  and  hand-labor 
industry,  leading  its  votaries  to  glorify  such  a  pitiable 
ideal  as  being  able  to  live  on  seven  to  nine  cents  a  day, 

1<J6  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

cannot  fill  any  useful  place  in  modern  educational  effort 
or  exert  any  wholesome  influence  on  public  opinion  or 
upon  the  world's  great  industrial  tendencies.  The  fatal 
defect  of  Ruskin's  economic  teaching,  which  deprives 
it  of  any  really  scientific  standing  and  destroys  its 
capacity  for  broad  practical  usefulness,  is  the  fact  that  it 
arrays  itself  arbitrarily  against  the  natural  evolution  of 
industrial  society,  instead  of  recognizing  the  broad 
advantages  and  opportunity-making  character  of  this 
progress  and  pointing  out  ways  and  means  of  removing 
its  hardships  and  defects  while  preserving  and  aiding 
the  general  trend. 

When  it  does  teach  preservation  of  the  general  good 
and  removal  of  the  specific  evils,  economics  becomes 
both  the  guide  and  purifier  of  industrial  progress,  but 
an  economic  philosophy  cast  on  the  general  lines  of 
Ruskin's  reactionary  doctrines  can  never  be  anything 
in  its  total  effect  but  a  stumbling  block  in  the  pathway 
of  social  progress. 

Ruskin  was  by  nature  incapable  of  formulating  a 
sound  and  well-balanced  philosophy  of  social  progress. 
The  reasons  for  this  disqualification  were  fundamental, 
and  perhaps  could  not  be  better  summarized  than  has 
already  been  done  by  Charles  H.  Moore  in  the  Atlantic 
Monthly  of  last  October.  In  a  paragraph  Mr.  Moore 
states  the  essential  features  of  Ruskin's  economic  in- 
capacity : 

"For  a  social  reformer  Ruskin  was  not  well 
equipped,  either  by  nature  or  by  education.  He  did  not 
see  that  men  must  be  led  in  freedom.  He  did  not  re- 
spect freedom.  He  did  not  see  that  character  can  be 
formed  only  by  voluntary  conformity  with  the  divine 
laws  of  life.  Repression  and  compulsion,  while  neces- 
sary under  existing  conditions  for  the  maintenance  of 
outward  order,  have  no  potency  to  reform  human  na- 
ture. He  would  enforce  principles  of  right  living,  and 

i90i.]  THE  "RUSKIN  HALL"  MO  VEMENT  167 

the  slowness  of  men  to  conform  to  such  principles  made 
him  impatient.  But  a  reformer  needs  vast  patience. 
Impatience,  anxiety,  irritability  and  excitability  are 
weaknesses  which  unfit  a  man  to  help  his  fellows ;  and, 
with  all  his  genius  and  all  his  nobility  of  soul,  Ruskin 
had  these  weaknesses  in  large  measure." 

There  is  crying  need  of  broader,  more  helpful  and 
a  thousand-fold  more  extensive  popular  education  in 
economics  in  this  country,  but  it  must  be  education  of 
the  sort  that  illuminates  the  pathway  of  natural  evolu- 
tion, instead  of  attracting  the  nation  by  false  lights,  into 
the  byways  and  pitfalls  of  revolutionary  and  reaction- 
ary experiments. 


Two  Points  In  summing  tip  the  results  of  nineteenth- 

E^N*  ^  d  century  progress,  it  appears  that  educa- 
tion is  one  of  the  few  departments  in  which 
the  United  States  has  not  led  the  world ;  probably  has 
not  made  as  much  progress  as  some  other  nations.  Six- 
ty years  ago  we  were,  with  one  exception,  at  the  head 
of  the  world  in  the  general  extent  of  education.  That 
is  to  say,  we  had  a  larger  percentage  of  adults  who 
could  read  and  write  than  any  other  nation  except  Ger- 
many. In  1840,  80  per  cent,  of  the  adults  in  this  coun- 
try could  read  and  write.  In  Germany  there  were  82 
per  cent.  To-day  Germany  has  96  per  cent,  and  we 
have  92.  In  1840  Russia  had  only  2  per  cent,  who 
could  read  and  write,  to-day  it  has  only  15  per  cent. 
Italy,  sixty  years  ago,  had  16  per  cent.,  and  now  has  47 
per  cent.  Spain  had  14  per  cent,  in  1840,  and  has  now 
only  28  per  cent.  England  in  1840  had  59  per  cent., 
and  now  has  90  per  cent.  In  other  words,  England  was 
25  percent,  behind  us  sixty  years  ago,  and  is  only  about 
2  per  cent,  behind  to-day.  It  has  made  more  rapid 
progress  in  education  than  we.  This  is  an  important 
matter.  To  be  sure,  illiteracy  in  this  country  is  not 
very  great,  and  it  may  be  true  and  undoubtedly  is  that 
the  percentage  is  largely  affected  by  the  South ;  but 
this  only  shows  where  the  need  for  special  effort  is.  If 
this  country  is  to  keep  to  the  front  as  a  real  power  in 
civilization  it  must  keep  up  with  its  education,  evenly 
throughout  the  land.  Wealth,  industrial  prosperity, 
nothing  will  avail  ultimately  if  it  is  not  so  directed  as 
to  show  a  large  part  of  its  results  in  the  general  infor- 
mation and  culture  of  the  people. 

The  same  is  largely  true  of  our  relative  progress 



in  municipal  government.  Europe  has  made  more 
rapid  progress  than  we.  Our  industrial  advancement 
has  been  so  all-absorbing  that  municipal  government 
has  been  relatively  neglected. 

We  do  not  say  this  in  a  pessimistic  mood.  Our  coun- 
try is  not  disgracefully  in  the  rear  in  education  and  mu- 
nicipal government,  but  we  cannot  afford  to  be  at  all  in 
the  rear.  These  two  things  are  more  important  with  us 
than  with  almost  any  other  nation,  because  we  are  facing 
new  conditions  and  more  complex  problems  than  any 
other  country,  and  we  have  to  face  them  unreservedly 
by  democratic  methods.  They  are  submitted,  not  to  a 
little  cultured  group  but  unqualifiedly  to  the  people, 
and  the  people  must  have  the  intelligence  to  deal  with 
them  or  our  institutions  will  fail. 

The    annual    statement  of   William   T. 

Education  in  Our     TT        .        TT    .,     .,    ~,  .  - 

New  Possessions  Harris,  United  States  commissioner  of 
education,  contains  some  interesting  re- 
ports of  the  educational  conditions  in'  our  outlying  ter- 
ritories and  possessions. 

In  Alaska  25  public  schools  have  been  maintained 
during  the  past  year,  but  on  account  of  the  increasing 
population  the  present  school  facilities  have  become 
wholly  inadequate.  The  immigration  of  white  men 
has  aroused  an  interest  in  education  among  the  adult 
native  Alaskans,  and  in  several  sections  there  have 
been  requests  for  night  schools.  It  has  been  impossible 
to  comply  with  these  requests  except  in  one  instance, 
but  the  results  there  have  been  most  satisfactory. 

A  brief  account  is  given  of  the  condition  of  schools 
in  the  Philippines  before  the  disturbances  of  1896- '97, 
and  their  reestablishment  under  United  States  author- 
ity, but  no  information  is  offered  as  to  progress  since 
made  and  the  present  status  of  the  schools, — possibly 
because  our  efforts  have  been  more  actively  directed 


thus  far  to  pursuing  the  recalcitrant  Filipino  with  the 
bayonet  than  with  the  school  book. 

In  Cuba  there  has  been  a  more  thorough  reorgani- 
zation of  the  school  system  than  in  any  of  the  other 
sections  reported.  Boards  of  education  have  been  es- 
tablished, a  superintendent  of  schools  appointed,  who 
prescribes  the  courses  of  study,  free  text-books  fur- 
nished and  attendance  made  compulsory  under  fines  of 
from  $5  to  $25.  In  March,  1900,  there  were  reported 
131  boards  of  education,  3,099  schools,  3,500  teachers 
and  130,000  enrolled  pupils.  In  1899  there  were  only 
200  schools  with  an  attendance  of  4,000.  The  school 
fund  is  taken  from  the  customs  receipts  and  the  esti- 
mate for  1900  was  $4,000,000. 

The  report  of  the  conditions  in  Porto  Rico  agrees 
substantially  with  that  made  by  M.  G.  Brumbaugh, 
commissioner  of  education  for  that  island,  to  which  we 
referred  in  our  last  issue.  Intellectual  apathy,  born  of 
poverty,  seems  to  pervade  the  island,  and  until  the 
United  States  took  possession  there  was  almost  no  at- 
tempt at  popular  education.  Progress  has  been  made 
in  the  past  two  years  but  the  results  do  not  compare 
with  those  in  Cuba. 

In  Hawaii  the  missionaries  have  carried  on  more  or 
less  effective  educational  work  for  nearly  a  century. 
The  people  have  been  eager  to  learn,  and  schools  and 
colleges  have  sprung  up.  As  early  as  1840  there  was 
a  compulsory  school  law  with  penalties  for  non-attend- 
ance, applying  to  both  parents  and  children,  as  well 
as  a  law  which  provided  that  no  illiterate  man  should 
"  hold  office  over  any  other  man."  With  the  coming 
of  Englishmen  there  was  an  increase  in  the  number  and 
quality  of  the  schools,  the  most  important  change  being 
the  teaching  of  English  instead  of  the  Hawaiian  lan- 
guage. At  the  present  time  in  nearly  all  the  schools 
in  Hawaii  English  is  the  medium  of  instruction. 


This  department  belongs  to  our  readers,  and  offers  them  full  oppor- 
tunity to  "talk  back"  to  the  editor,  give  information,  discuss  topics  or 
ask  questions  on  subjects  within  the  field  covered  by  GUNTON'S  MAGA- 
ZINE. All  communications,  whether  letters  for  publication  or  inquiries 
for  the  •'  Question  Box,"  must  be  accompanied  by  the  full  name  and  ad- 
dress of  the  writer.  This  is  not  required  for  publication,  if  the  writer 
objects,  but  as  evidence  of  good  faith.  Anonymous  correspondents  are 


Our  Philippine  Policy 


Dear  Sir: — Many  of  the  views  expressed  in  your 
magazine  are,  I  think,  admirably  sustained,  but  I 
cannot  fully  endorse  what  seems  to  be  your  position  as 
to  the  course  of  the  administration  in  dealing  with  the 
Philippines.  I  cannot  possibly  see  how  any  other 
course  could  have  been  pursued.  President  McKinley 
was  bound  to  sustain  the  authority  of  the  United  States 
therein.  Had  he  failed  so  to  do  he  would  have  been 
liable  to  impeachment.  These  islands  have  been  gov- 
erned just  as  our  other  territories  have  been.  We 
have  kept  some  of  them  out  of  the  union  many  years, 
and  it  will  be  many  years  before  the  Philippines  will 
be  in  such  condition  as  to  enable  us  to  determine  what 
will  be  best  for  them,  for  us,  and  for  the  world.  That 
which  will  tend  to  promote  their  own  best  interests  will 
surely  be  best  for  the  world  at  large,  and  I  think  every 
sane  man  will  conclude  that  our  rule  will  best  subserve 
that  purpose.  J.  W.  S.,  Sault  Ste.  Marie,  Mich. 

Sentiments  That  Are  Appreciated 


Dear  Sir: — Your  January  number  is  the  first  copy 
of  your  magazine  I  ever  saw,  that  I  know  of,  and  I 



confess  I  am  pleased  with  the  tone  of  the  articles  and 
the  lines  along  which  you  seem  to  be  moving  with  ref- 
erence to  public  affairs,  recognizing  the  good  that  is 
and  at  the  same  time  demanding  and  expecting  progress 
in  the  future.  It  seems  to  me  that  the  best  results  can 
be  obtained  not  by  expecting  a  complete  change  of  the 
present  order  of  things,  and  that  your  magazine  will 
supply  a  real  need  and  meet  with  many  sympathizers 
among  a  large  class  of  people  who  are  not  completely 
and  fully  satisfied  with  every  condition  of  the  body, 
social  and  politic,  and  yet  are  not  so  filled  with  pessi- 
mistic sentiments,  which  are  seemingly  cherished,  as 
to  see  no  hope  in  anything,  unless  such  advice  as  they 
approve  is  followed  seriatim  on  all  questions.  What 
pleased  me  most  in  your  magazine  was  that  I  caught  no 
suggestion  of  any  of  the  above  spirit,  a  too  common 
spirit,  both  in  the  press  and  in  private  discussions.  I 
am  glad  to  become  acquainted  with  a  magazine  which 
appears  to  possess  the  spirit  of  poise  in  its  editorial 
department.  C.  H.  P.,  Greenfield,  Mass. 


Future  of  the   British  Empire 


DEAR  SIR: — Mr.  Schey's  article  in  your  January 
number  certainly  makes  out  a  cheerful  showing  for 
Australia,  but  what  does  it  all  point  to,  if  not  the  break- 
ing up  of  the  British  empire  into  independent  republics 
— Australia,  Canada,  South  Africa,  and  so  on,  leaving 
England  only  her  island  kingdom?  The  bonds  are 
becoming  so  weak  that  it  begins  to  look  like  an  impend- 
ing breakdown  of  the  greatest  colonial  system  in  the 
world.  J.  S.  P. 

Yes,  true  progress  means  the  breaking  up  of  em- 
pires everywhere,  German  anc].  French  as  well  as  Brit- 
ish. As  prosperity  advances  and  labor  grows  the  essence 
of  empire  is  sure  to  decline,  and  colonies  governed 
by  distant  authorities  will  disappear.  Canada  and 
Australia  can  only  be  held  nominally  by  Great  Britain 
because  they  are  permitted  practically  to  be  republics. 
Progress  is  towards  self-government,  which  is  the 
antithesis  of  colonial  government.  If  we  attempt  to 
establish  a  colonial  system  we  shall  be  taking  on  what 
even  progressive  monarchy  is  throwing  off.  This 
republic  may  consistently  cooperate  with  struggling 
people  to  help  them  establish  representative  govern- 
ment, but  we  cannot  enter  upon  a  colonial  policy  with- 
out radically  departing  from  the  principle  of  our  insti- 
tutions, and  the  trend  of  political  progress  everywhere. 

Socialism's  Defeats  and  Prospects 


DEAR  SIR: — Because  a  socialist  mayor  has  been 
defeated  in  Haverhill,  you  seem  to  think  socialism  is 


174  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

done  for.  How  many  years  ago  was  it  that  the  idea  of 
a  socialist  being  a  formidable  candidate  for  anything 
was  an  absurdity?  How  many  centuries  did  it  take 
people  to  win  the  right  even  to  have  a  free  religious 
opinion,  and  then  only  in  one  corner  of  Europe?  How 
many  centuries  has  it  taken  the  masses  in  only  a  few 
countries  to  get  merely  the  right  to  vote?  How  many 
defeats  and  long  discouragements  have  they  had?  A 
righteous  cause  may  be  ten  centuries  in  winning,  but 
do  not  imagine  it  is  going  to  be  wiped  out  by  an  occa- 
sional setback  in  one  place  while  victories  are  being 
won  in  dozens  of  others.  E.  N.  G. 

Our  correspondent  is  mistaken.  We  do  not  "think 
socialism  is  done  for  "  at  all.  It  is  entirely  true  that  it 
has  taken  centuries  of  continuous  struggle  to  win  the 
civil,  religious  and  economic  freedom  that  is  now  en- 
joyed. It  is  equally  true  that  a  local  setback  did  not  de- 
feat but  only  delayed  the  movement.  A  righteous  cause 
may  indeed  be  centuries  in  winning,  and  if  progress  con- 
tinues it  is  sure  to  win.  It  is  because  socialism  is  not  a 
"righteous  cause,"  in  the  sense  of  being  a  sound  social 
movement,  that  we  look  for  its  failure  wherever  the 
experiment  is  tried.  Thus  far,  in  all  the  forms  of 
attempted  socialistic  government,  the  result  has  been 
disappointing  failure.  It  is  because  socialism  is  opposed 
to  the  highest  type  of  individual  freedom  that  we  expect 
its  failure  wherever  tried.  It  is  based,  moreover,  upon 
a  false  economic  assumption :  namely,  that  profit  or 
"surplus  value"  is  robbery,  which  is  not  true,  and 
cannot  be  sustained  either  by  logic  or  fact. 

It  is  true  that  every  religious  cause  has  to  struggle 
for  recognition,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  every  religion 
that  struggles  for  recognition  is  true.  On  the  contrary, 
mistaken  panaceas  outnumber  many  times  the  sound 
measures  which  make  for  permanent  progress.  Social- 

i90i.]  QUESTION  SOX  175 

ism  is  an  unsound  theory,  and,  although  it  will  probably 
have  to  be  exploded  by  some  degree  of  actual  experi- 
menting with  it,  the  degree  of  its  temporary  success 
will  be  the  measure  of  social  misfortune  and  setback  to 
real  progress  during  its  continuance. 

European  and  American  Municipal  Government 


Dear  Sir: — Is  it  not  generally  recognized  that  mu- 
nicipal government  is  much  farther  advanced  in  Europe 
than  in  the  United  States,  especially  in  respect  to  mu- 
nicipal ownership  of  public  enterprises?  If  so,  cer- 
tainly this  is  the  first  step  we  should  take  to  make  our 
city  institutions  what  they  should  be.  E.  M.  S. 

European  experiments  in  municipal  ownership  of 
public  enterprises  are  not  the  respect  in  which  their  cities 
are  superior  to  ours.  The  respect  in  which  municipal 
government  in  Europe  is  more  advanced  than  here  is  in 
wholesomeness  of  political  methods  and  broad-minded 
attention  to  public  improvements.  In  fact,  public  spirit 
in  Europe  has  been  altogether  more  largely  absorbed  in 
municipal  government  than  in  national  government.  It 
is  in  municipal  government  that  the  democratic  spirit 
there  has  made  its  greatest  progress,  whereas  in  this 
country  municipal  government  has  been  the  neglected 
feature  of  our  public  life.  The  natural  consequence  is 
that  in  Europe  the  cities  are  better  governed,  freer  from 
political  corruption,  and  consequently  freer  from  job- 
bery in  conducting  municipal  enterprises.  There  are 
no  Tammanys ;  such  institutions  have  not  had  the  op- 
portunity to  take  advantage  of  the  people's  inexperience 
in  civic  affairs  and  absorption  in  other  pursuits  that  they 
have  here.  The  characterful  and  responsible  citizens 
take  an  active  part  in  municipal  affairs  and  are  fre- 
quently elected  to  the  most  responsible  offices.  In  this 

176  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

country  municipal  government  is  conducted  largely  by 
cliques,  and  offices  are  given  to  incompetents,  with  the 
result  that  local  departments,  like  the  New  York  city 
police,  become  blackmailing  and  vice-protecting  insti- 
tutions instead  of  guardians  of  the  public  interests. 

It  is  in  these  respects  that  Europe  is  farther  ad- 
vanced than  the  United  States  in  municipal  government, 
and  this  is  partly  due  to  the  methods  of  selecting  candi- 
dates for  office.  In  Europe  they  have  no  delegate  con- 
ventions, where  a  few  unscrupulous  persons,  through 
the  power  of  patronage,  can  buy  and  sell  offices  and  con- 
trol the  selection  of  candidates.  In  England,  for  in- 
stance, the  nominations  are  made  by  petitions,  so  that 
any  comparatively  small  group  of  citizens  can  put  a 
candidate  in  nomination  and  thus  easily  reach  the  peo- 
ple without  the  intervention  of  " bosses, "as  in  this 
country.  Indeed,  that  is  perhaps  the  worst  feature  of 
our  whole  municipal  political  machinery. 

New  York  City  Politics,  Now  and  in  1897 


Dear  Sir: — You  are  certainly  on  the  right  side  of 
the  case  when  you  say  that  the  people  of  New  York  city 
are  as  willing  to  give  the  city  government  to  Tammany 
as  to  the  republican  organization.  The  two  machines 
do  trade  with  each  other  all  the  time ;. there  is  no  doubt 
of  it,  and  they  have  always  done  it.  This  was  just  as 
true  in  1897  as  it  is  now,  and  I  cannot  understand  why 
you  supported  the  republican  candidate  for  mayor  that 
year  if  you  recognized  the  true  situation  as  you  seem  to 
do  now.  There  was  a  chance  then  to  keep  out  both 
machines  and  start  the  greater  city  under  an  honest  and 
able  mayor,  free  from  local  partisan  control.  Mr.  Low 
did  some  exasperating  things,  no  doubt,  but  you  do  not 

igoi.]  QUESTION  BOX  177 

imagine,  do  you,  but  what  the  republican  machine  pre- 
ferred to  see  Van  Wyck  elected,  if  necessary,  to  defeat 
Mr.  Low?  J.  D. 

It  may  be  true  that  "dealing"  between  the  republi- 
can organization  in  New  York  city  and  Tammany  "was 
just  as  true  in  1897  as  it  is  now."  If  it  was  we  did  not 
know  it  and  did  not  believe  it.  It  has  been  demon- 
strated over  and  over  again  since  the  Tweed  era  (1872) 
that  Tammany  is  a  corrupt  and  corrupting  institution ; 
that  it  is  not  in  any  legitimate  sense  a  political  party 
but  a  private  organization  which  goes  into  politics  for 
what  it  can  make.  Several  official  investigations  have 
conclusively  shown  that  in  the  pursuit  of  its  object  it 
uses  the  political  administration  for  blackmail  in  its 
vilest  forms,  by  conspiring  with  the  vicious  classes, 
furnishing  protection  to  crime  for  a  division  of  the 
booty.  It  has  been  shown  that  this  method  of  black- 
mail and  corruption  permeates  every  department  of  the 
government  over  which  Tammany  has  control ;  that  the 
police  force  is  an  organized  system  of  corruption,  black- 
mail and  persecution  conducted  on  a  systematic  revenue- 
receiving  basis.  To  be  sure,  it  was  commonly  said  that 
Platt  was  as  bad  as  Croker,  that  the  "republican  ma- 
chine" was  a  duplicate  of  Tammany,  but  it  is  so  easy 
and  common  to  indulge  in  this  sort  of  thing  against 
whoeve/succeeds  to  political  leadership  that  it  is  wholly 
unsafe  to  accept  such  charges  without  specific  proof. 

Our  theory  of  ethical  judgment  is  to  assume  a  per- 
son innocent  until  he  is  proved  guilty,  not  believe  him 
guilty  until  he  proves  his  innocence.  We  did  not  have 
the  evidence  that  the  republican  organization  traded 
with  Tammany  and  used  other  coercing,  intimidating 
and  corrupting  methods  in  1 897, but  we  have  that  evidence 
now.  Within  a  year  we  have  seen  the  despotic  methods 
by  which  republican  political  officeholders  use  their 

178  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

power  of  patronage  to  coerce  delegates  and  suppress  the 
rights  of  citizens  and  reverse  nominations  for  public 
office  for  the  same  low  motives  and  by  the  same  corrupt 
means  that  Tammany  employs.  In  1897  we  believed 
Mr.  Quigg  to  be  a  clean-handed,  energetic,  public-spir- 
ited political  leader.  We  now  know  him  to  be  a  manip- 
ulator and  user  of  the  lowest  kinds  of  Tammany  methods. 
In  1897  we  did  not  believe  the  story  that  the  republican 
organization  leaders  traded  with  Tammany.  We  now 
know  they  did  on  the  personal  admission  of  the  men 
who  did  it.  Whether  Mr.  Platt  is  personally  a  party 
to  this  sort  of  thing  we  know  not,  but  we  do  know 
that  he  is  the  supporter  and  defender  of  those  whom  he 
knows  have  done  it.  The  first-hand  evidence  of  all  this 
we  now  have  in  our  possession.  We  may  have  erred  in 
trusting  the  integrity  of  the  republican  organization  in 
1897,  but  we  know  we  are  warranted  in  wholly  distrust- 
ing it  in  1901.  Our  correspondent  may  have  been  more 
alert  than  we  in  discovering  the  true  character  of  the 
leaders  of  the  republican  organization  in  New  York 
city.  Perhaps  he  was  closer  to  the  inside.  We  were 
slow  to  suspect  and  reluctant  to  believe  that  Tammany 
methods  prevailed  in  the  republican  party,  but  we  now 
know  they  do  and  act  accordingly. 

How  Will  Depressions  Be  Eliminated  ? 


Dear  Sir:— It  does  not  seem  to  me  reasonable  to  as- 
sume, as  you  do  in  many  of  your  editorials,  that  if  prop- 
erly educated  the  people  would  submit  quietly  to  indus- 
trial depressions  and  hard  times.  Education  cannot  hold 
out  against  starvation.  I  can  see  no  hope  of  permanent 
industrial  peace  until  the  time  comes  when  we  can  have 
permanent  prosperity  under  stable  conditions  and  set- 
tled policies.  R.  G.  M. 

igoi.]  QUESTION  BOX  179 

Our  correspondent  is  quite  right,  but  it  is  exactly  in 
this   direction   that   economic   and  political   education 
among  the  masses  would  help.  Of  course,  the  more  intel- 
ligent the  people  are  and  the  more  they  know  of  indus- 
trial causes  and  effects,  the  more  impatient  they  will  be 
with  the  recurrence  of  industrial  depressions ;  on  the 
other  hand,  the  more  clearly  they  will  recognize  the 
actual  causes  of  depressions  and   the   character   of   the 
remedies  needed.     Industrial  depressions  are  the  labor- 
ers' calamity.     They  can  be  remedied  by  no  specific  act 
of  the  legislature,  but  will  disappear  with  the  increasing 
permanence  and  stability  of  industry.     This  can  come 
only  through  the  better  organization  and  more  scientific 
application  of  capital.  The  era  of  industrial  depressions 
is  the  era  of  haphazard  conducting  of  productive  indus- 
try, without  scientific  knowledge  of  the  real  market  de- 
mands and  conditions.     The  era  of  industrial  perma- 
nence and  stability  must  be  the  era  of  large  coordinated 
industrial  enterprise, — enterprise  on  such  a  large  scale 
that  it  cannot  afford  to  move  by  fits  and  starts,  but  in 
self-preservation  must  so  adapt  itself  to  the  conditions 
as  to  make  continuous  use  of  its  capital  and  tools  possi- 
ble.    This  is  what  the  great  corporations  are  tending 
to  accomplish,  and  an  intelligent  understanding  of  their 
own  economic  interests  on  the  part  of  the  masses  would 
lead  to  endorsement  of  rather  than  antagonism  to  the 
general  trend  of  industrial  evolution  in  this  country. 


SPENCER  AND  SPENCERISM.  By  Hector  Macpher- 
son.  Cloth,  241  pp.  Doubleday,  Page  &  Co.,  New 

This  is  really  a  review  of  the  Spencerian  philoso- 
phy. The  author  is  not  merely  an  admirer  of  Spencer 
and  his  philosophy,  but  he  worships  at  the  Spencerian 
shrine.  Of  Spencer's  works  he  says  (page  233) : 

4 '  There  are  no  gaps  to  fill  in ;  the  various  volumes  hang  on  •  First 
Principles '  like  golden  beads  upon  a  golden  string.  Herbert  Spencer 
may  rest  from  his  labors  with  the  proud  consciousness  that  with  his  own 
right  hand  he  has  carved  his  path  from  obscurity  to  a  philosophic  throne. 
He  now  stands  among  the  sceptred  immortals." 

It  is  true  that  Mr.  Spencer  has  constructed  a  syn- 
thetic philosophy  which,  with  the  works  of  Darwin, 
Huxley,  Lyell  and  Tyndall,  and  a  few  other  great 
writers  of  the  period,  has  practically  changed  the  point 
of  view  of  human  thinking.  The  astonishment  about 
the  doctrine  of  evolution  is  that  it  should  have  become 
so  generally  accepted  when  so  few  have  read  its  litera- 
ture. The  influence  of  the  Spencerian  school  has  been 
spread  far  more  by  brief  popularizations  of  it  than  by 
the  works  of  either  Spencer  or  Darwin. 

It  is  just  such  books  as  the  one  before  us  that  give 
popularity  to  the  principle  of  evolution.  As  an  evi- 
dence of  how  completely  Spencer  impresses  himself 
upon  his  followers,  nearly  all  his  pronounced  disciples 
carry  off  his  errors  with  the  same  devotion  and  alacrity 
that  they  do  the  great  truths  he  has  taught.  One  pecul- 
iarity of  Spencer's  teaching  is  his  unqualified  accept- 
ance of  the  doctrine  of  laissez  faire.  It  is  no  reflection 
to  say  that  in  the  realm  of  economics  Spencer  was  not 
a  thinker  but  a  borrower.  It  was  one  of  the  fields  in 


BOOK  RE  VIE  WS  181 

which  he  generalized  upon  other  people's  investiga- 
tions. He  accepted  the  orthodox  English  school  as 
represented  by  Adam  Smith,  Ricardo  and  Mill.  He 
received  his  economic  impressions  in  the  era  of  the 
free-trade  agitation,  consequently  he  was  an  unqualified 
free  trader.  He  subjected  every  economic  and  indus- 
trial policy  to  the  test  of  its  consistency  with  the  free- 
trade  theory.  If  it  diverges  from  that  it  is  heresy.  In 
this  respect  he  was  very  much  like  Buckle. 

Mr.  Macpherson  is  no  exception  to  this  rule.  He 
expounds  "  Spencer  and  Spencerism"  in  a  most  attrac- 
tive and  eloquent  style.  When  he  comes  to  the  subject 
of  the  economic  evolution  of  society  he  bears  the  in- 
delible imprint  of  the  master's  defects.  He  sees  and 
most  eloquently  describes  the  relation  of  economic  de- 
velopment to  political  progress.  He  sees  that  material 
prosperity  is  the  source  of  social  and  political  diversifi- 
cation and  advance,  yet  he  utterly  fails  to  recognize 
that  equally  conspicuous  fact  in  history  that  whatever 
promotes  the  diversification  of  industry  contributes  to 
the  evolution  and  advance  of  society,  and  that  it  is  an 
essential  part  of  the  science  of  statesmanship  so  to 
direct  the  political  and  social  forces  as  to  promote  this 
development.  Affording  protection  to  property  through 
the  establishment  of  a  police  force  is  a  part  of  such 
policy.  Ultra  laissez  faire  would  have  forbidden  this 
and  rendered  progress  even  much  slower  than  it  has 
been,  but  Mr.  Spencer  was  so  thoroughly  opposed  to 
government  action  that  he  even  condemned  popular 
free  education,  and  his  criticism  of  anything  like  trade 
unionism  was  unbounded.  This  was  the  defect  in  the 
socialistic  part  of  Spencer's  doctrine,  and  Mr.  Macpher- 
son has  taken  it  all.  He  extols  free  trade  and  con- 
demns protection  as  the  antithetical  forces  of  good  and 
evil  in  economics  (page  140) : 

182  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

"  The  intelligent  adoption  of  Adam  Smith's  doctrine  as  the  corner- 
stone of  foreign  policy  is  only  a  matter  of  time ;  and  when  Free  Trade 
is  universal,  humanity  will  advance  from  the  stage  of  nationalism  to 
that  of  internationalism.  When  that  day  arrives,  wars  will  cease. 
.  .  .  Under  Free  Trade  the  progress  of  one  nation  makes  for  the 
progress  of  all.  Fleets  and  armies  are  no  longer  needed  to  secure  a 
monopoly  of  trade,  to  preserve  the  balance  of  power,  because  in  obedi- 
ence to  an  economic  law  those  countries  which  are  industrially  equipped 
will  share  in  the  trade  of  other  countries,  even  in  the  teeth  of  protective 
tariffs.  .  .  .  Free  Trade  thus  appears  in  its  true  light  as,  from  the 
economic  side,  the  application  of  Christian  ethics  to  the  international 
sphere.  .  .  .  Well  might  Richard  Cobden  describe  Free  Trade  as 
the  international  law  of  God  Almighty." 

How  much  this  sounds  like  the  orations  of  Villiers, 
Cobden  and  Bright  in  the  early  forties.  They  pre- 
dicted that  the  benefits  of  free  trade  needed  only  to  be 
seen  to  be  eagerly  imitated  by  all  other  nations,  yet 
more  than  fifty  years  have  elapsed  and  no  other  nation 
has  followed  England's  policy,  not  one.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  nation  which  has  advanced  along  all  the  lines 
of  national  evolution  at  a  rate  having  no  parallel  is  a 
nation  which  has  persistently  adhered  to  the  hated  and 
pernicious  doctrine  of  protection.  We  have  deviated 
from  it  occasionally,  only  to  be  repaid  by  direful  indus- 
trial disaster.  There  was  some  excuse  for  Cobden  and 
Bright,  who  wrote  and  spoke  over  forty  years  ago,  and 
perhaps  some  for  Spencer,  who  is  not  an  original  in- 
vestigator in  this  field,  but  experience  should  count  for 
something  with  the  followers  and  expounders  of  so 
profound  a  doctrine  as  the  synthetic  philosophy.  It  is 
the  more  surprising  that  the  disciples  of  Spencer,  like 
Mr.  Macpherson,  should  so  tenaciously  adhere  to  the 
free-trade  dogma,  since  protection  is  in  no  way  incon- 
sistent with  the  principle  of  evolution.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  is  but  the  substitution  of  intelligent,  scientific 
selection  for  blind  natural  selection.  It  is  the  substi- 
tution of  science  for  cosmic  force  and  of  statesmanship 
for  ignorant  blundering  empiricism. 

i90i.]  BOOK  REVIEWS  183 

Protection,  in  the  sense  of  giving  societary  encour- 
agement to  industrial  development,  is  as  consistent 
with  and  as  much  a  logical  part  of  evolution  as  is  the 
development  of  insurance,  the  application  of  steam  and 
electricity  to  production,  or  the  guarding  of  the  freedom 
and  property  of  citizens.  Scientific  protection  is  but 
intelligently  applying  the  great  principle  of  evolution 
to  new  phenomena  as  they  arise.  Instead  of  the  world 
becoming  converted  to  the  free-trade  doctrine,  even 
England  is  beginning  to  waver.  Her  responsible 
ministers  are  boldly  discussing  in  the  house  of  com- 
mons a  protective  confederacy  by  which  England  and 
her  colonies  shall  have  free  trade  between  themselves 
and  protection  against  the  rest  of  the  world. 

It  is  true  Herbert  Spencer  stands  for  the  great 
universal  philosophy  which  inductively  interprets  uni- 
versal progress,  but  the  application  of  his  great  prin- 
ciple to  the  specific  spheres  of  phenomena  are  subject 
to  the  actual  experience  in  each  case ;  to  do  which  is 
the  duty  of  his  modern  disciples.  To  adhere  to  the 
doctrine  of  laissez  faire  as  Mr.  Spencer  did  in  un- 
qualified form,  when  the  best  thought  in  economic 
science  has  abandoned  it  in  obedience  to  the  scientific 
induction  of  half  a  century's  experience,  is  to  get  into  a 
rut  and  fail  to  learn  the  lessons  of  contemporaneous 
induction  and  verification,  which  is  in  effect  to  be  un- 

ECONOMIC  CRISES.  By  Edward  D.  Jones,  Ph.  D. 
Cloth,  223  pp.,  $1.25.  The  Macmillan  Company,  New 

This  is  an  excellent  discussion  of  economic  crises 
or  industrial  depressions.  The  subject  is  handled  with 
care,  painstaking  precision  and  in  a  true  economic 
spirit.  It  is  altogether  more  analytic  than  synthetic. 

184  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

It  is  a  careful  analysis  of  the  economic  causes  and  con- 
ditions which  effect  industrial  disturbances.  The 
treatment  is  comprehensive  yet  close ;  it  shows  wide 
reading  on  the  subject.  The  author  calls  to  his  aid  a 
liberal  collection  of  writers  of  standing  in  all  great 
commercial  countries.  He  indulges  in  some  very 
wholesome  criticisms  on  the  doctrine  of  parsimony, 
saying  (page  77) : 

' '  When  parsimony  is  rare  it  is  highly  paid  in  the 
return  given  to  capital ;  when  it  becomes  common  its 
rewards  are  reduced.  The  methods  by  which  the  in- 
dividual advances  his  fortunes  above  those  around  him, 
must  not  be  confused  with  the  methods  by  which 
the  economic  life  of  society  is  properly  regulated. 
Maxims  of  private  wealth-getting  cannot  be  transformed 
directly  into  principles  of  political  economy.  If  capital 
is  accumulated  more  rapidly  than  the  field  for  its  use  is 
developed,  the  talents  of  the  organizer  are  those  de- 
manded and  a  high  remuneration  will  be  given  for  or- 
ganizing ability  rather  than  for  saving.  The  liberal 
salaries  now  paid  to  men  of  superior  organizing  power, 
in  contrast  with  the  low  rates  of  interest  prevailing 
upon  the  markets  of  the  world,  show  the  present  rela- 
tion between  the  supply  and  demand  for  these  qualities 
so  necessary  to  social  progress. 

Capital,  however,  can  be  used  to  assist  in  the  solu- 
tion of  its  own  problem.  Wealth  may  be  used  in  the 
encouragement  of  science  and  invention  and  in  opening 
those  lines  of  possible  economic  activity  which  are  not 
generally  appreciated.  It  may  be  used  to  promote  the 
study  of  new  markets,  to  disseminate  information  as  to 
market  conditions,  and  to  perfect  all  those  means  of  in- 
dustrial control  which  would  further  a  systematic  dis- 
tribution of  capital  over  the  realm  of  industrial  enter- 
prise. But  the  most  abundant  return,  measured  in 
terms  of  public  welfare,  will  probably  result  from  the 

igoi.]  BOOK  REVIEWS  18* 

application  of  capital  to  the  development  of  the  higher 
and  more  social  economic  needs  of  man." 

This  is  eminently  sound  reasoning  and  is  charac- 
teristic of  the  author's  treatment  of  the  subject  through- 
out. He  recognizes,  as  few  writers  do,  that  while  the 
equilibrium  between  production  and  consumption  is  the 
great  fact  in  industrial  stability  the  social  forces  which 
most  need  stimulating  are  on  the  side  of  consumption, 
and,  moreover,  that  the  aggregate  consumption  of  so- 
ciety is  governed  altogether  more  by  the  social  life  and 
standard  of  living  of  the  laboring  class  than  by  all  other 
classes  put  together.  For  example  (page  85): 

"The  assertion,  which  is  made  on  good  authority, 
is  therefore  significant,  that  eighty  per  cent,  of  the 
machine-made  goods  of  the  world  are  consumed  by  the 
laboring  class.  The  cutting  off  of  the  laborer's  share 
in  distribution  manifestly  in  an  equal  degree  diminishes 
his  power  to  consume  or  to  take  the  products  of  indus- 
try off  the  hands  of  the  producer." 

Professor  Jones  has  here  made  an  important  con- 
tribution to  the  discussion  of  one  of  the  most  important 
phases  of  modern  economic  stability,  to  accomplish 
which  is  the  next  great  step  in  industrial  progress. 

Adams.  Cloth,  222  pp.,  $1.25.  The  Macmillan  Co., 
New  York.  1900. 

Our  swift  triumph  over  decrepit  Spain,  with  the 
consequent  expansion  of  our  authority  in  the  Philip- 
pines, is  having  its  effect  upon  the  public  imagination. 
As  was  to  be  expected,  distance  is  lending  enchantment 
to  the  view  and  the  tendency  to  let  the  imagination  run 
wild  and  deal  out  immeasurable  prophecy,  reeling  off 
the  colossal  things  done  and  to  be  done  by  the  United 
States,  with  the  assurance  that  we  are  to  work  the 

186  G  UN  TON'S  MA  GAZINE  [February, 

miracles  of  the  immediate  future,  is  being  indulged,  in 
dimensions  which  make  one  fairly  dizzy. 

A  most  fascinating  contribution  to  this  tendency  of 
colossal  generalization  and  cyclonic  world  absorption 
has  been  made  in  this  little  book,  "America's  Eco- 
nomic Supremacy."  It  is  written  in  the  same  key  as 
Mr.  Adams'  "Law  of  Civilization  and  Decay."  His 
style  is  exceptionally  lucid  and  shows  the  masterhand 
in  historical  generalization.  It  tends  to  carry  the 
reader  along  breathlessly,  with  the  assurance  of  reach- 
ing the  goal  inevitably  marked  by  evolution. 

The  author  handles  centuries  and  races  as  if  they 
were  but  months  and  families ;  he  sees  the  course  of 
civilization  turned  by  a  single  event.  He  sees  the  cen- 
ter of  economic  supremacy  transferred  from  the  Thames 
to  the  Hudson  by  the  fall  of  two  shillings  a  hundred 
weight  in  the  price  of  sugar  in  London.  Close  and 
colossal  organization  is  coming,  which  is  to  equip  us 
for  a  great  world  work.  It  might  "be  effected  by  the 
growth  and  amalgamation  of  great  trusts  until  they 
absorbed  the  government,  or  it  might  be  brought  about 
by  the  central  corporation,  called  the  government,  ab- 
sorbing the  trusts."  In  either  event  the  author  thinks 
the  result  will  be  approximately  the  same.  The  eastern 
and  western  continents  will  be  competing  for  the  most 
perfect  system  of  state  socialism. 

Mr.  Adams  is  a  kind  of  fairyland  philosopher.  He 
touches  facts  so  lightly  and  quickly  and  masses  them  so 
sweepingly  as  to  make  the  stolid  plodding  world  seem 
in  a  cyclonic  whirl.  His  style  is  enchanting  and  elo- 
quent, his  reasoning  plausible,  and  his  conclusions  in- 
terestingly prophetic,  but  his  structure  is  so  loose  and 
airy  that  it  will  only  hold  good  with  the  aid  of  a  most 
fertile  imagination.  He  neither  furnishes  enough  of 
cohesive  facts  or  inductive  reasoning  to  warrant  the  ac- 
ceptance of  any  specific  conclusion  he  points  to.  He 

i9oi.J  BOOK  REVIEWS  187 

is  an  excellent  specimen  of  imaginative  writers,  who 
command  the  ages  to  obey  their  theories.  In  his 
"  Law  of  Civilization  and  Decay  "  he  saw  all  the  world 
moving  towards  destruction,  unless  the  money  power 
were  dethroned  and  the  free  coinage  of  silver  estab- 
lished. In  the  present  work  he  sees,  with  similar 
clearness,  England  decaying  and  the  United  States  de- 
stined to  take  its  place.  While  the  book  is  highly  in- 
teresting reading  and  contains  a  touch-and-go  reference 
to  many  important  economic  facts,  its  chief  influ- 
ence, so  far  as  it  exerts  any,  is  likely  to  be  as  a  contri- 
bution to  a  false,  inflated  sentiment  regarding  the 
"  world  destiny  "  of  the  United  States,  to  the  injury  of 
the  internal  development  and  safeguarding  of  pros- 
perity and  welfare  at  home. 

Freeman  Otis  Willey.  National  Economic  League, New 
York.  Cloth,  125  pp. 

The  National  Economic  League  is  devoted  to  the 
circulation  of  literature  for  the  purpose  of  correcting 
the  prevalent  idea  that  the  rich  are  growing  richer  by 
making  the  poor  poorer.  No  better  work  can  be  done 
in  this  country  to-day  than  the  circulation  of  sound 
literature  on  this  subject,  but  the  object  cannot  be 
accomplished  by  sending  out  mere  special  pleading  for 
capital.  Although  erroneous  doctrines  are  prevalent 
among  wage-earners,  it  must  not  be  imagined  that 
workingmen  are  dunces.  In  order  to  be  of  real  service 
in  promoting  intelligent  opinion  on  modern  economic 
problems,  it  is  no  less  important  that  the  laborer's 
interest  and  point  of  view  be  correctly  presented  than 
that  the  interests  of  capital  should  be  defended  and  its 
utility  explained. 

The  lack  of  this  balance  and  fairness  of  presenta- 
tion is  the  chief  defect  of  Mr.  Willey's  little  book.  For 

188  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [February, 

example,  in  order  to  show  that  the  laborers  get  a  very 
large  proportion  of  the  product,  Mr.  Willey  argues, 
with  a  liberal  use  of  census  figures  (pp.  73-78),  that  if 
an  eight-hour  day  were  adopted  it  would  cause  a  loss 
to  capital  of  $10, 125,000,000  a  year.  He  arrives  at  this 
by  taking  the  aggregate  production  and  reducing  it  by 
one-fifth.  This  method  of  reasoning  on  national  pro- 
duction is  as  false  as  is  any  method  used  by  free-silver- 
ites  or  socialists.  It  assumes  that  with  a  reduction  of 
the  hours  of  labor  everything  else  would  remain  the 
same,  hence  the  lessened  production  would  be  propor- 
tionate to  the  reduction  in  the  working  hours,  which  is 
contrary  to  all  experience.  Mr.  Willey  ought  to  know, 
and  if  he  does  not  intelligent  workingmen  do,  that 
nothing  of  this  kind  has  ever  occurred.  During  the 
nineteenth  century,  and  especially  the  last  three-quar- 
ters of  it,  every  civilized  country  has  had  more  or  less 
experience  in  reducing  the  hours  of  labor ;  in  England 
the  reduction  has  been  nearly  40  per  cent,  and  in  this 
country  from  20  to  30  per  cent.,  and  nowhere  has  the 
result  predicted  by  Mr.  Willey  taken  place.  Instead  of 
either  the  aggregate  output  or  the  output  per  laborer 
being  reduced  proportionately  with  the  reduction  of 
hours,  the  reverse  has  everywhere  occurred.  Evidence 
of  this  is  as  abundant  and  obvious  as  that  railroads 
have  supplanted  stage  coaches. 

The  historic  fact  everywhere  obvious  is  that  com- 
mensurately  with  the  shortening  of  the  working  day 
has  come  enlarged  production,  increased  aggregate 
profits,  and  concurrent  increase  of  wages.  The  work- 
ingmen know  this :  they  know  that  the  capitalists  have 
not  grown  poorer  nor  their  own  wages  smaller  with  the 
reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor,  and  any  literature 
which  teaches  that  disaster  would  follow  a  shorter 
working  day  will  receive  little  appreciation  from  intel- 
ligent laborers.  No  better  work  can  be  done  to-day 

1901.]  BOOK  REVIEWS  189 

than  furnishing  sound  economic  literature  correcting 
the  false  sentiment  against  capital,  but  literature  can 
not  accomplish  much  in  this  direction  which  does  not 
discuss  intelligently,  with  equal  comprehension  and 
fairness,  the  laborer's  side  of  the  social  problem. 


The  Attache"  at  Pekin.  By  A.  B.  Freeman- Witford, 
author  of  "Tales  of  Old  Japan,"  "The  Bamboo 
Garden,"  etc.  Crown  8vo,  cloth  extra,  gilt  top,  386 
pp.,  $2.  The  Macmillan  Company,  New  York.  A 
collection  of  letters  written  while  Mr.  Mitford  was 
attached  to  the  British  legation  at  Peking. 

Memories  of  the  Tennysons.  By  the  Rev.  H.  D. 
Rawnsley,  honorary  canon  of  Carlisle,  author  of  ' '  Life 
and  Nature  at  the  English  Lakes."  Cloth,  gilt  tops, 
i2mo,  252  pp.,  $2.25.  With  portraits  and  other  illus- 
trations. The  Macmillan  Company,  New  York. 

History  of  the  Prudential  Insurance  Company  of 
America  (Industrial  Insurance).  1875-1900.  By  Fred- 
erick L.  Hoffman,  F.S.S.,  statistician  of  the  Prudential 
Insurance  Company  of  America.  Cloth,  338  pp. 
Prudential  Press. 

A  Geography  of  the  British  Isles.  By  Lionel  W. 
Lyde,  M.A.,  F.R.S.G.S.  Cloth,  i2mo,  128  pp.,  60 
cents,  net.  The  Macmillan  Company,  New  York. 

The  Future  of  the  American  Negro.  By  Booker  T. 
Washington.  Cloth,  i2mo,  gilt  top,  254  pp.,  $1.50. 
Small,  Maynard  and  Company,  Boston,  Mass, 

The  Postal  Deficit.  An  Examination  of  Some  of  the 
Legislative  and  Administrative  Aspects  of  a  Great  State 
Industry.  By  H.  T.  Newcomb,  author  of  "Railway 
Economics."  Cloth,  i58pp.,$i.  Ballantyne  and  Son, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

190  G  UN  TON'S  MA  GAZINE 

Tuskegee,  Its  Story  and  Its  Work.  By  Max  Bennett 
Thrasher.  With  an  introduction  by  Booker  T.  Wash- 
ington. Cloth,  1 2 mo,  decorative,  248  pp.,  $i.  Small, 
Maynard  and  Company,  Boston,  Mass.  Containing  50 

Spanish  Highways  and  Byways.  By  Katharine  Lee 
Bates,  professor  of  English  literature,  Wellesley  Col- 
lege. Crown,  8vo,  $2.25.  The  Macmillan  Company, 
New  York. 

Political  Theories  of  the  Middle  Age.  By  Dr.  Otto 
Gierke,  professor  of  law  in  the  University  of  Berlin. 
Translated,  with  an  introduction,  by  Frederic  William 
Maitland,  LL.D.,  D.C.L.,  Downing  professor  of  the 
laws  of  England  in  the  University  of  Cambridge. 
Cloth,  8vo,  197  pp.,  $2.50  net.  The  Macmillan  Com- 
pany, New  York. 

Whos  Who,  1901.  An  Annual  Biographical  Dic- 
tionary. Cloth,  i2mo,  1234  pp.,  $1.75.  Fifty-third 
year  of  issue.  The  Macmillan  Company,  New  York. 

The  Men  Who  Made  the  Nation.  An  Outline  of 
United  States  History  from  1760  to  1865.  By  Edwin 
Erie  Sparks,  Ph.D.  Crown,  8vo,  cloth  extra,  gilt  top, 
415  pp.,  $2.  The  Macmillan  Company,  New  York. 
Illustrated  with  many  reproductions  of  contemporary 
prints,  sketches,  facsimiles,  etc. 

The  Letters  of  Thomas  Gray.  Including  the  Corre- 
spondence of  Gray  and  Mason.  Edited  by  Duncan  C. 
Tovey,  editor  of  "  Gray  and  His  Friends,"  etc.  Cloth, 
I2mo,  393  pp.,  $i,  net.  The  Macmillan  Company, 
New  York. 

Educational  Aims  and  Methods.  By  Sir  Joshua  P. 
Fitch,  late  chief  inspector  of  training  colleges  in  Eng- 
land, author  of  "Lectures  on  Teaching,"  etc.  Cloth, 
$1.25.  The  Macmillan  Company,  New  York. 


' '  I  must,  however,  express  the  hope  that  the  em- 
ployers of  the  country  will  take  into  more  serious  con- 
sideration the  employees,  who  at  the  recent  election 
voted  to  give  prosperity  to  all,  in  the  face  of  the  stren- 
uous effort  of  the  opposition,  who  would  have  had  them 
believe  that  the  prosperity  of  the  employer  meant  the 
coercion  of  the  employee,  and  that  the  only  recourse  of 
the  latter  was  to  destroy  the  former.  The  workingmen 
of  our  country  have  again  resented  the  talk  of  dema- 
gogues about  coercion,  and  have  voted  for  a  continuance 
of  an  administration  that  has  given  employers  great 
prosperity,  in  which  they  themselves  have  participated. 
They  have  voted  for  the  flag  wherever  it  floats,  and  I 
hope  and  believe  that  they  will  have  their  full  share  of 
the  benefits."— HON.  PERRY  S.  HEATH,  in  "  Lessons  of 
the  Campaign,"  The  Forum  (December). 

1  *  One  who  has  retired  from  the  service,  but  not 
from  the  love  of  his  country,  must  be  pardoned  if  he 
finds  himself  unable  to  rejoice  in  the  acquisition  of 
lands  and  forests  and  mines  and  commerce  at  the  cost 
of  the  abandonment  of  the  old  American  idea  that  a 
government  of  absolute  powers  is  an  intolerable  thing, 
and,  under  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  an  im- 
possible thing.  The  view  of  the  constitution  I  have 
suggested  will  not  limit  the  power  of  territorial  expan- 
sion ;  but  it  will  lead  us  to  limit  the  use  of  that  power 
to  regions  that  may  safely  become  a  part  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  peoples  whose  American  citizenship  may 
be  allowed.  It  has  been  said  that  the  flash  of  Dewey's 
guns  in  Manila  Bay  revealed  to  the  American  people  a 
new  mission.  I  like  rather  to  think  of  them  as  re  veal  - 



ing  the  same  old  mission  that  we  read  in  the  flash  of 
Washington's  guns  at  Yorktown.  God  forbid  that  the 
day  should  ever  come  when,  in  the  American  mind,  the 
thought  of  man  as  a  '  consumer '  shall  submerge  the  old 
American  thought  of  man  as  a  creature  of  God,  endowed 
with  'unalienable  rights.'" — BENJAMIN  HARRISON,  in 
"  Status  of  Annexed  Territory  and  its  Inhabitants," 
The  North  American  Review  (January). 

' '  Sometimes  historians  tell  us  that  it  was  only 
Dutchmen  and  not  Englishmen  who  bought  the  red 
men's  land  instead  of  stealing  it.  Such  statements 
have  been  made  in  New  York,  but  if  we  pass  on  to 
Philadelphia  we  hear  that  it  was  only  Quakers  who 
were  thus  scrupulous,  and  when  we  arrive  in  Baltimore 
we  learn  that  it  was  only  Roman  Catholics.  In  point 
of  fact,  it  was  the  invariable  custom  of  European  set- 
tlers on  this  Atlantic  coast  to  purchase  the  lands  on 
which  they  settled,  and  the  transaction  was  usually  re- 
corded in  a  deed  to  which  the  Sagamores  affixed  their 
marks.  Nor  was  the  affair  really  such  a  mockery  as  it 
may  at  first  thought  seem  to  us.  The  red  man  got 
what  he  sorely  coveted,  steel  hatchets  and  grindstones, 
glass  beads  and  rum,  perhaps  muskets  and  ammuni- 
tion, while  he  was  apt  to  reserve  sundry  rights  of 
catching  game  and  fish.  A  struggle  was  inevitable 
when  the  white  man's  agriculture  encroached  upon  and 
exhausted  the  Indian's  hunting  ground;  but  other  cir- 
cumstances usually  brought  it  on  long  before  that  point 
was  reached.  The  age  of  iron  superseded  the  stone 
age  in  America  by  the  same  law  of  progress  that  from 
time  immemorial  has  been  bearing  humanity  onward 
from  brutal  savagery  to  higher  and  more  perfect  life 
In  the  course  of  it  our  forefathers  certainly  ousted  and 
dispossessed  the  red  men,  but  they  did  not  do  it  in  a 
spirit  of  robbery." — JOHN  FISKE,  in  "The  Story  of  a 
New  England  Town,"  The  Atlantic  Monthly  (  Dec.). 

Principal  of   Tuskegee  *  Institute 

See  page  acxj 



Although  England's  new  king  was  for- 
EdwarcTviI.  mally  proclaimed  and  took  the  constitu- 
tional oath  on  January  24th,  the  imme- 
diate interest  of  Christendom  remained  with  the  dead 
queen  until  well  after  the  last  and  wonderfully  im- 
pressive ceremonials  of  February  2nd,  when  the  funeral 
cortege  passed  through  London  on  its  way  to  Albert 
Chapel.  Now  that  Victoria  has  passed  into  history, 
however,  King  Edward  becomes  an  object  of  interest 
altogether  greater  than  usually  attaches  to  the  person 
of  a  new  monarch.  This  is  partly  due  to  the  extraor- 
dinary length  of  Victoria's  reign,  making  the  very  idea 
of  a  new  English  sovereign  a  novelty  not  easily  reduced 
to  the  commonplace ;  but  in  a  larger  sense  the  accession 
of  Edward  attracts  the  attention  of  the  world  because 
of  the  possible  effect  it  may  have  upon  English  and, 
therefore,  upon  world  policies. 

Thus  far,  with  the  possible  exception  of  the  gaudy 
show  of  February  i5th  when  the  king  and  queen  rode 
to  the  houses  of  parliament  in  the  gilded  chariot  of 
George  III.,  the  new  king's  public  appearances  have 
created  only  a  favorable  impression.  Coming  to  the 
throne  in  his  sixtieth  year,  he  will  at  least  be  free  from 
hot-headed  indiscretions  of  the  sort  that  marred  the 
opening  years  of  his  nephew  William's  reign,  in  Ger- 
many ;  but  whether  Edward  will  prove  a  man  of  large 


194  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

enough  calibre  for  the  headship  of  the  greatest  empire 
on  the  earth  can  be  settled  only  by  experience.  There  is 
little  in  the  world's  knowledge  of  him  thus  far  to  sug- 
gest anything  more  than  a  correct-mannered,  tactful, 
pleasure-loving  English  gentleman,  and  it  may  be  that, 
in  a  country  where  the  real  governing  power  has  passed 
so  completely  out  of  the  monarch's  hands  into  those  of 
the  ministers  and  parliament,  this  type  of  " ruler"  is 
quite  as  useful  and  much  less  bothersome  than  a  strong- 
minded  individual  set  upon  policies  of  his  own.  The 
principal  function  of  an  English  sovereign  to-day  is  to 
typify  or  impersonate  the  idea  of  authority  but  not 
become  too  familiar  with  the  thing  itself. 

The  king's  speech  in  opening  parliament  might  as 
well  have  come  from  the  late  queen  herself,  so  far  as 
any  hint  of  change  of  policy  is  concerned,  either  with 
reference  to  domestic  or  foreign  affairs.  The  only 
significant  incident  that  has  occurred  thus  far,  indica- 
ting a  possible  modification  of  British  policy,  was  the 
peculiar  wording  of  the  proclamation  of  Edward's 
accession  with  reference  to  the  Transvaal.  A  special 
phrase  "  Supreme  Lord  Of  and  Over  the  Transvaal  " 
was  adopted,  whether  by  the  suggestion  of  the  king  or 
not  does  not  appear,  but  the  effect  of  it  is  distinctly  to 
recognize  a  different  sort  of  sovereignty  over  the  new 
South  African  colonies  than  England  claims  over  all 
her  other  possessions.  There  is  in  this  the  suggestion 
at  least  of  a  conciliatory  policy  in  store  for  the  Boers 
when  the  Transvaal's  institutions  are  permanently 
brought  under  British  civil  administration. 

There  is  no  evidence,  however,  that  the 

Boers  are  an?  better  Phased  at  the  pros- 
pect of  British  sovereignty,  under  what- 
ever name  or  form,  than  they  ever  were.  Lord  Kitch- 
ener's task,  if  not  the  most  serious,  is  at  any  rate  the 

1 9oi.]  RE  VIE  W  OF  THE  MONTH  195 

most  exasperating  and  tedious  phase  of  the  South 
African  war.  It  is  true,  a  peace  committee  of  native 
Boers  was  formed  in  Pretoria  about  the  middle  of  De- 
cember, and  these  men  have  been  trying  to  persuade 
their  countrymen  to  give  up  the  hopeless  struggle 
without  further  bloodshed ;  but  the  very  efforts  of  this 
committee  have  served  to  bring  out  on  the  other  side 
fresh  evidence  of  the  intense  bitterness  of  the  Boers 
still  in  the  field.  Three  peace  messengers  sent  by  the 
committee  to  General  De  Wet's  camp  about  the  middle 
of  January  were  seized,  brutally  flogged  and  then 
shot, — an  act  of  barbarity  which  destroys  whatever 
claim  De  Wet  may  have  had  to  the  admiration  of  the 
world  for  his  prolonged  resistance  against  overwhelm- 
ing odds. 

Early  in  January  the  war  took  on  once  more  a 
really  serious  aspect,  by  reason  of  the  formidable  inva- 
sion of  Cape  Colony  by  the  Boer  forces  and  the  immi- 
nent probability  of  a  rising  of  Boer  sympathizers.  To 
prevent  this,  martial  law  was  proclaimed  throughout 
the  larger  part  of  the  colony,  and  the  efforts  of  Piet  De 
Wet,  a  member  of  the  Pretoria  peace  committee  and 
brother  of  General  De  Wet,  counted  heavily  against 
any  serious  outbreak  of  the  Cape  Dutch.  General  Botha 
is  still  active  in  the  Transvaal,  but  the  real  heart  of  the 
struggle  is  along  the  border-line  between  Cape  Colony 
and  the  old  Orange  Free  State,  where  Kitchener  has 
taken  personal  charge  of  the  campaign  to  capture  De 
Wet.  Experience  has  proved  that  it  is  practically 
impossible  to  trap  the  wily  Boer  by  infantry  move- 
ments ;  the  British  war  department,  therefore,  is  send- 
ing Kitchener  30,000  additional  mounted  troops,  which 
presumably  will  be  applied  directly  to  this  final  task. 
The  remaining  phases  of  the  struggle  have  no  interest 
to  the  world  so  far  as  the  future  of  South  Africa  is  con- 
cerned, for  that  is  practically  settled  already.  It  is  now 

196  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

simply  a  duel  between  two  military  geniuses,  with  the 
end  not  far  away. 

Early   in   February   the    Chinese   peace 

More  Trouble  .      .  -V-       -  .    J 

in  China  commissioners  and  the  foreign  ministers 

in  Peking  began  holding  regular  meet- 
ings to  arrange  for  carrying  out  the  terms  of  the  peace 
agreement.  As  might  have  been  expected,  trouble 
arose  over  the  very  first  important  item, — punishment 
of  the  ringleaders  in  the  anti- foreign  outrages  last  sum- 
mer. The  powers  demanded  the  execution  of  twelve 
persons,  including  Prince  Tuan,  father  of  the  heir 
apparent  to  the  Chinese  throne.  It  appears  that  two  of 
the  twelve  are  already  dead,  but  with  reference  to  the 
others  China  returned  a  compromise  proposition  by 
which  only  one  of  the  offenders,  Yu  Lu,  the  former 
viceroy  of  Pe-Chi-Li  province,  would  have  been  exe- 
cuted outright.  Another,  Prince  Chuang,  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  Boxers,  was  to  be  compelled  to  commit 
suicide ;  Prince  Tuan  and  Duke  Lan  exiled  to  Chinese 
Turkestan ;  Ying  Nien,  the  accomplice  of  Chuang, 
ordered  executed  but  his  sentence  commuted  to  life 
imprisonment ;  and  three  others  merely  degraded.  This 
proposition  substituted  Yu  Lu,  whose  execution  had 
not  been  demanded,  for  General  Tung  Fu  Siang,  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  army,  for  whose  life  the  Chinese 
commissioners  made  a  special  plea  on  account  of  prob- 
able uprisings  in  certain  provinces  if  the  general  were 
sacrificed.  The  plea  for  Prince  Tuan  was  put  on  the 
ground  that  the  government  could  not  execute  a  prince 
of  the  blood  royal  and  continue  to  maintain  proper 
respect  for  its  authority. 

The  effect  of  this  reply  was  to  incite  a  military 
movement  on  the  part  of  Germany,  which,  for  a  time, 
promised  the  most  serious  complications.  Count  von 
Waldersee  announced  a  plan  of  campaign  of  far-reach- 

igoi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  197 

ing  proportions,  including  a  general  invasion  of  Chi- 
nese provinces  to  the  west  of  Peking  by  the  whole  of 
the  allied  force  under  his  command.  All  the  powers 
were  apparently  ready  to  join  in  this  movement  except 
Russia  and  the  United  States,  and  it  is  hardly  sup- 
posable  that  Russia's  refusal  was  due  to  any  special 
consideration  for  China  or  excessive  love  of  peace. 
General  Chaffee,  however,  promptly  declined  to  join 
the  expedition,  and  Minister  Conger  was  instructed 
from  Washington  to  inform  the  other  ministers  that 
our  government  was  opposed  to  any  further  hostile 
movements  at  this  time.  It  now  appears  that  in  all 
probability  the  German  proposition  was  never  meant 
seriously ;  in  fact,  the  German  foreign  office  is  under- 
stood to  have  informed  our  ambassador,  Mr.  White, 
that  ' '  the  expeditions  were  designed  chiefly  to  con- 
vince the  Chinese  government  that  the  powers  would 
not  be  trifled  with.''  The  latest  report  is  that  this 
threat  has  had  the  desired  effect  and  that  China  will 
grant  the  demands  of  the  powers  in  full  without  further 

Whether  this  should  prove  true  or  not, 
Protc°[  it  is  quite  clear  that  our  government  is 

right  in  refusing  to  join  in  any  whole- 
sale campaign  of  devastation  in  the  interior  of  China. 
The  fact  is,  evidence  is  accumulating  of  the  discredi- 
table performances  of  the  foreign  troops  to  such  an 
extent  that  the  moral  strength  of  Christendom's  case 
against  China  is  already  seriously  damaged.  Many  of 
the  stories  of  pillage,  outrage  and  murder  of  defence- 
less men  and  women  are  doubtless  exaggerated,  but  if 
only  a  part  of  what  is  reported  is  true  it  is  enough  to 
make  Christendom  ashamed  of  the  later  stages  of  its 
descent  upon  China.  At  any  rate,  the  situation  is  no 
longer  such  that  the  powers  have  any  moral  justifica- 

198  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

tion  for  arbitrarily  refusing  to  consider  the  traditions, 
limitations  and  embarrassments  of  the  Chinese  in  the 
matter  of  fulfilling  the  penalties  demanded. 

The  great  object  now  to  be  gained  is  peaceful  set- 
tlement, on  a  basis  that  will  maintain  the  integrity  of 
the  empire  and  establish  good  feeling  and  friendly  re- 
lations between  the  Chinese  people  and  the  outside 
world.  This  is  incomparably  more  important  than  any 
minor  issue  of  execution  versus  banishment  or  life  im- 
prisonment for  three  or  four  fanatical  princes  and 
generals.  The  terms  that  have  been  imposed  upon 
China  are  anything  but  lenient  and  the  powers  can  well 
afford  to  waive  an  occasional  point  for  the  sake  of  fu- 
ture amity,  without  any  danger  of  inflicting  too  mild  a 
"vengeance."  The  hands  of  Christendom  are  not 
clean  enough  to  enable  it  gracefully  to  assume  the  role 
of  faultless  Justice  dealing  with  a  guilty  culprit, — all 
the  right  on  one  side,  all  the  wrong  on  the  other. 
China  must  indeed  pay  the  penalty  of  last  year's  out- 
rages, but  if  the  empire's  independence  is  to  be  main- 
tained its  government  must  have  at  least  the  privilege 
of  submitting  proposals  in  its  own  behalf  without 
having  summary  threats  of  annihilation  thrown  into 
the  negotiations  at  every  step.  Such  a  course,  offensive 
in  itself,  is  the  most  shortsighted  and  impolitic.  It  is 
certain  so  to  intensify  Chinese  bitterness  against 
Christendom  as  to  destroy  trade  opportunities  and  de- 
lay any  real  regeneration  of  the  empire  for  many 
decades,  however  successful  the  allies  may  be  in 
forcing  the  "open  door"  and  exacting  industrial 
privileges.  It  is  one  thing  to  drive  the  Chinese  horse 
to  the  stream  of  Christendom's  trade  but  quite  another 
thing  to  make  the  animal  drink. 

igoi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  199 

President  McKinley  on  January  25th  sent 
"Pacification "in  to  ^Q  senate  a  special  message  transmit- 

the  Philippines  J       0  °  -  .   - 

ting  a  report  from  Secretary  Root  which 
included  the  full  report  of  the  Taft  commission.  In 
this  message  the  president  strongly  urged  ' '  legislation 
under  which  the  government  of  the  islands  may  have 
authority  to  assist  in  their  peaceful  industrial  develop- 
ment in  the  directions  indicated  by  the  secretary  of 
war," — which  is  understood  to  have  been  an  appeal  for 
the  passage  of  the  Spooner  amendment  to  the  army 
appropriation  bill.  This  amendment  provides  that, 
until  otherwise  arranged  by  congress,  "all  military  and 
civil  powers  necessary  to  govern  the  Philippine  islands  " 
shall  be  ' '  vested  in  such  person  and  persons  and  shall 
be  exercised  in  such  manner  as  the  president  of  the 
United  States  shall  direct."  If  this  amendment  passes 
it  is  practically  certain  that  Judge  Taft,  chairman  of  the 
Philippine  commission,  will  be  made  governor  of  the 
islands,  with  very  large  powers. 

Probably  it  is  wiser  to  centralize  authority  in  the 
Philippines  in  the  way  this  amendment  proposes,  so 
long  as  our  present  policy  is  maintained,  but  continued 
experience  does  nothing  to  confirm  the  wisdom  of  the 
policy  itself.  Deportation  of  Filipino  leaders,  banish- 
ment of  refractory  newspaper  editors,  and  increased 
severity  of  military  measures  do  not  seem  to  "  pacify  " 
the  natives.  In  fact,  it  is  probable  that  even  the  sur- 
renders of  groups  of  insurgents  recently  reported  in 
different  quarters  are  little  more  than  ruses  designed  to 
throw  our  forces  off  guard.  An  illustration  of  the 
thoroughly  untrustworthy  nature  of  Filipino  submission 
and  "  cooperation  "  with  the  American  administration 
is  offered  in  a  private  letter  from  a  United  States  gov- 
ernment official  in  the  Philippines  to  the  editor  of  the 
New  York  Evening  Post,  published  in  that  journal  on 
January  i6th.  Said  this  correspondent : 

200  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

' '  The  American  authorities  set  up  a  local  munici- 
pal government;  presidente,  clerk,  etc.,  are  elected, 
and  everything  seems  to  be  working  smoothly.  A  little 
later  it  is  discovered  that  the  presidente  and  clerk  also 
represent  the  insurgent  government,  and  that  where 
they  collect  100  pesos  tax  for  the  Americanos,  they 
collect  400  pesos  tax  for  the  cause  of  the  '  Filipino 
nation.'  " 

The  same  official,  earlier  in  the  letter,  observed : 

"  It  is  openly  and  repeatedly  asserted  by  army  offi- 
cers in  Manila  to-day  that  the  American  army  is  on  the 
defensive  in  this  archipelago,  and  that  it  has  been  on 
the  defensive  for  more  than  six  months.  It  was  on  the 
defensive  when  Gen.  Otis  went  home  to  tell  the  people 
of  the  United  States  that  '  the  Philippine  situation  was 
well  in  hand/  Perhaps  the  official  code  of  ethics  for- 
bade his  successor's  discrediting  that  statement,  at  least 
until  after  the  election ;  but  the  time  is  at  hand  when 
something  radical  will  have  to  be  done. 

1 '  They  report  that  the  garrisons  in  two-thirds  of 
the  territory  visited  are  in  a  state  of  actual  siege,  and 
that  they  dare  not  go  more  than  a  few  hundred  yards 
outside  their  posts  for  fear  of  capture  or  of  encounter- 
ing an  overwhelming  force  of  insurgents ;  that  all  of 
the  garrisons  are  too  small  for  the  territory  watched 
over,  and  that  not  a  day  passes  that  several  American 
soldiers  are  not  picked  off  by  the  watchful  and  treach- 
erous natives. 

' '  The  country  is  pacified  and  '  the  situation  is  well 
in  hand,'  but  there  are  towns  within  a  few  miles  of 
Manila  where  the  authorities  will  not  permit  an  Amer- 
ican to  go  for  fear  that  he  will  be  massacred.  American 
soldiers  daily  fall  prey  to  the  bold  treachery  of  the 
Malay,  but  these  have  '  needlessly  exposed  themselves.' ' 

As  to  the  feeling  of  the  Filipinos  towards  American 
authority,  the  Post's  correspondent  said : 


'  '  Official  reports  to  the  contrary,  officers  and  men 
who  know  the  situation  and  the  natives  are  all  agreed 
that  the  Filipino  hates  us  as  he  never  hated  the  Span- 
iard ;  that  every  Filipino  is  an  insurrecto  ;  and  that  the 
present  guerilla  warfare  will  continue  for  years  unless 
some  strong  policy  be  inaugurated." 

This  is  quite  in  line  with  General  MacArthur's 
statement  in  a  letter  to  Secretary  Root,  which  the  latter 
sent  to  the  senate  on  February  4th.  "  Expectations 
based  on  result  of  election,"  said  the  general,  "have 
not  been  realized.  Progress  of  pacification  apparent  to 
me  but  still  very  slow.  Condition  very  inflexible  and 
likely  to  become  chronic." 

The  Independence  *n  our  ^ast  issue  we  expressed  the  belief 
Proposal  that  the  American  people  are  becoming 

in  Congress  more  and  more  tired  of  the  entire  Phil- 

ippine  complication,  and  eager  for  a  safe  and  honorable 
termination.  A  sidelight  of  confirmation  was  thrown 
on  this  opinion  by  an  incident  in  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives February  gih.  Mr.  Brown  of  Ohio,  a  repub- 
lican in  regular  party  standing,  made  a  stirring  speech 
in  favor  of  Philippine  independence.  His  appeal  was 
so  eminently  practical  and  logical  that  a  large  number 
of  his  party  associates  gave  vent  to  their  feelings  in 
hearty  applause  during  the  address  and  congratulations 
at  its  close.  This  is  only  a  straw,  but  we  should  not 
be  surprised  to  see  other  evidences  develop  that  the 
congressional  support  of  the  administration's  Philip- 
pine policy  has  become  largely  perfunctory.  At  any 
rate,  it  would  seem  to  be  dangerous  to  let  anybody 
boldly  express  the  rational  and  truly  American  doctrine 
on  this  matter  under  circumstances  which  permit  any 
response  of  real  feeling  from  the  party  ranks.  Here  is 
the  resolution  Mr.  Brown  advocated  : 

"It  is  the  purpose  of  the  United  States  in  retain- 

202  GUNTOWS  MAGAZINE  [March, 

ing  possession  of  the  Philippine  Islands  to  aid  their  in- 
habitants when  they  submit  to  the  authority  of  the 
United  States  in  establishing  a  capable  and  stable  free 
government,  and  when  this  purpose  shall  be  fully  ac- 
complished the  United  States,  under  such  reservations 
and  conditions  as  may  be  wise  and  just,  will  relinquish 
authority  in  those  islands." 

In  support  of  this  he  said  in  part : 

' '  Congress  has  never  yet  announced  to  the  Fili- 
pinos what  the  national  purpose  is  with  respect  to  them. 
If  this  body  will  tell  them  now — tell  them  explicitly 
and  solemnly — that  it  is  the  fixed  determination  of  this 
nation  to  establish  its  authority  in  their  country,  and 
that  when  this  end  shall  be  reached  they  shall  have  a 
chance  to  become  in  due  time  free  citizens  of  a  free 
government — if  congress  will  say  this  to  them,  and  say 
it  now,  we  may  confidently  expect  that  their  rude 
weapons  of  warfare  will  fall  from  their  hands  and  that 
they  will  sue  for  peace — peace  which  they  will  know 
means  more  for  them  than  anything  ever  held  out  to 
them  or  to  their  fathers  in  any  generation. 

"This  declaration  would  now  be  opportune.  It 
would  be  at  this  time  a  wise  act,  which  the  government 
is  strong  enough  to  perform  without  having  its  motives 
questioned  by  friend  or  foe.  Even  the  most  deluded 
Filipino  could  not  misunderstand  it.  It  would  go  to 
him,  as  he  would  know,  and  as  all  the  world  would 
know,  in  the  day  of  our  triumph  and  his  defeat.  This 
declaration  by  congress  now  would  go  to  the  Filipinos 
as  a  great  nation's  amnesty  to  them." 

It  may  be  that  Representative  Brown  was  over- 
sanguine  as  to  the  immediate  effect  of  such  a  proclama- 
tion. The  Filipinos  have  acquired  a  deep-seated  dis- 
trust, based  on  400  years'  experience,  of  promises  or 
pledges  made  by  an  alien  authority,  and  the  added  ex- 
perience of  the  last  two  years  has  transferred  to  us  the 


animosity  so  long  cherished  towards  Spain.  This,  how- 
ever, only  emphasizes  our  duty  in  the  case.  It  is  en- 
tirely reasonable  to  anticipate  that  at  least  the  leaders 
of  the  insurrection  could  be  convinced  of  the  genuineness 
of  such  a  declaration.  That  it  would  materially  im- 
prove the  situation  cannot  be  doubted,  besides  giving  a 
moral  strength  to  our  presence  in  the  islands  that  we 
have  not  been  able  to  command  in  any  really  high  and 
disinterested  sense  thus  far,  either  at  home  or  abroad. 
It  would  pave  the  way  towards  settlement  of  the  Phil- 
ippine problem  along  the  lines  followed  in  Cuba,  and 
even  if  the  task  were  longer  and  harder  the  results 
would  be  incomparably  better  than  anything  whatever 
to  be  gained  from  our  present  unnatural  policy  of  sub- 
jugation by  extermination.  This  would  be  true  whether 
we  reckoned  the  advantage  of  the  rational  and  humane 
policy  in  lives  and  money  saved,  or  in  the  certain 
raising  of  our  moral  standing  throughout  the  world,  or 
in  the  preserving  of  our  democratic  principle  of  gov- 
ernment from  the  insidious  undermining  effects  of  a 
"  colonial "  policy. 

Although  not  yet  fully  adopted  and  pro- 
claimed,  the  principal  details  of  the 
proposed  constitution  of  Cuba  are  prac- 
tically completed.  The  full  text  of  the  constitution  as 
submitted  to  the  convention  in  Havana  late  in  January 
has  been  published.  Like  the  constitutions  of  all  our 
neighboring  South  American  republics,  it  shows  at 
almost  every  point  the  powerful  influence  of  our  own 
national  constitution.  In  all  three  departments  of  the 
government,  legislative,  executive  and  judicial,  the  pro- 
posed Cuban  system  will  be  patterned  very  closely  after 
the  United  States  model.  The  Cuban  congress  will 
include  a  senate  and  house  of  representatives,  the 
former  to  consist  of  six  senators  from  each  of  the 

204  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

six  "departments"  of  the  republic,  the  term  to  be  six 
years,  and  one-third  of  the  senate  to  be  elected  every 
two  years.  The  house  of  representatives,  will  have  one 
member  for  every  25,000  inhabitants,  the  term  being 
four  years,  and  one-half  the  house  to  be  elected  every 
two  years.  The  president's  term  will  be  four  years, 
and  he  is  prohibited  from  receiving  more  than  two 
elections.  Each  of  the  six  departments  in  the  island 
will  have  a  local  assembly  and  governor  of  its  own, 
with  powers  and  duties  corresponding  in  general  to 
those  exercised  by  the  various  states  in  this  country. 
Each  governor,  however,  will  be  responsible  to  the 
national  senate  for  any  infraction  of  the  constitution. 

Fundamental  guarantees  of  personal  rights  form 
the  largest  single  section  of  the  constitution.  They 
include  most  of  those  great  vital  safeguards  won  by  the 
English-speaking  people  through  many  centuries  of 
painful  struggle,  such  as  these : 

' '  No  law  can  have  a  retroactive  effect,  except  in 
penal  matters,  when  the  new  law  is  favorable  to  the 

"No  person  shall  be  arrested,  except  by  virtue  of 
a  warrant  from  a  competent  judge ;  the  writ  directing 
the  issuance  of  the  warrant  of  arrest  shall  be  ratified  or 
amended  after  the  accused  shall  have  been  given  a 
hearing,  within  seventy-two  hours  following  his  im- 

' '  No  person  shall  be  tried  or  sentenced,  except  by 
a  competent  judge  or  tribunal,  in  consequence  of  laws 
existing  prior  to  the  commission  of  the  crime,  and  in 
the  manner  that  the  latter  prescribe. 

* '  The  expression  of  thought  shall  be  free,  be  it 
either  by  word  of  mouth,  by  writing,  by  means  of  the 
public  press  or  by  any  other  method  whatsoever,  with- 
out being  subject  to  any  prior  censorship,  and  under 
the  responsibility  determined  or  specified  by  the  laws. 

I9oi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  205 

' '  No  person  shall  be  molested  by  reason  of  his 
religious  opinion,  nor  for  engaging  in  his  special 
method  of  worship.  The  church  and  state  shall  be 

' '  The  inhabitants  of  the  republic  shall  have  the 
right  to  meet  and  combine  peacefully  without  arms  for 
all  licit  purposes. 

' '  The  penalty  of  confiscation  of  properties  shall 
not  be  inflicted,  and  no  person  shall  be  deprived  of  his 
property  except  by  the  competent  authority  for  the  jus- 
tified reason  of  public  benefit  and  after  being  paid  the 
proper  indemnity  therefor.  Should  this  latter  require- 
ment not  have  been  complied  with,  the  judges  shall 
give  due  protection,  and,  should  the  case  so  demand, 
they  will  restore  possession  of  the  property  to  the 
person  who  may  have  been  deprived  thereof. 

"  No  person  shall  be  obliged  to  pay  any  tax  or  con- 
tribution of  any  kind  whatsoever,  the  collection  of 
which  has  not  previously  been  legally  decided  upon." 

A  great  deal  of  wrangling  is  going  on 
as  to  whether  or  not  the  United  States 
congress  should  undertake  to  revise  or 
in  any  way  pass  upon  the  Cuban  constitution.  There 
is  nothing  in  the  Cuban  constitution,  as  it  now  stands, 
defining  any  special  or  unusual  relation  between  the 
new  republic  and  the  United  States  government.  For 
that  matter,  we  do  not  expect  or  care  to  exercise  any 
protectorate  over  Cuba,  and  there  is  no  apparent  reason 
why  our  relations  with  the  island,  with  the  possible 
exception  of  one  or  two  very  general  provisions,  should 
not  be  left  to  be  arranged  between  the  two  govern- 
ments when  Cuba's  constitution  goes  into  full  opera- 
tion. There  is  little  practical  value  in  the  suggestion 
that  we  should  reserve  the  right  to  control  Cuba's  for- 
eign relations.  The  Monroe  doctrine  covers  that  point 

206  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

just  as  it  does  with  all  the  other  American  republics, 
and  we  have  never  found  it  necessary  to  assume  re- 
sponsibility for  the  conduct  of  either  the  foreign  or 
internal  affairs  of  any  of  them. 

The  only  reason  why  it  might  be  important  to 
have  a  special  understanding  with  Cuba  is  that  we 
made  our  withdrawal  from  the  island  conditional  upon 
the  establishment  there  of  a  sound  and  stable  govern- 
ment. As  Senator  Platt  of  Connecticut,  chairman  of 
the  committee  on  relations  with  Cuba,  suggested  in  the 
senate  on  January  3ist,  congress  might  declare  upon 
what  terms  our  military  occupation  would  cease,  and 
couple  with  this  such  suggestions  as  we  might  regard 
necessary  to  the  establishment  of  a  stable  government. 
The  Cuban  convention  would  then  have  the  opportunity 
to  embody  these  suggestions  in  the  constitution  or 
otherwise  provide  for  their  fulfilment,  without  formally 
submitting  the  document  to  the  United  States  congress 
for  approval.  The  point  is  technical  rather  than  es- 
sential. The  only  real  reason  for  preferring  a  method 
which  implies  the  minimum  authority  over  Cuban  af- 
fairs is  the  practical  certainty  that  every  opposite  step 
will  be  promptly  taken  advantage  of  by  those  who  are 
already  urging  annexation  of  the  island  to  the  United 
States.  The  attitude  of  the  administration  in  the 
Philippines  does  not  afford  any  satisfactory  assurance 
that  if  only  the  road  could  be  made  easy  enough  Cuba 
itself  would  not  be  gathered  into  our  "colonial"  sys- 
tem. Every  point  of  procedure  which  emphasizes  our 
pledge  not  to  do  this  is  important  just  now,  and  may 
profoundly  affect  the  political  future  of  the  island. 

The    outcome  of    the    recent    struggle 

Congressional  .  ^  - 

Reapportionment    ln    congress    over    the    matter    of     re- 
apportionment     of     representatives     on 
the   basis   of   the   new   census  shows  the  difficulty  of 

i9oi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  207 

living  up  to  the  national  constitution  when  a  problem 
of  inferior  races  is  thrown  into  the  situation.  The 
literal  fact  is  that  democracy  cannot  be  made  to  work 
for  two  distinct  orders  of  civilization  within  the  same 
group, — constitution  or  no  constitution.  It  would 
seem  as  if  the  repeated  demonstrations  of  this  with 
reference  to  our  colored  population  in  the  South  would 
afford  some  warning  of  the  wholesale  nullification  of 
constitutional  mandates  that  will  be  forced  upon  us  in 
our  dealing  with  the  even  more  degraded  populations 
of  Porto  Rico,  Hawaii  and  the  Philippines,  as  soon  as 
we  attempt  to  confer  anything  like  equality  of  political 
rights  upon  them. 

The  new  apportionment  increases  the  total  mem- 
bership of  the  house  from  357  to  386,  which  gives  one 
representative  to  every  194,000  inhabitants  (approxi- 
mately), instead  of  one  to  every  174,000  as  at  present. 
Under  this  arrangement,  Illinois,  New  York  and  Texas 
each  gain  three  members ;  Minnesota,  New  Jersey  and 
Pennsylvania  two  each ;  Arkansas,  California,  Colorado, 
Connecticut,  Florida,  Louisiana,  Massachusetts,  Missis- 
sippi, Missouri,  North  Carolina,  North  Dakota,  Wash- 
ington, West  Virginia  and  Wisconsin,  one  each.  No 
state  loses  a  representative. 

The  very  suggestion  of  reducing  the  representa- 
tion of  certain  southern  states  because  of  their  dis- 
franchisement  of  negro  voters  raised  a  storm  in  con- 
gress, and  the  exigencies  of  practical  politics  prevailed 
against  the  plain  mandate  of  the  constitution.  The 
1 4th  amendment  provides  in  definite  terms  that,  when- 
ever the  right  to  vote  of  any  legally-qualified  citizens  is 
denied  them  by  any  state,  the  representation  in  con- 
gress of  that  state  shall  be  proportionately  reduced. 
At  present  four  states  have,  by  a  one-sided  educational 
test,  denied  this  right  to  the  negro ;  in  consequence  of 
which,  as  Representative  Olmsted  showed  in  his  reso- 


lution  introduced  on  January  3rd,  the  vote  cast  at  con- 
gressional elections  declined  between  1890  and  1898,  in 
Mississippi  from  62,652  to  27,045  ;  in  South  Carolina 
from  73,522  to  28,831,  and  in  Louisiana  from  74,542  to 
33,161.  In  several  other  states,  as  is  well  known,  the 
negro  is  practically  disfranchised  by  force  or  intimida- 
tion. The  disenfranchisement  act  in  North  Carolina  is 
too  recent  to  show  results  in  tables  of  comparison,  but 
the  obligation  to  reduce  the  representation  of  that 
state  is  exactly  as  binding  as  in  the  other  cases.  The 
grotesque  absurdity  is  that,  instead  of  obeying  the 
constitution  and  reducing  the  representation  of  these 
states  by  fully  one-half,  the  new  apportionment  actu- 
ally gives  Louisiana,  Mississippi  and  North  Carolina  an 
additional  vote  each  in  congress.  No  doubt  this  avoided 
a  sectional  struggle  of  extraordinary  bitterness,  but  at 
what  a  price!  As  before  pointed  out,  the  real  sig- 
nificance of  the  matter  is  the  apparent  ease  with  which 
the  constitution  is  set  aside  to  meet  the  necessities  of  a 
race  problem.  Either  the  constitution  must  fall  into 
contempt  or  we  shall  have  to  stop  taking  on  groups  of 
population  to  whom  our  fundamental  institutions 
cannot  be  extended  in  practice  as  well  as  in  theory. 



The  conference  of  the  National  Negro  Business 
League,  which  assembled  in  Boston  in  August  of  1900, 
was  unique.  For  the  first  time  since  the  negroes  were 
freed  an  attempt  was  made  to  bring  together,  from  all 
over  the  United  States,  a  company  of  representative 
business  men  and  women  of  the  race.  Over  three 
hundred  delegates  were  present.  They  came  from 
thirty  states,  and  from  an  area  which  extended  from 
Nebraska  to  Florida  and  from  Texas  to  Maine. 

Many  of  these  men  once  were  slaves.  Others  were 
younger  men,  born  since  the  civil  war  and  educated  in 
the  industrial  schools  and  colleges ;  but  they  were  al- 
most all  alike  in  one  respect,  that  they  had  come  up 
from  the  bottom  and  had  gained  whatever  of  property 
and  position  which  they  possessed  by  their  own  efforts. 
The  business  enterprises  which  they  represented  were 
manifold;  their  range  and  the  success  which  these 
men  have  attained  in  them  were  object-lessons  to  the 
country.  Another  lesson,  no  less  striking,  was  the 
conduct  of  the  conference  itself. 

The  New  Orleans  riots  occurred  while  the  prepar- 
ations for  the  conference  were  being  made.  The 
streets  of  New  York  resounded  to  the  cries  of  a  negro- 
hunting  mob  just  at  the  time  when  many  of  the  dele- 


210  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [Match, 

gates  were  leaving  their  homes  to  come  to  Boston. 
When  the  conference  assembled,  on  the  morning  of 
August  twenty-third,  the  newspapers  were  rilled  with 
accounts  of  the  disturbances  at  Akron.  And  yet, 
throughout  sessions  which  occupied  two  days  and  two 
evenings,  in  which  at  least  two  hundred  persons  spoke, 
there  was  not  one  single  reference  to  the  riots  or  to 
the  conditions  which  gave  rise  to  them.  These  were 
business  men,  come  to  Boston  for  a  definite  purpose 
with  which  politics  had  no  connection,  and  they  at- 
tended strictly  to  business.  Nor  was  this  the  result  of 
fear  or  intimidation.  The  position  of  the  promoters  of 
the  league  had  been  plainly  stated  beforehand  and  the 
policy  of  the  gathering  outlined. 

I  quote  from  one  of  the  most  widely  published  an- 
nouncements of  the  meetings:  "Those  who  are  in- 
terested in  the  success  of  the  league  do  not  underesti- 
mate the  importance  of  seeing  to  it  that  the  negro  does 
not  give  up  any  part  of  the  struggle  for  retaining  his 
citizenship.  They  are  against  the  repeal  of  the  fif- 
teenth amendment,  and  they  believe  that  election  laws 
throughout  the  country  should  be  made  to  apply  with 
equal  justice  to  black  and  white  alike.  They  believe 
that  if  the  franchise  is  restricted  in  any  state  it  should 
not  be  done  in  such  a  way  that  an  ignorant  white  man 
can  vote  while  an  ignorant  black  man  cannot.  At  the 
same  time  they  recognize  the  fact  that  to  retain  citizen- 
ship and  the  respect  of  the  nation  there  must  go  with 
the  negro's  demands  for  justice,  tangible,  indisputable 
proofs  of  the  progress  of  the  race,  or,  briefly,  that  deeds 
and  words  must  go  together.  They  believe  that  help- 
ing the  negro  along  commercial  lines  will  help  his 
political  status.  This  is  not  a  political  meeting.  It  is 
a  business  gathering.  Politics  and  other  general  mat- 
ters pertaining  to  the  race  are  dealt  with  at  the  sessions 
of  the  national  Afro- American  Council." 

i90i.]  THE  NEGRO  IN  BUSINESS  211 

I  think  that  a  paragraph  in  an  editorial  in  one  of 
the  Boston  papers,  printed  just  after  the  conference 
adjourned,  described  the  tone  of  the  gathering  admira- 
bly. It  said:  "  There  was  no  politics  in  this  gath- 
ering. There  was  no  clamoring  for  rights.  There 
was  as  little  sentimentality  as  in  a  meeting  of 
stock  jobbers  or  railroad  directors.  .  .  .  Wanton, 
insane  cruelty  of  white  men  was  something  which 
colored  men,  minding  their  own  business,  could  not 
reasonably  cause,  nor  effectually  rebuke.  With  a  per- 
fect dignity  they  left  the  matter  to  those  whom  it  con- 
cerned. .  .  .  Their  conduct  was  a  sign  of  power, 
equal  to  any  other  that  the  conference  gave  witness  of, 
the  supreme  power  of  manliness  that  is  recognized  in 

It  had  seemed  to  me  for  some  time  that  an  organi- 
zation was  needed  which  would  bring  together  the 
colored  business  men  and  women  of  the  country  for 
consultation  and  to  obtain  information  and  inspiration 
from  each  other.  As  I  had  traveled  through  the  coun- 
try, especially  in  the  South,  I  had  often  been  impressed 
and  repeatedly  surprised  to  see  how  many  colored  men 
were  succeeding  in  business  enterprises,  often  in  small, 
out-of-the-way  places  where  they  are  never  heard  of, 
but  where  they  are  doing  good  work  not  only  for  them- 
selves but  for  the  race.  I  do  not  mean  that  the  men 
and  women  who  are  in  business  in  the  cities  are  not 
doing  equally  well,  but  their  work  is  better  known 
because  it  is  more  obvious.  How  much  I  wish  that  our 
race  might  be  judged  by  these  people  and  by  its  stu- 
dents and  teachers  instead  of,  as  is  too  often  the  case,  by 
those  who  are  in  the  penitentiaries  and  idle  on  the 
street  corners.  Other  races  are  judged  by  their  best. 
Why  not  the  negro  ? 

Unless  one  has  given  some  consideration  to  the 
subject  he  will  be  surprised  to  learn  how  widely  the 

212  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

colored  people  have  gone  into  business.  There  were 
present  at  the  meeting  in  Boston  the  representative  of 
a  colored  cotton  factory,  a  bank  president,  the  president 
of  a  negro  coal  mine,  grocers,  real- estate  dealers,  the 
owner  of  a  four-story  brick  storage  warehouse  and  the 
proprietor  of  a  trucking  business  operating  forty  teams, 
dry-goods  dealers,  druggists,  tailors,  butchers,  barbers, 
undertakers,  the  owner  of  a  steam  carpet- cleaning  busi- 
ness, manufacturers  of  brooms,  tinware  and  metal 
goods,  hair  goods,  etc.,  a  florist,  printers  and  publishers, 
insurance  agents,  caterers,  restaurant  keepers,  general 
merchants,  contractors  and  builders,  the  owner  and 
proprietor  of  a  brick  yard  (in  North  Carolina)  which 
turns  out  several  million  bricks  a  year,  and  in  fact  rep- 
resentatives of  almost  every  industry  which  can  be  sug- 

Two  men  who  were  present  at  the  conference  were 
the  mayors  of  negro  towns  which  they  have  built  up  in 
the  South.  One  of  these  men,  Mr.  Isaiah  T.  Mont- 
gomery, was  once  a  slave  of  Jefferson  Davis.  Fifteen 
years  ago  he  began  to  colonize  a  tract  of  land  in  the 
valley  of  the  Yazoo  River,  in  Mississippi.  Colored 
people  now  own  12,000  acres  there.  In  the  town  of 
Mound  Bayou,  which  is  the  nucleus  of  the  settlement, 
Mr.  Montgomery  said  there  are  ten  stores  and  shops 
owned  by  colored  people,  doing  a  business  of  at  least 
$30,000  a  year.  Mr.  J.  C.  Leftwich,  of  Alabama,  owns 
over  a  thousand  acres  of  land  not  far  from  Montgom- 
ery, where  he  is  building  up  a  town  which  he  has 
named  "  Klondike."  All  the  business  is  in  the  hands 
of  colored  people,  even  the  postmaster  being  a  colored 

Three  of  the  best  addresses  were  made  by  women, 
one  of  them,  Mrs.  A.  M.  Smith,  the  president  of  a  col- 
ored business  woman's  club  and  employment  agency  in 
Chicago ;  one  by  Mrs.  A.  Thornton,  a  dermatologist,  of 

1 9oi.]  THE  NEGRO  IN  BUSINESS  213 

Cincinnati,  and  one  by  Mrs.  A.  A.  Casneau,  a  dress- 
maker, of  Boston.  The  last  named  woman  is  the  author 
of  a  book  upon  dressmaking  which  has  been  quite  wide- 
ly used.  She  told  of  an  interesting  experience  with  a 
white  woman  who  came  to  Boston  to  take  some  addi- 
tional lessons  from  her,  suggested  from  the  book,  and 
who  did  not  know  that  the  woman  she  was  coming  to 
see  was  a  colored  woman.  For  this  to  be  understood  I 
must  first  relate  an  incident  which  occurred  to  one  of 
our  Tuskegee  Institute  students,  because  it  was  to  this 
incident  that  Mrs.  Casneau  referred. 

Among  the  other  industries  taught  at  Tuskegee  In- 
stitute is  that  of  dairying.  We  have  a  herd  of  over  one 
hundred  good  dairy  cows,  and  classes  of  young  men  and 
women  are  constantly  receiving  practical  instruction  in 
this  industry,  doing  all  of  the  work  of  the  dairy  at  the 
same  time.  There  came  to  our  knowledge  the  fact  that 
the  owners  of  a  certain  creamery  were  looking  for  a 
competent  superintendent.  We  had  just  graduated  a 
man  whom  we  knew  to  be  thoroughly  competent  in 
every  way,  but  he  was  just  about  as  black  as  any  one 
could  possibly  be.  Nevertheless  we  sent  him  on  to  ap- 
ply for  the  position.  When  the  owners  of  the  cream- 
ery saw  him  they  said:  "  But  you  are  a  colored  man. 
That  would  never  do.  We  cannot  hire  a  colored  man." 

Our  candidate  politely  intimated  that  he  had  not 
come  there  to  talk  about  any  color  except  butter  color, 
and  kept  on  talking  about  that,  while  the  owners  kept 
talking  about  his  color.  Finally  something  which  he 
said  so  caught  their  attention  that  they  told  him  he 
might  stay  and  run  the  creamery  for  a  fortnight,  al- 
though they  still  insisted  that  it  was  out  of  the  question 
for  them  to  hire  a  colored  man  as  superintendent. 

When  the  returns  for  the  first  week's  shipment  of 
butter  made  by  our  man  came  back,  it  was  found  that 
the  butter  had  sold  for  two  cents  a  pound  more  than 

214  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

any  product  of  the  creamery  had  ever  before  sold  for. 
The  owners  of  the  establishment  said:  "Why,  now, 
this  is  very  singular;"  and  waited  for  the  next  week's 

The  second  week's  returns  showed  that  the  butter 
had  sold  for  a  cent  a  pound  more  than  that  of  the  week 
before,  three  cents  more  than  before  the  colored  man 
had  taken  charge  of  the  work.  That  time  the  owners 
did  not  stop  to  say  anything.  They  simply  hired  the 
man  as  quickly  as  they  could.  The  extra  three  cents  on 
a  pound  which  he  could  get  for  his  butter  had  knocked 
every  particle  of  color  out  of  his  skin  so  far  as  they 
were  concerned. 

Mrs.  Casneau,  in  her  address  before  the  league, 
said  that  when  she  received  a  letter  from  her  customer 
saying  that  the  woman  was  coming  to  Boston  to  call 
upon  her  at  a  certain  time,  her  courage  failed  her 
because  she  knew  that  this  customer  had  no  idea  that 
she  was  to  meet  a  colored  woman  as  the  author  of  the 
book  which  she  had  been  studying.  When  the  day 
came,  and  the  bell  rang,  and  she  was  told  that  this 
woman  had  arrived,  she  was  at  first  almost  tempted  to 
send  in  word  that  she  was  ill  and  could  not  see  her, 
when  suddenly  there  came  into  her  mind  the  story  of 
the  Tuskegee  graduate  who  had  declined  to  discuss  any 
question  of  color  except  the  butter  color  which  per- 
tained to  his  business.  "I  went  into  the  room  as 
bravely  as  I  could,"  she  said,  "and,  although  the 
woman  looked  and  acted  just  as  I  felt  sure  she  would,  I 
would  not  let  myself  take  any  notice  of  it,  but  went  on 
talking  business  as  fast  as  I  could.  The  result  was  that 
we  made  a  business  engagement,  through  which,  after- 
wards, other  work  came  to  me.'' 

This  meeting  not  only  showed  to  the  country  what 
the  colored  people  are  doing,  but  it  gave  the  delegates, 
especially  those  who  came  from  the  South,  an  oppor- 

i9oi].  THE  NEGRO  IN  BUSINESS  215 

tunity  to  see  something  of  the  business  methods  em- 
ployed by  northern  people.  .1  think  it  will  have  some- 
thing of  the  same  good  effect  on  them  that  the  bringing 
of  the  Cuban  teachers  to  the  United  States  may  be  ex- 
pected to  have  on  the  Cubans. 

If  a  record  of  the  business  enterprises  operated  by 
colored  men  and  women  in  the  United  States  were 
available  it  would  be  interesting  and  instructive,  but 
such  information  has  not  yet  been  very  generally  re- 

From  the  published  reports  of  the  valuable  studies 
of  Professor  W.  E.  B.  Du  Bois  I  make  a  few  extracts 
bearing  on  the  subject.  In  his  book,  "The  Phila- 
delphia Negro,5'  Dr.  Du  Bois  deals  chiefly  with  the 
colored  people  of  the  seventh  ward  of  that  city.  The 
author  says  that  this  particular  ward  is  selected  because 
it  "is  an  historic  center  of  negro  population  and  con- 
tains one-fifth  of  all  the  negroes  in  the  city."  The 
negro  population  of  Philadelphia  in  1890  was  40,000, 
and  over  8,000  lived  in  this  ward.  Both  these  numbers 
will  undoubtedly  show  an  increase  when  the  figures  of 
the  census  recently  taken  are  available.  In  this  ward 
Dr.  Du  Bois  found  the  following- named  business  estab- 
lishments operated  by  negroes:  39  restaurants,  24 
barber  shops,  1 1  groceries,  1 1  cigar  stores,  2  candy  and 
notion  stores,  4  upholsterers,  2  liquor  saloons,  4  under- 
takers (two  of  these  were  women),  i  newspaper,  i  drug 
store,  2  patent-medicine  stores,  4  printing  offices. 

There  were  83  caterers  in  the  ward,  but  some  of 
these  Dr.  Du  Bois  reports  as  doing  a  small  business, 
and  others  as  engaged  in  the  business  only  a  part  of 
the  year,  being  otherwise  employed  the  rest  of  the 
time.  The  business  of  catering  by  negroes  in  Philadel- 
phia has  always  been  remarkable  for  the  ability  and 
success  with  which  it  has  been  conducted.  Several 
men  of  the  race  in  that  city  have  been  famous  for  their 

216  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

work  in  this  line.  Dr.  Du  Bois,  in  writing  of  the  ca- 
terer, reports  "about  ten  who  do  a  business  of  from 
$3,000  to  $5,000  a  year." 

In  addition  to  these  there  were  at  the  same  time 
in  other  parts  of  the  city,  among  the  negro  business 
establishments,  49  barber  shops,  8  grocery  stores,  27 
restaurants,  8  coal  and  wood  dealers.  There  was  a 
successful  florist,  a  large  crockery  store,  and  success- 
ful real-estate  dealers. 

From  the  reports  of  other  studies  of  Dr.  Du  Bois, 
in  the  South,  I  make  some  extracts.  I  do  not  quote 
his  lists  in  full,  but  give  only  a  few  of  the  leading  en- 
terprises  reported : 

Birmingham,  Ala. — 8  grocers,  6  barbers,  4  drug- 
gists, 4  tailors.  Montgomery,  Ala. — 6  grocers,  2  un- 
dertakers, 2  drug-store  keepers,  i  butcher.  Vicksburg, 
Miss. — 2  jewelers,  2  tailors,  2  drug- store  keepers,  2 
newspapers,  2  dry-goods  dealers,  i  undertaker.  Nash- 
ville, Tenn. — 9  contractors,  6  grocers,  2  undertakers, 
2  saloon  keepers,  2  drug  stores.  Houston,  Tex. — n 
grocers,  10  real-estate  dealers,  5  contractors,  6  barbers. 
Richmond,  Va. — 2  banking  and  insurance  men,  2  under- 
takers, 2  fish  dealers.  Tallahassie,  Fla. — 3  groceries,  2 
meat  markets.  Americus,  Ga. — 12  groceries,  i  drugstore, 
i  wood  yard.  Seattle,  Wash. — i  real-estate  dealer,  2 
barbers,  3  restaurants.  I  do  not  have  available  a  list 
of  enterprises  in  the  city  of  Pensacola,  Fla.,  but  there 
are  at  least  two  groceries  there,  conducted  by  colored 
men,  doing  a  business  of  $10,000  a  year  each,  and  suc- 
cessful restaurants,  contractors,  drug- store  keepers, 
shoe- makers  and  tailors. 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  about  the  fitness 
of  the  negro  for  work  in  cotton  factories.  Until  the 
negro  is  given  a  fair  trial  under  encouraging  condi- 
tions I  shall  be  slow  to  believe  that  he  is  not  fitted  for 
profitable  work  in  factories.  .  For  years  the  colored 


man  has  been  the  main  operative  in  the  tobacco  fac- 
tories of  the  South,  and,  aside  from  this,  he  operates  in 
very  large  measure  all  of  the  cotton-seed  oil  mills  in 
the  South  and  is  engaged  in  every  avenue  of  mechan- 
ical work.  I  think  those  who  hold  to  the  theory  that 
the  negro  cannot  be  depended  upon  as  a  laborer  in  fac- 
tories will  find  their  theory  exploded  in  a  few  years 
very  much  in  the  same  way  that  dozens  of  other  the- 
ories regarding  him  have  been  exploded. 

The  failure  of  the  Vesta  Cotton  Mills,  in  Charles- 
ton, S.  C.,  has  been  laid  to  the  door  of  the  negro. 
Those  who  have  written  on  this  subject  seemingly  for- 
get, however,  to  state  that  these  same  mills  failed  once, 
and  I  think  twice,  under  white  labor  and  that  these 
mills  have  never  had  colored  labor  exclusively  in  them. 
When  I  visited  Charleston  a  few  months  ago  and  made 
a  careful  inspection  of  these  mills,  I  found  at  least  one- 
third  of  the  operatives  were  white  people,  the  remain- 
ing two-thirds  being  colored.  The  colored  people,  as 
I  remember  it,  occupied  two  floors  and  the  whites  the 
other  floor,  so  that  the  failure  cannot  be  wholly  ascribed 
to  colored  labor. 

Few  cotton  mills  North  or  South  have  succeeded 
in  large  cities  where  there  is  no  opportunity  to  segre- 
gate and  control  the  labor.  If  the  negro  is  given  a  fair 
trial  in  a  small  village,  or  in  a  country  district  where 
he  is  so  situated  in  his  home  life  that  the  operators  can 
control,  as  they  do  in  the  case  of  the  white  laborer,  the 
life  of  the  families,  I  believe  that  the  negro  will  suc- 
ceed in  the  cotton  factory  equally  as  well  as  the  white 
man.  Until  such  fair  trial  is  given  him  it  is  unfair  and 
misleading  to  make  sweeping  statements  regarding  his 
reliability  in  this  respect. 

In  further  proof  of  my  statement  that  the  negro 
can  succeed  in  factory  work  if  given  a  fair  opportunity, 
I  refer  to  the  employment  of  colored  persons  in  the 

218  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

silk  factory  at  Fayetteville,  N.  C.,  a  small  town  where 
conditions  are  much  more  conducive  to  factory  life  than 
in  Charleston.  Mr.  H.  E.  C.  Bryant,  a  white  man  and 
one  of  the  editors  of  the  Charlotte  Daily  Observer,  pub- 
lished at  Charlotte,  N.  C.,  recently  visited  this  silk 
factory  in  Fayetteville  and  after  his  visit  said  in  his 
paper : 

"It  is  the  most  unique  and  interesting  manufacturing  plant  in  the 
state,  if  not  in  the  entire  South.  It  is  managed  by  Rev.  T.  W.  Thurs- 
ton,  a  mulatto,  born  in  Pennsylvania  and  educated  in  Philadelphia,  and 
who  is  highly  respected  by  the  white  and  colored  citizens  of  Fayette- 

Mr.  Bryant  further  remarks : 

"  It  has  proved  a  signal  success.  Its  continued  success  will  mean 
much  to  the  negro  of  the  South.  The  building  is  of  brick,  three  stories 
high,  and  the  mill  has  10,000  spindles  and  employs  400  operatives,  mainly 
boys  and  girls  between  10  and  18  years  old.  The  first  floor  contains  the 
reeling  department  over  which  Mr.  J.  H.  Scarbough,  a  young  German, 
is  foreman ;  the  second  is  devoted  to  winding  and  doubling,  and  Ger- 
trude Hood  (colored),  daughter  of  Bishop  Hood,  is  in  charge ;  and  the 
third,  weaving,  with  Mr.  Harry  Fieldhouse,  an  Englishman,  as  fore- 
man. The  mill  has  the  appearance  of  a  well-regulated  school.  The 
operatives  are  thoroughly  organized  and  work  with  perfect  system.  I 
found  order  and  neatness  on  every  hand.  The  children  did  not  seem 
frightened  but  satisfied  and  ambitious.  None  but  the  best  class  of  boys 
and  girls  are  employed  at  the  silk  mills.  The  employment  of  colored 
labor  has  not  caused  racial  trouble.  It  takes  the  young  negro  from  the 
streets  and  makes  a  good  citizen  of  him  and  turns  loose  about  $4,000  a 
month  to  spend  for  food  and  clothing." 

Despite  these  evidences  of  progress,  it  has  been 
said,  sometimes,  that  negroes  cannot  come  together 
and  successfully  unite  in  holding  such  meetings  as  that 
of  the  National  Negro  Business  League,  and  that  this  is 
a  proof  of  their  business  incapacity.  I  think  such  a 
meeting  as  that  of  last  August  disproves  that  theory. 
What  gave  me  the  most  encouragement  was  the  manly 
and  straightforward  tone  used  in  all  the  papers  and 
discussions.  There  were  no  complaints.  At  the  next 
session  I  believe  that  there  will  be  still  larger  numbers 
and  stronger  support.  I  believe  that  as  a  race  we  shall 

i90i.]  THE  NEGRO  IN  BUSINESS  219 

succeed  and  grow,  and  be  a  people,  with  our  due  rep- 
resentation in  business  life,  right  here  in  America. 
We  must  not  be  discouraged,  and  we  must  watch  our 
opportunities  and  take  advantage  of  them.  There  is  no 
force  on  earth  that  can  keep  back  a  brave  people  that  is 
determined  to  get  education  and  property  and  Christian 
character.  They  never  can  be  defeated  in  their  prog- 


The  death  of  Queen  Victoria  closed  the  longest 
reign  in  the  history  of  monarchical  institutions.  She 
was  on  the  throne  sixty-four  years  (1837-1901),  being 
four  years  longer  than  the  reign  of  any  other  European 
monarch.  George  the  Third's  reign  was  the  next 
longest,  being  sixty  years  (1760-1820),  but  during  the 
last  nine  years  he  was  insane  and  the  government  was 
under  the  regency  of  his  son,  George  IV.  Henry  III. 
reigned  fifty -six  years  (1216-1272),  and  Edward  III. 
fifty  years  (i 327- 1 377). 

Besides  being  the  longest,  Victoria's  reign  was  in 
all  respects  the  most  remarkable.  Under  it  more 
political,  industrial  and  religious  progress  was  made 
than  during  the  reign  of  any  ten  other  monarchs  the 
world  ever  saw.  Since  Victoria  came  to  the  throne  in- 
dustry has  been  revolutionized,  the  condition  of  the 
laboring  classes  in  England  has  been  changed  from  that 
of  practical  serfdom  to  political  and  social  freedom ; 
the  hours  of  labor  have  been  reduced  one-third  and 
wages  doubled ;  the  English  workmen  have  been  made 
into  active  citizens  with  the  full  power  of  the  franchise, 
politically  the  equals  of  any  lord  in  the  realm.  Religious 
freedom  has  been  definitely  and  irrevocably  secured, 
and  in  Ireland  at  least  church  and  state  have  been 
completely  separated,  catholics  and  protestants  being 
put  upon  a  common  level.  The  principle  of  democracy 
has  been  thoroughly  established,  the  right  of  nomina- 
tion as  well  as  of  election  has  been  taken  from  a  fac- 
tion and  class  and  given  to  the  people,  so  that  not  only 
the  house  of  commons  but  the  officers  of  municipal 
government  throughout  England,  both  in  their  selec- 
tion and  election,  are  in  the  hands  of  the  people.  In 



this  respect  the  political  progress  in  England  has 
reached  a  more  advanced  and  more  truly  democratic 
plane  than  has  yet  been  attained  even  in  this  country. 

But  in  all  this  the  queen  played  practically  no  part, 
and  so  far  as  is  known  she  never  expressed  an  approving 
opinion  of  any  of  the  great  reforms  that  shocked  Eng- 
land during  her  reign.  Her  chief  virtue  in  this  respect 
was  in  refraining  from  opposition. 

In  the  case  of  the  abolition  of  the  purchase  of  com- 
missions in  the  army,  she  was  practically  coerced  by 
Mr.  Gladstone.  The  house  of  commons^had  acted  in 
favor  of  abolition,  and,  knowing  the  house  of  lords 
would  oppose  it,  he  asked  the  queen  to  do  it  by  royal 
proclamation.  She  was  utterly  opposed  to  the  meas- 
ure, but  he  asked  her  in  such  a  way  that  her  very 
frugal  shrewdness  prevented  her  from  declining.  Had 
she  done  so  the  house  of  commons  might  have  refused 
to  vote  the  supplies  for  the  civil  list  and  various  special 
allowances  for  the  personal  expenditures  and  perqui- 
sites of  the  royal  family,  amounting  to  over  a  million 
pounds  a  year,  which  in  that  case  would  have  to  be  de- 
frayed from  her  majesty's  private  resources.  Nor  did 
she  refuse  to  approve  the  bill  to  disestablish  the  Irish 
church,  nor  for  that  matter  any  other  bill  passed  by 
parliament.  She  never  once  exercised  the  veto  power. 
But  she  never  forgave  Mr.  Gladstone  for  forcing  upon 
her  these  disagreeable  duties.  The  popularity  of  the 
great  Commoner  was  too  great  for  even  the  queen 
openly  to  oppose. 

This  should  not  be  recorded  as  particularly  against 
the  queen.  She  could  hardly  be  expected  to  be  per- 
sonally in  favor  of  such  progressive  steps.  She  was  at 
the  very  center  of  conservatism.  Her  whole  environ- 
ment, interests  and  thinking  were  of  necessity  from  the 
point  of  view  of  conserving  the  traditions  of  the  mon- 
archy, and  with  it,  of  course,  the  status  of  the  aristo- 

222  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

cratic  classes.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  she 
should  on  a  few  occasions  have  shown  reluctance  to  ap- 
prove, or  even  opposition  to,  the  innovations  of  a  mani- 
festly democratic  movement.  The  surprise  is,  rather, 
that  she  should  have  acquiesced  in  so  much  and  op- 
posed so  little.  This  is  really  the  secret  of  her  popu- 
larity. It  was  not  for  what  she  did  but  for  what  she  re- 
frained from  doing  that  the  English  people  learned  to 
love  her  so  much. 

She  was  reared  in  the  era  of  middle- class  struggle 
for  freedom  and  was  queen  during  the  era  of  the  popu- 
lar struggle  for  democracy.  Less  than  three  months 
after  she  was  born  the  "  Peterloo  massacre"  occurred, 
in  which  many  people  were  killed  and  injured  for  at- 
tending a  public  meeting  in  Peterloo  Square,  Man- 
chester, to  protest  against  the  corn  laws  and  demand 
the  right  to  vote.  Instead  of  suppressing  the  move- 
ment this  massacre  had  the  effect  of  intensifying  it,  and 
under  the  leadership  of  Henry  Hunt,  who  was  chief 
speaker  at  the  forbidden  meeting,  it  increased  from 
that  time  on.  Overthrow  of  the  "  rotten-borough  " 
system  and  establishment  of  legitimate  representa- 
tion in  parliament  became  the  objects  of  an  irrepressi- 
ble demand  which  culminated  in  the  passage  of  the  re- 
form bill  of  1832,  giving  the  middle-class  representa- 
tion in  parliament. 

Simultaneously  with  this  movement  the  factory 
system  had  come  into  existence.  With  it  came  a  period 
of  increasing  wealth  and  power  for  the  middle  class  and 
dire  oppression  for  labor.  The  poorhouses  were  emptied 
into  the  factories  and  little  children  as  well  as  women 
and  men  were  worked  sixteen  hours  a  day.  The  landed 
aristocracy,  which  was  intensely  jealous  of  this  rapidly 
growing  middle  class,  protested  against  the  brutality 
of  the  factory  masters  under  their  new  system  of  indus- 
try, and  thus  encouraged  the  movement  for  reform  of 

igoi.]      VICTORIA  AND  HER  REMARKABLE  REIGN       223 

the  factory  conditions.  In  1802  a  law  was  passed  pre- 
venting children  working  in  factories  on  Sundays,  in 
order  that  they  might  attend  divine  service.  In  1815 
a  committee  was  appointed  by  the  house  of  commons 
to  investigate  the  conditions  of  factory  labor,  which  re- 
sulted in  the  passage  of  a  law  in  1819  prohibiting  the 
employment  of  children  under  nine  years  of  age,  and 
restricting  all  workers  under  sixteen  years  to  twelve 
hours  a  day. 

Thus  the  movement  for  wholesome  industrial  legis- 
lation had  taken  practical  form  at  the  time  the  queen 
was  born.  Through  the  cooperation  of  the  more  phil- 
anthropic members  of  the  aristocracy  and  the  increas- 
ing boldness  of  the  laborers,  together  with  the  experi- 
ments of  Robert  Owen,  the  short-hour  movement 
pushed  forward  with  increasing  vigor.  A  further  legal 
reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor  to  eleven  and  a  half  a 
day  was  secured  in  1825,  and  in  1831  the  hours  were 
reduced  to  eleven,  and  night  work  for  all  persons  under 
1 8  years  of  age  abolished.  In  1833  this  law  was  ex- 
tended to  numerous  other  industries  and  finally  to  coal 

Under  the  leadership  of  Wilberforce,  after  twenty- 
seven  years  agitation,  slavery  was  abolished  through- 
out the  British  dominions,  and  in  1835  the  chartist 
movement  was  organized,  demanding  universal  suf- 
frage, vote  by  ballot,  annual  parliaments,  equal  elec- 
toral districts,  no  property  qualifications,  and  payment 
of  members  of  parliament.  Thus,  when  Victoria  came 
to  the  throne,  she  found  the  middle  class  possessing  the 
suffrage,  the  factory  acts  in  operation,  and  an  organ- 
ized movement  among  the  masses  for  universal  suffrage, 
the  secret  ballot  and  a  program  amounting  practically 
to  democracy. 

All  this  had  a  wholesome  influence  on  the  young 
queen.  She  had  seen  the  danger  of  obstinate  resist- 

224  G  UNTON  'S  MA  GA  Z.INE  [March, 

ance  to  the  popular  will  in  the  experience  of  her  uncle, 
William  IV.,  who  was  compelled  to  promise  an  un- 
limited increase  of  peers  to  pass  the  first  reform  bill ; 
so  that  when  she  became  queen,  to  her  great  credit  be 
it  recorded,  she  left  all  the  actual  resistance  to  these 
rapidly  growing  demands  for  reform  to  the  aristocracy 
and  to  parliament.  Her  non-interference  steadily  in- 
creased her  popularity  with  the  people  until  they 
almost  came  to  believe  that  she  favored  their  demands. 
At  any  rate  they  felt  sure  that  if  they  could  secure 
parliament  they  would  have  no  trouble  with  the  queen, 
for  which  they  learned  to  love  her.  The  house  of 
lords,  on  the  contrary,  steadily  interposed  its  opposi- 
tion to  every  step  of  political  advance,  and  thereby 
earned  the  distrust  and  almost  hatred  of  the  common 
people  in  about  the  same  degree  that  the  queen  secured 
their  respect  and  admiration. 

At  this  time  also,  England  was  greatly  stirred  by 
an  agitation  for  the  repeal  of  religious  disabilities, 
which  excluded  everybody  from  holding  office  except 
members  of  the  church  of  England.  This  movement 
had  been  growing  more  intense  every  year  since  the 
passage  of  the  reform  bill,  and  in  1828  parliament  was 
compelled  to  yield  to  the  pressure  of  the  demand  of  the 
non- conformists  for  the  repeal  of  the  "test  and  cor- 
poration act."  This  act  made  it  necessary  to  take  the 
sacrament  of  the  Church  of  England  to  hold  any  office, 
national  or  local,  in  Great  Britain,  and  therefore  ex- 
cluded all  non- conformists  as  well  as  catholics  and 
Jews  from  holding  any  public  office  whatever.  The 
repeal  of  this  act  gave  encouragement  to  the  catholics, 
who  for  years  had  been  struggling  for  the  right  of 
representation  in  parliament.  Their  exclusion  had 
been  accomplished  by  compelling  them  to  take  an  oath 
subscribing  to  the  protestant  religion.  A  measure  for 
abolishing  this  oath  had  already  been  rejected  many 


times  by  the  house  of  lords,  Daniel  O'Connell  having 
been  elected  twice  and  prevented  from  taking  his  seat. 
Under  the  advice  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  as  a 
choice  between  "  reform  and  revolution,"  the  house  of 
lords  yielded  and  catholic  emancipation  was  obtained 
in  1829. 

Now  began  that  severe  contest  between  the  aris- 
tocratic land- owning  class  and  the  mercantile  class, 
known  as  the  anti-corn-law  agitation.  In  1839  the 
anti- corn-law  league  was  organized  in  Manchester.  It 
had  behind  it  the  wealth  and  vigor  of  the  entire  manu- 
facturing class  of  England.  The  object  of  this  league 
was  to  secure  the  removal  of  all  duties  on  foodstuffs, 
which  meant  the  adoption  of  free  trade  in  England. 
English  manufacturers  had  outlived  the  need  of  protec- 
tion, which  had  been  vigorously  insisted  upon  from  the 
time  of  Edward  III.  They  had  obtained  a  monopoly  of 
factory  methods,  which  gave  them  an  advantage  over 
all  foreign  competitors,  and  what  they  now  wanted  was 
cheap  food  and  foreign  markets  for  manufactured  wares. 
The  chartist  movement,  on  the  other  hand,  was  a  real 
democratic  industrial  movement  for  the  masses.  This 
demanded  the  same  political  rights  for  laborers  that 
their  employers  had  received  by  the  act  of  1832.  Al- 
though it  was  a  continuation  of  the  Henry  Hunt  move- 
ment, which  included  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws,  the 
chartists  had  dropped  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws  from 
their  demands.  Their  reason  for  doing  so  was  that  the 
repealers,  who  were  the  manufacturers,  wanted  cheap 
bread  only  that  they  might  pay  low  wages.  This  atti- 
tude of  the  chartists  had  been  created  by  the  bitter 
opposition  of  the  whole  manufacturing  class  to  the 
factory  acts. 

The  first  years  of  the  queen's  reign,  therefore, 
were  occupied  with  these  two  movements,  which  were 
probably  more  intense  than  any  two  movements  that 

226  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

ever  existed  simultaneously  and  were  not  actual  war. 
One  movement  represented  the  employing  class  and  the 
other  the  laborers  and  unenfranchised  masses.  The 
landed  aristocracy  was  the  mortal  enemy  of  the  anti- 
corn-law  league,  and  hence,  while  not  the  least  in  sym- 
pathy with  anything  like  democracy,  it  gave  some 
encouragement  to  the  movement  of  the  masses,  partic- 
ularly on  the  line  of  factory  legislation.  Lord  Ashley, 
afterwards  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  who  was  a  traditional 
landed  aristocrat,  a  prominent  tory  and  unrelenting 
antagonist  to  the  anti- corn-law  league,  was  a  member 
of  the  first  reform  parliament  and  assumed  the  leader- 
ship of  the  laborers'  demand  for  factory  legislation. 
Beginning  with  1840  he  brought  the  subject  before  par- 
liament almost  every  year.  In  1844  he  succeeded  in 
getting  a  law  enacted  prohibiting  the  working  of  chil- 
dren under  14  years  of  age  more  than  half  time  in  any 
industry  whatever,  compelling  them  to  go  to  school  the 
other  half-day,  making  attendance  on  school  a  requisite 
to  the  right  of  employment.  This  law  is  still  in  opera- 
tion and  is  one  of  the  best  pieces  of  legislation  for  the 
health,  education  and  social  improvement  of  the  Eng- 
lish laborers  that  was  ever  enacted. 

At  this  same  time,  under  the  leadership  of  John 
Bright,  who  entered  politics  in  1841  and  parliament  in 
1843,  and  Richard  Cobden,  the  real  leader  of  the  anti- 
corn-law  movement,  the  struggle  for  free  trade  waxed 
hot  both  inside  and  outside  parliament.  In  parliament 
the  annual  struggle  was  being  made  for  more  factory 
legislation,  out  of  parliament  the  agitation  of  the  chart- 
ists on  the  one  hand  and  the  corn-law  repealers  on  the 
other,  keeping  England  in  a  constant  state  of  ferment. 
The  chartists  were  meeting  on  Sundays  in  the  fields 
and  on  the  hilltops  near  every  large  town,  and  the  corn- 
law  repealers  were  holding  mass  meetings  in  all  avail- 
able halls  and  theatres  in  the  large  cities.  During  the 

i90i.]      VICTORIA  AND  HER  REMARKABLE  REIGN       227 

four  months  from  December,  1842,  to  March,  1843, 
instance,  there  were  136  mass  meetings  held  in  London 
at  which  Bright  and  Cobden  spoke.  In  many  instances 
the  leaders  of  the  two  movements  held  public  debates 
and  in  not  a  few  instances  the  meetings  ended  in  riot 
and  bloodshed. 

Both  of  these  movements  which  so  stirred  England 
during  the  first  ten  years  of  the  queen's  reign  culmina- 
ted about  the  same  time.  In  1846  the  corn  laws  were 
repealed.  This  so  exasperated  the  land  owners  that 
the  next  year  the  tories  voted  for  Lord  Ashley's  ten- 
hour  bill,  to  punish  the  manufacturers  for  having  re- 
pealed the  corn  laws.  The  chartists  attempted  revolu- 
tion and  were  suppressed  in  1848. 

The  queen  having  married,  February  loth,  1840, 
now  had  the  wise  cooperation,  counsel  and  support  of 
Prince  Albert,  who  was  sympathetic  and  sagacious  and 
always  showed  an  intelligent  appreciation  of  the  tem- 
per of  the  English  people,  —  which  was  very  necessary 
during  the  very  lively  times  of  the  middle  of  the  century. 
Instead  of  the  people  becoming  indifferent  after  these 
great  accomplishments,  success  only  whetted  the  appe- 
tite for  more.  The  operation  of  the  ten-hour  factory 
law  was  so  beneficial  to  all  the  laborers  affected  that  it 
laid  the  foundation  for  wider  application  of  the  factory 
acts  and  gained  increasing  support  from  all  the  disin- 
terested classes  in  the  community.  During  the  next 
ten  years,  in  almost  every  session  parliament  was  asked 
to  extend  the  factory  acts  to  new  industries  or  amend 
the  law  for  its  better  enforcement,  resulting  in  the 
creation  of  a  board  of  factory  inspectors.  This  move- 
ment gathered  in  its  support  not  merely  the  factory 
workers  themselves  but  philanthropists,  ministers,  edu- 
cators and  physicians,  all  of  whom  testified  to  the  bene- 
ficial effects  upon  the  physical  health  as  well  as  the 
mental  and  moral  character  of  the  operatives.  But,  in 

228  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

addition  to  all  this,  its  economic  effect  was  such  as 
effectively  to  disprove  every  pessimistic  prediction 
made  by  its  opponents,  the  leaders  of  whom  were 
Bright,  Cobden  and  the  anti-corn-law  advocates.  Its 
influence  in  this  respect  was  perhaps  the  most  mar- 
vellous of  all,  since  it  actually  converted  several  of  the 
staunchest  opponents  of  the  movement. 

On  one  instance,  in  1860,  when  the  motion  was  be- 
fore the  house  of  commons  to  extend  the  operation  of 
the  factory  acts  to  hitherto  unprotected  industries,  Mr. 
Arthur  Roebuck  and  Sir  James  Graham,  two  of  the 
most  conspicuous  speakers  against  the  ten-hour  law  in 
1847,  rose  in  the  house  of  commons  and  testified  to 
their  entire  conversion  and  apologized  for  having  voted 
against  the  ten-hour  law.  Both  men  supported  the  new 
measure.  Sir  James  Graham  (formerly  prime  minister) 
prefaced  his  vote  by  saying:  "By  the  vote  I  shall  give 
to-night,  I  will  endeavor  to  make  some  amends  for  the  course 
I  pursued  in  earlier  life  in  opposing  the  factory  bill."  Four 
years  later,  Sir  Thomas  Bazley,  Mr.  Gladstone  and 
others  changed  their  position  on  the  question  in  the 
same  manner,  and  in  1874  with  Mr.  Gladstone's  aid  the 
hours  of  labor  were  further  reduced  to  nine-and-a-half 
hours  a  day.  During  this  period,  also,  labor  unions 
advanced  from  the  position  of  conspiracies  before  the 
law  to  a  legal  respectable  status,  recognized  not  only 
by  the  laboring  class  but  ultimately  among  the  em- 
ployers as  a  legitimate  feature  of  successful  industry. 

While  the  immediate  effect  of  the  repeal  of  the 
corn  laws  was  not  as  expected,  when  industries  were 
adjusted  to  the  new  conditions  the  increase  of  manu- 
facturing industries  was  enormous.  Foreign  trade 
multiplied,  labor  for  mechanics  was  increased,  wages 
rose,  prosperity  and  its  concomitant  welfare  prevailed 
in  all  branches  of  manufacture,  but  the  death  blow  was 
struck  to  agriculture.  The  foreign  influx  of  foodstuffs 

igoi.]      VICTORIA  AND  HER  REMARKABLE  REIGN       229 

destroyed  all  energy  and  success  in  English  agricul- 
ture, and  the  progress  of  the  agricultural  class,  par- 
ticularly the  laborers,  was  effectually  arrested.  What 
is  worse,  it  has  essentially  remained  so  until  this  day. 
Wages  of  agricultural  laborers  in  1901  are  not  percep- 
tibly higher  than  they  were  in  1840.  The  only  ad- 
vantage they  have  reaped  from  the  immense  progress 
during  the  last  sixty  years  is  what  has  reached  them  in 
the  cheapening  of  the  commodities  they  consume. 
Even  in  the  case  of  manufacturing  industry,  the  ad- 
vantage a  free-trade  policy  gave  England  seems  to  have 
nearly  run  its  course.  Other  countries  have  been  in- 
troducing modern  machinery,  operated  by  labor  cheaper 
than  English  manufacturers  can  command,  to  such  an 
extent  that  manufactured  goods  are  even  shipped  into 
England  and  sold  in  the  English  market.  The  result 
is  that  to-day  England  is  seriously  considering  the  re- 
vival of  a  quasi-protective  tariff  policy. 

In  the  sphere  of  politics,  the  progress  about  the 
middle  of  the  century  was  commensurate  with  the  ex- 
pansion of  manufactures  and  commerce  and  the  in- 
creased welfare  of  the  laborers.  The  new  spirit  of 
liberty  demanded  freedom  of  the  press,  and  in  1855  the 
stamp  tax  on  newspapers,  which  had  once  been  as  high 
as  eight  cents  a  copy,  was  finally  abolished.  Moreover, 
the  struggle  for  religious  rights,  which  in  1828  had 
abolished  the  test  and  corporation  act  and  in  1829  given 
catholic  emancipation,  in  1858  removed  the  last  dis- 
abilities of  the  Jews  and  established  their  right  to  sit 
in  parliament. 

On  the  principle  that  ' '  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  is 
the  seed  of  the  church,"  the  suppressed  chartist  move- 
ment rose  again  in  the  form  of  the  cooperative  move- 
ment. The  very  year  after  the  chartist  leaders  were 
sent  to  jail,  George  Jacob  Holyoake  and  a  few  of  the 
unimprisoned  disciples  of  chartism  met  in  Toad  Lane, 

230  G  UNTON'S  MA  GAZ1NE  [March, 

Rochdale,  and  formed  a  pioneer  cooperative  society, 
which  is  to-day  the  greatest  cooperative  enterprise  in 
the  world.  Imbued  with  the  spirit  of  agitation  born  of 
the  chartist  and  short-hour  movements,  it  became  a 
part  of  the  policy  of  the  cooperators  to  furnish  a  lec- 
ture hall  and  reading  room  in  connection  with  the  co- 
operative store,  and  as  a  very  large  number  of  them 
owned  their  own  buildings  these  lecture  halls  became 
the  chief  places  of  public  discussion  for  radical  move- 
ments, the  churches  and  schoolrooms  being  reserved 
for  the  opposition. 

The  importance  of  this  to  civilization  was  soon  to 
be  apparent.  When  the  civil  war  in  this  country  broke 
out,  these  cooperative  lecture  halls  became  the  Faneuil 
Halls  of  England,  from  which  the  voice  of  the  people 
effectively  went  forth  and  prevented  the  English  gov- 
ernment from  siding  with  the  South  and  giving  victory 
to  the  slave  power  against  the  union.  This  was  indeed 
a  period  of  political  education  for  the  unenfranchised 
laborers  of  England;  and  after  the  close  of  the  civil 
war,  when  the  factories  resumed  work  and  prosperity 
returned,  the  effect  of  this  education  showed  itself  in 
the  new  political  movements  among  the  masses. 

A  league  was  organized  in  Birmingham,  known  as 
the  Birmingham  reform  league,  for  the  purpose  of 
agitating  another  extension  of  the  franchise.  The 
chief  demands  of  this  league  were  manhood  suffrage 
and  vote  by  ballot.  John  Bright,  although  he  had 
been  an  unmitigated  opponent  of  the  factory  acts,  was 
the  most  conspicuous  and  powerful  leader  in  the  move- 
ment just  referred  to  regarding  the  American  war  and 
in  this  had  become  a  popular  hero  of  the  nation.  When 
the  new  reform  movement  began,  Mr.  Bright  gave  it 
his  warmest  support  and  became  one  of  its  most  prom- 
inent advocates.  At  the  election  in  18615  parliamentary 
reform  was  made  the  issue  and  Mr.  Gladstone  its 


leader.  He  was  elected  with  a  good  majority  in  the 
house  of  commons  and  immediately  proceeded  to  intro- 
duce a  reform  bill,— not,  indeed,  as  radical  as  that 
demanded  by  the  Birmingham  league  but  sufficiently 
so  to  propose  giving  the  householders  in  boroughs  a 
vote.  Mr.  Gladstone's  bill  was  defeated,  he  resigned, 
and  Lord  Derby  was  made  prime  minister  with  Disraeli 
chancellor  of  the  exchequer. 

The  avowed  object  of  the  new  administration  was, 
as  Lord  Derby  expressed  it,  ' '  to  stem  the  tide  of  de- 
mocracy." This  was  another  sting  to  the  people,  who 
had  now  become  irrepressibly  committed  to  an  exten- 
sion of  the  franchise.  Under  the  spur  of  this  setback, 
Mr.  Bright  told  a  meeting  of  workingmen  in  London 
that  if  they  would  ' '  fill  the  space  between  Charing 
Cross  and  Westminster  no  ministry  would  dare  to 
refuse  their  demands."  They  took  his  advice,  agitation 
at  once  broke  out,  and  in  the  large  cities,  particularly 
in  London,  Birmingham,  Manchester,  Leeds,  and 
throughout  the  north  of  England,  monster  meetings 
were  held  such  as  are  unknown  in  this  country.  In 
the  summer  of  1866,  among  other  immense  meet- 
ings, a  demonstration  was  arranged  to  be  held  in 
Hyde  Park,  which  had  long  been  used  for  public  gather- 
ings. Learning  that  this  was  to  be  an  immense  affair, 
the  government  made  great  preparations  to  stop  it,  and 
gave  orders  through  Scotland  Yards  to  keep  the  gates 
of  Hyde  Park  locked  and  prevent  the  meeting  from  be- 
ing held.  This  so  enraged  the  people,  who  had  hitherto 
had  no  other  than  the  most  peaceful  intentions,  that  they 
broke  the  gates,  tore  down  nearly  two  miles  of  the  iron 
railings  surrounding  the  park,  and  rushed  in,  trampling 
over  shrubs  and  breaking  small  trees.  They  held  their 
meeting,  with  several  platforms,  the  chief  one  being  un- 
der the  largest  tree  in  the  park,  which  to  this  day  is 
called  the  "reform  tree."  That  broke  the  resistance  to 

232  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

parliamentary  reform  in  the  house  of  commons  as  com- 
pletely as  it  did  the  railings  around  Hyde  Park.  The 
tory  ministry  introduced  a  still  more  radical  measure 
than  the  one  proposed  by  Mr.  Gladstone,  which  they 
had  defeated  a  few  weeks  before ;  and  the  second  reform 
bill  became  a  law  in  1867. 

This  radical  change  in  the  electorate,  involving  a 
change  in  the  constitution  of  the  house  of  commons, 
called  for  a  dissolution  of  parliament,  but  just  before  its 
dissolution  Mr.  Gladstone  introduced  what  proved  to  be 
another  stirring  reform.  It  consisted  of  three  resolu- 
tions calling  for  the  disestablishment  of  the  Irish  church. 
This  was  the  issue  of  the  campaign,  and  a  bitter  issue  it 
was.  The  proposition  was  one  more  step  in  the  direc- 
tion of  religious  freedom.  It  took  away  the  state  reve- 
nues from  the  church  and  applied  them  to  education  in 
Ireland.  On  that  issue  Mr.  Gladstone  was  triumphantly 
elected,  with  a  majority  of  120  in  the  house  of  commons. 
To  this  reform,  as  to  nearly  every  really  progressive 
step  that  had  been  taken  during  the  century,  the  house 
of  lords  was  a  force  of  obstruction.  Bishops  who  had 
seats  in  the  house  of  lords  became  frantic  at  the  pros- 
pect of  disestablishing  the  Irish  church,  not  so  much  on 
account  of  the  church  in  Ireland  but  they  saw  in  it  the 
ultimate  disestablishment  of  the  church  of  England. 
However,  the  spirit  of  justice  and  religious  freedom  had 
made  successful  opposition  to  disestablishment  impossi- 
ble. Gladstone  and  his  majority  in  the  new  parliament 
meant  business,  the  church  was  disestablished,  and  reli- 
gious equality  secured  for  Ireland. 

In  1870  parliament  passed  a  law  providing  for  pop- 
ular education.  Education,  much  less  free  education  ex- 
cept what  was  provided  by  the  factory  acts,  was  until  then 
unknown  in  England.  In  1871  Mr.  Gladstone  also  took 
the  radical  step  which  led  to  the  abolition  of  purchase 
of  commissions  in  the  army, — a  direct  blow  to  the  influ- 

i9oi.]      VICTORIA  AND  HER  REMARKABLE  REIGN       233 

ence  of  the  aristocracy  winch  fairly  infuriated  the  house  of 
lords.  It  was  this  which  led  Mr.  Gladstone  to  do  the 
exceptional  thing  already  referred  to,  of  asking  the 
queen  to  abolish  the  purchase  of  commissions  by  royal 
proclamation  and  thus  accomplish  the  desire  of  the 
house  of  commons  and  the  people  independently  of  the 
house  of  lords. 

With  all  the  progress  that  had  taken  place,  the  es- 
tablished church  in  England  still  had  the  right  to  tax 
dissenters  of  every  denomination  for  the  support  of  the 
Episcopal  church.  It  was  common  for  rich  clergymen 
who  were  land  owners  with  opulent  rent  rolls  to  go 
around  and  exact  church  rates  from  the  poorest  inhab- 
itants of  their  parishes,  and  if  they  refused  have  them 
sent  to  jail.  Cases  of  this  kind  were  commonly  occur- 
ring in  different  sections  of  England,  of  course  most 
frequently  in  the  agricultural  sections  where  the  people 
had  made  the  least  progress.  A  long  account  of  one 
such  case  is  given  by  the  Suffolk  Mercury,  in  October, 

1873,  where  a  rich  land-owning  clergyman  had  thrown 
a  poor  man  named  James  Grant  into  jail  because  he 
refused  to  pay  church  rates,  and  his  family  were  star- 
ving for   lack  of  income  because  of   his  incarceration. 
The  next  year,  1874,  Mr.  Gladstone  introduced  a  bill 
abolishing  this  scandalous  religious  tax,  and  so  removed 
the  last  offensive  burden  upon  the  people  for  the  state 
church,  although  the  church  still  enjoys  an  income  of 
some  ten  million  pounds  a  year  from  state  sources. 

With  every  new  advance  progress  moved  still  more 
rapidly,  and,  since  the  second  reform  bill  only  extended 
the  suffrage  to  householders  in  boroughs  and  established 
a  ten-pound  qualification  for  voting  outside  of  counties, 
the  spirit  of  democracy  again  asserted  itself  and  de- 
manded the  extension  of  suffrage  to  all  householders 
in  both  county  and  borough.  This  was  granted  in 

1874,  again  under  the  leadership  of  Gladstone,   thus 


extending  the  suffrage  to  the  remnant  of  the  unenfran- 
chised classes — the  agricultural  laborers.  This  made 
England  for  all  practical  purposes  a  democracy. 

All  in  all,  the  progress  England  has  made  during 
Queen  Victoria's  reign  is  the  most  remarkable  chapter 
in  the  world's  history.  It  is  even  greater  in  many  re- 
spects than  the  progress  that  has  been  made  in  this  coun- 
try. At  the  beginning  of  her  reign  the  United  States 
was  already  a  firmly  established  republic.  Religious 
freedom  and  popular  education  were  already  accom- 
plished facts.  Universal  suffrage  was  in  general  prac- 
tice, whereas  in  England  at  the  beginning  of  her  reign 
popular  government  was  unknown.  Only  the  smallest 
group  of  the  middle  class  had  any  political  voice,  the 
house  of  commons  was  practically  a  packed  assembly, 
the  press  was  taxed,  the  right  of  religious  opinion  was 
vouchsafed  only  to  the  believers  in  the  established 
church.  Laborers  had  no  right  to  organize  or  safely  to 
conduct  public  meetings  in  their  own  interests.  In 
fact,  ignorance,  squalor,  physical  deformity  and  relig- 
ious and  political  oppression  were  the  lot  of  the  average 
English  laborer.  During  her  reign,  to  a  very  great 
extent,  despotism  has  been  transformed  into  democ- 
racy, ignorance  into  intelligence  and  enlightenment, 
poverty  into  prosperity  and  social  welfare,  persecution 
into  protection  ;  and  the  principle  of  liberty  and  human 
rights,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  has  become  the  ruling 
spirit  of  the  English  nation.  All  this  has  taken  place 
under  Queen  Victoria's  reign,  and  for  the  most  part,  if 
not  by  her  aid,  at  least  without  her  obstruction, — some- 
thing which  can  be  said  of  no  other  monarch,  and  for 
which  her  descendants,  as  well  as  the  English  people 
and  for  that  matter  the  English-speaking  race  every- 
where, may  be  supremely  proud. 



The  Brotherhood  of  Railroad  Trainmen,  organized 
at  Oneonta,  New  York,  September  23d,  1883,  is  a  pro- 
tective labor  and  insurance  association ;  that  is,  it  en- 
deavors to  secure  for  its  members,  and  all  others  in  the 
same  class  of  service,  what  is  believed  in  fairness  to  be 
due  to  them  in  the  way  of  wages  and  conditions  of  em- 
ployment, and  it  conducts  an  insurance  department  on 
the  mutual  assessment  plan,  in  which  every  member, 
physically  qualified,  must  participate.  The  organiza- 
tion is  not,  strictly  speaking,  a  trade  organization, 
although  its  members  come  from  the  train  service  of 
the  steam  railroads  and  each  member  must  be  em- 
ployed thereon  as  either  conductor,  baggageman,  brake- 
man  or  switchman.  The  three  last  mentioned  classes 
of  service  predominate,  for  the  conductors  have  a  well- 
established  organization  in  which  the  great  majority  of 
that  branch  of  the  train  service  is  to  be  found.  Gener- 
ally speaking,  the  conductors  who  are  members  of  the 
Brotherhood  of  Railroad  Trainmen  are  those  who  have 
been  members  of  that  organization  while  in  the  lower 
grades  of  the  service  and  have  retained  their  member- 
ship rather  than  seek  other  affiliation. 

The  history  of  labor  organization  is  very  much  the 
same  and  divides  the  organized  labor  movement  into 
two  classes,  namely,  the  successful  organizations  and 
the  unsuccessful  ones.  There  can  be  no  middle  ground 
between  effectiveness  and  impotency,  for  a  labor 
organization  must  be  either  one  or  the  other.  It  does 
not  necessarily  follow  that,  to  be  successful,  an  organ- 


236  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

ization  must  revolutionize  the  working  conditions  of 
the  trade  it  represents  but  it  is  essential  to  its  success 
that  it  protect  wages  and  working  conditions,  except 
when,  because  of  business  depression  or  adverse  trade 
conditions,  it  is  forced  by  business  exigency  temporarily 
to  accept  unsatisfactory  conditions.  A  labor  organiza- 
tion may  be  entirely  unsuccessful  in  improving  the 
wage-earning  capacity  of  its  members  and  yet,  because 
of  its  educative  opportunities  afforded  the  members,  it 
may  be  eminently  successful  in  every  other  respect. 
An  organization  failure  can  generally  be  traced  to  per- 
sonal ambition  and  jealousy  on  the  part  of  its  leaders, 
inability  to  govern  its  affairs  intelligently,  participation 
in  partisan  politics,  and  internecine  dissensions  that 
ultimately  lead  to  disruption  and  loss  of  influence. 

The  Brotherhood  of  Railroad  Trainmen  feels  en- 
titled to  recognition  as  a  successful  labor  organization, 
and  for  the  reason  that  within  the  few  years  of  its  be- 
ing it  has  accomplished  more  than  usually  falls  to  the 
credit  side  of  a  labor  organization  account. 

The  Brotherhood  started  its  career  with  the  ex- 
pressed belief  that  there  was  no  reason  for  serious  dif- 
ferences between  the  employer  and  the  employee,  and 
it  included  in  its  declaration  of  principles  this  state- 
ment :  ' '  Persuaded  that  it  is  for  the  interest  both  of 
our  members  and  their  employers  that  a  good  under- 
standing should  at  all  times  exist  between  the  two,  it 
will  be  the  constant  endeavor  of  this  organization  to 
establish  mutual  confidence  and  create  and  maintain 
harmonious  relations,"  and  the  organization  can  lay 
honest  claim  to  the  fact  that  it  has  never  repudiated  its 

The  organization,  by  its  practical  methods  of  fair 
dealing,  has  overcome  to  a  large  extent  what  opposi- 
tion was  against  it  at  its  inception ;  it  has  secured  to  its 
members  all  the  advantages  that  accrue  from  increased 

igoi.j      BROTHERHOOD  OF  RAILROAD  TRAINMEN        237 

wages  and  improved  conditions  of  employment ;  it  has 
secured  favorable  legislation  in  some  instances,  and  in 
particular  was  very  effective  in  securing  the  passage  of 
the  automatic  safety -appliance  act,  protecting  trainmen 
in  their  employment ;  it  has  furnished  its  members 
insurance  at  cost  and,  what  can  be  considered  as  a  most 
worthy  achievement,  it  has  raised  the  moral  and  intel- 
lectual standard  of  its  members  and  their  families  and 
in  consequence  has  advanced  them  to  a  higher  social 
position.  The  organization  has  been  a  school  of  prac- 
tical economics  in  which  the  members  have  learned 
many  valuable  lessons  on  the  relative  questions  of  work 
and  wages ;  and,  in  the  knowledge  that  differences  are 
not  all  one-sided,  the  organization  has  sought  to  adjust 
all  questions  that  have  arisen  between  the  employer 
and  the  employee  in  an  amicable  manner.  It  has  stood 
fast  to  its  ideas  of  the  advantage  of  conference,  and  in 
the  failure  of  an  agreement  it  has  sought  to  adhere  to 
its  principles  pertaining  to  conciliation,  mediation  and 
arbitration,  rather  than  indulge  in  serious  controversy 
with  the  employer. 

The  protective  feature  of  the  organization  has  been 
instrumental  in  accomplishing  the  most  satisfactory 
results.  Before  there  was  an  organization  the  men  in 
the  train  service  were  paid  ridiculously  low  wages  and 
were  subject  to  the  arbitrary  performances  of  their 
superiors,  who  exercised  their  authority  to  discharge  or 
suspend  without  question.  No  redress  was  possible 
and  the  employees  were  absolutely  helpless  against  any 
decree  that  might  be  formulated  by  the  employer. 

To  demonstrate  briefly  what  has  been  done,  the 
statement  can  be  made  that  at  present  the  members  of 
the  Brotherhood  have  secured  contracts  upon  all  of  the 
leading  roads  of  this  country  and  Canada.  The  majority 
of  the  agreements  bear  the  signatures  of  the  managers 
and  the  committees  representing  the  employees,  but 

238  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

there  are  a  few  companies  that  do  not  care  to  enter  into 
a  written  agreement  but  which  have  made  verbal  agree- 
ments; and,  whether  written  or  verbal,  it  can  be  said 
to  the  credit  of  both  employers  and  employees  that  the 
spirit  and  letter  of  the  contracts  have  been  generally 

These  contracts  represent  increased  wages,  shorter 
hours,  improved  conditions  of  service,  and  guarantee 
promotion  if  ability  warrants,  in  addition  to  which  they 
assure  the  right  of  appeal  against  unjust  treatment  and 
generally  cover  all  questions  pertaining  to  the  rules 
governing  the  service.  An  average  increase  in  wages 
of  thirty-five  per  cent,  has  been  secured  since  the  for- 
mation of  the  organization,  and  when  it  is  remembered 
that  this  statement  applies  to  all  the  employees  in  the 
service  as  well  as  to  the  members  of  the  Brotherhood 
the  far-reaching  results  can  be  appreciated. 

There  has  been  so  much  said  of  the  arbitrary  per- 
formances of  labor  organizations  that  a  word  concerning 
the  method  of  procedure  may  not  be  out  of  place  here. 
An  agreement  is  first  undertaken  by  the  committee 
representing  the  men,  asking  for  an  audience  with  the 
management.  When  the  date  is  fixed  the  manager  and 
the  committee  meet  and  go  over  the  proposition  sub- 
mitted by  the  committee.  The  meeting  is  a  business 
one  and  opinions  concerning  the  matters  under  discus- 
sion are  freely  expressed  by  both  sides.  If,  after  a 
hearing  and  consideration  of  the  question,  the  proposi- 
tions are  conceded  or  satisfactorily  modified,  the  agree- 
ment is  concluded  and  the  committee  returns  to  its  du- 
ties in  the  service.  Should  there  be  a  failure  to  agree, 
the  committee  will  request  the  presence  of  the  chief 
executive  officer  of  the  organization  to  assist  them  in 
effecting  a  settlement.  Generally  the  manager,  that 
officer,  and  the  committee  will  arrange  the  questions  in 
dispute,  and  many  managers  prefer  ^to  have  the  attend- 

i90i.]     BROTHERHOOD  OF  RAILROAD  TRAINMEN        239 

ance  of  the  officer,  since  the  experience  and  knowledge 
of  prevailing  conditions  possessed  by  him  greatly  assists 
to  facilitate  the  business  in  hand. 

But  if  it  so  happen  that  no  agreement  can  be  reached 
and  the  questions  in  controversy  are  of  vital  importance 
to  the  employees,  the  result  of  the  conference  is  given 
to  the  men  and  they  decide  whether  it  shall  be  pressed 
further  or  dismissed.  If  they  decide  to  continue  the 
affair,  the  question  of  striking  (leaving  work  peaceably 
and  in  a  body)  is  submitted  to  a  secret  ballot  of  the  men. 
If  two-thirds  of  them  vote  for  a  strike,  and  the  vote  re- 
ceives the  sanction  of  the  grand  master  and  the  com- 
mittee, a  strike  may  be  declared,  but  not  until  every 
effort  that  is  consistent  without  sacrifice  of  honor  and 
self-respect  shall  have  been  made  to  avert  trouble.  The 
organization  is  opposed  to  a  strike  and  provides,  as  a 
penalty  for  indulging  in  an  illegal  strike,  expulsion 
from  the  Brotherhood. 

It  has  been  necessary  to  indulge  in  two  strikes,  but 
to-day  the  men  have  a  good  contract  on  each  system 
where  the  strike  occurred  and  both  employer  and  em- 
ployee have  the  highest  regard  for  each  other.  The 
organization  was  forced  in  each  instance  to  take  the  po- 
sition it  did,  and  I  believe  that  at  this  time  the  officers 
of  each  company  appreciate  that  fact. 

The  Brotherhood  is  desirous  of  maintaining  friendly 
relations  with  the  employers  and  will  always  contribute 
its  part  toward  that  end. 

I  know  of  no  more  convincing  argument  to  present 
to  bear  out  this  statement  of  the  good  feeling  existing 
between  the  employers  and  the  Brotherhood  than  to 
point  to  the  fact  that,  aside  from  four  railways  with  an 
aggregate  mileage  of  6,500  miles,  out  of  the  (approxi- 
mately) 200,000  miles  in  the  United  States  and  Canada, 
the  relations  are  harmonious  and  have  been  brought 
about  by  conference  and  contract.  What  opposition 

240  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

there  is  is  of  the  evasive  kind,  and  I  feel  perfectly  safe 
in  saying  that  it  was  founded  in  a  mistaken  idea  of  the 
purpose  of  the  organization, 

The  insurance  feature  of  the  Brotherhood  deserves 
special  mention,  since  the  hazardous  nature  of  the  em- 
ployment of  the  members  prevents  them  from  enjoying 
the  advantages  offered  to  men  in  less  dangerous  voca- 
tions by  fraternal  associations.  This  department  is 
operated  from  the  fund  raised  for  the  conduct  of  the 
general  business  of  the  organization,  and  every  dollar 
received  on  the  assessments  is  paid  back  in  the  payment 
of  claims.  At  this  writing  the  amount  paid  reaches  the 
respectable  sum  of  $6,250,000.  Insurance  is  provided 
against  disability  and  death,  at  a  rate  of  $20  per  thou- 
sand per  year.  Three  classes  of  policies  are  issued ; 
namely,  for  $400,  $800  and  $1,200.  The  great  good 
that  has  come  from  this  feature  of  the  organization  can- 
not be  appreciated  until  a  realization  is  had  of  the 
benefits  that  have  accrued  to  thousands  of  the  depend- 
ents of  the  disabled  and  deceased  members. 

The  organization  publishes  a  monthly  journal, 
known  as  the  Railroad  Trainmen  s  Journal.  It  is  sent  to 
each  member  of  the  organization  and  to  subscribers 
who  desire  it.  It  is  intended  for  the  general  informa- 
tion of  the  members  and  their  families  and  calculated 
to  furnish  them  with  reading  matter  along  the  lines 
that  are  adjudged  to  be  of  particular  interest  to  them. 
It  has  been  a  very  effective  means  of  educating  them 
along  social  and  economic  lines  and  has  led  them  to 
become  close  students  of  social  problems.  I  believe 
that,  as  a  class,  they  are  more  devoted  to  such  matters 
of  interest  than  any  other  one  class  of  workers. 

I  have  prepared  the  following  brief  statement  con- 
cerning the  membership,  the  insurance  carried,  and  its 
cost,  for  each  year  of  the  organization : 

igoi.]     BROTHERHOOD  OF  RAILROAD  TRAINMEN         241 







0,0  fc 




Fiscal  Period. 





Amount  Paid 
on  Claims. 

a^  * 




^  /v^  ^ 

fl)  flj  ^ 

o  C  S 


S     ° 




188     '8 

GO  I 


$    6,596  82 

l884-'85   . 


4  766 

w  /  7 

$16  oo 


44,976  63 


*TJ    /  ^^ 

*T»   i^J 

21  66 





/  »  y  X4r 


16  25 



V  ;7> 

123,106  25 

1887  '88   

w>  *T  /  ^^ 

16  oo 


253,318  oo 

i888-'89  .    ,   .     ... 



21  OO 


274,027  25 

i88Q-'oo  . 



22  OO 

•**  jv 


368,637  05 

1890—  "91  

*-T>v'J  / 

20,  409 


21  OO 


1,014,424  oo 




23  oo 

J  W 


590,310   20 

Sep.  1/93  toDec.  31/94 



15  83 


(    A  22  50 

1805-96  . 



]    B  22  50 


893,407    89 

(     C  20  00 

/  3  * 

A  22  50 

l8o7-'o8   . 

11  185 


B  22  5O 


1,042,014  44 

C  2000 


A  22  50 

1800—  'oo 

41  225 

AI   <f)K 

B  22  5O 

£     3l6 

1,419,828  42 

4O»  •**  j 

C  20  00 

Total  .   . 


$6,129,746  95 

Two  assessments  only  of  $i  each  for  year  1884. 

From  Aug.  i,  1895,  to  July  31,  1897,  there  were  three  classes  of  in- 
surance: A,  $400;  B,  $800;  C,  $1,200.  Members  had  option  of  carrying 
any  or  all  of  them. 

In  its  operation  the  Brotherhood  is  thoroughly 
democratic,  it  interferes  with  neither  religious  nor  po- 
litical opinions,  it  endeavors  to  educate  its  members, 
that  they  may  adapt  themselves  to  the  changing  social 
and  economic  conditions.  It  has  raised  the  financial, 
moral  and  intellectual  standing  of  its  members  and 
their  families,  as  can  be  attested  by  their  comfortable 
homes,  their  high  standing  in  the  communities  in  which 
they  live,  and  the  education  that  each  family  head  is 
trying  to  give  to  his  children,  a  combination  of  advan- 


tages  that  shows  for  itself  in  the  general  condition  of 
the  families  of  our  railroad  employees. 

It  has  not  been  my  purpose  to  elaborate  the  princi- 
ples of  the  organization  but  simply  to  present  the  gen- 
eral idea  of  the  Brotherhood  and  its  attitude  toward  the 
employer,  together  with  such  other  information  as 
seemed  to  be  of  interest.  The  policy  of  the  Brother- 
hood is  one  of  fairness  in  all  things,  and  in  following  it 
out  it  has  endeavored  to  be  just  and  courteous  to  the 
employer  and  at  the  same  time  make  every  endeavor  to 
secure  each  possible  advantage  for  its  members.  As  it 
commenced  with  its  platform  of  amity  and  fairness, 
so  it  has  continued  and  is  now,  standing  for  the  indus- 
trial peace  that  is  so  necessary  to  industrial  success. 


The  police  law  just  enacted  by  the  republican  leg- 
islature of  New  York,  under  the  leadership  of  Governor 
Odell,  is  a  bold  partisan  violation  of  the  essential  prin- 
ciples of  local  self-government  and  is  contrary  to  the 
spirit  and  genius  of  American  institutions.  The  act 
abolishes  the  present  board  of  police  commissioners  and 
substitutes  a  single  commissioner,  who  is  to  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  mayor  but  who  can  be  arbitrarily  re- 
moved by  the  governor  without  cause  or  right  of  hear- 
ing. A  person  once  so  removed  is  declared  forever  in- 
eligible for  reappointment.  This  means  that,  unless 
the  mayor  appoints  a  commissioner  who  is  agreeable  to 
the  governor  for  whatever  reason,  the  governor  can 
arbitrarily  remove  him.  The  logic  of  this  is  that  the 
commissioner  must  be  obedient  to  the  governor  and  the 
powers  the  governor  represents,  rather  than  to  the 
mayor  and  the  citizens  of  the  municipality  who  alone 
are  interested. 

The  passage  of  this  recklessly  partisan  measure  has 
given  Tammany,  whose  administration  is  a  reeking 
scandal,  the  opportunity  to  pose  as  the  champion  of  the 
people's  right  of  self-government,  and  it  has  promptly 
taken  advantage  of  the  opportunity.  Mayor  Van  Wyck's 
veto  of  the  police  bill  was  a  strong  and  almost  states- 
manlike document.  It  exposed  the  partisan  object  of 
the  measure,  its  manifest  evasion  of  the  constitution 
and  its  suppression  of  the  right  of  the  people  to  local 
self-government.  The  mayor  had  tradition,  principle 
and  the  authoritative  declaration  of  American  states- 
men in  his  favor ;  nay  more,  he  had  the  history  of  con- 
stitution-making and  the  interpretation  of  the  courts  to 
support  his  rejection  of  the  measure.  If  the  republi- 


244  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

can  legislature  and  governor  had  especially  designed  to 
come  to  the  rescue  of  Tammany  politicians  in  their 
effort  to  get  another  lease  of  power  in  the  metropolis,  a 
more  effective  method  could  hardly  have  been  devised. 
It  puts  the  republican  party  in  the  position  of  an  enemy 
to  home  rule  and  leaves  the  defence  of  the  people's 
rights  to  Tammany. 

In  passing  this  measure  the  republican  legislature 
does  not  represent  the  expressed  or  implied  desire  of 
the  people.  No  such  proposition  for  taking  the  gov- 
ernment away  from  the  people  was  hinted  at  during 
the  campaign ;  yet,  before  the  legislature  convened,  it 
was  ''authoritatively"  announced  that  a  single-headed 
police  commission  bill  would  be  passed  before  the  end 
of  February.  This  was  not  the  result  of  any  public 
discussion  of  the  subject  by  the  people,  not  even  of 
discussion  among  the  members  of  the  legislature,  but 
"an  announcement  of  what  the  legislature  would  do" 
by  an  individual  who  was  not  a  member  of  either  branch 
of  the  legislature  nor  even  of  the  state  government. 
This,  therefore,  is  not  a  republican  measure  in  the 
sense  of  representing  the  opinion  or  policy  of  the  re- 
publican party,  much  less  of  the  people  of  the  city  or 
state  of  New  York,  but  it  is  the  product  of  the  personal 
management  of  the  republican  organization,  which  de- 
termines the  nomination  of  candidates  for  both  branches 
of  the  legislature  and  consequently  controls  their 

It  may  be  truly  urged  that  the  police  force  in  New 
York  city,  under  the  control  of  Tammany,  is  an  organ- 
ized assistance  to  crime  and  fraud,  that  it  is  the  black- 
mailing guardian  of  vice,  the  protector  of  crime  to  the 
neglect  of  the  interests  of  decency,  honesty  and  the 
wholesome  forces  of  society,  and  if  the  indictment  were 
made  twice  as  severe  it  could  not  overstate  the  case. 
It  is  a  desperate  problem,  but  will  the  mere 


transferring  the  control  of  the  police  force  from 
New  York  city  to  Albany  furnish  any  remedy? 
If  we  have  reached  the  pass  that  a  recourse  to  despot- 
ism is  necessary  to  correct  the  vices  of  democracy  and 
save  society,  we  must  at  least  be  assured  that  the  newly 
created  autocrat  will  be  clean,  honest  and  efficient. 
With  the  present  condition  of  organized  politics  in 
New  York,  however,  this  new  law  simply  divides  the 
power  between  the  two  political  organizations.  The 
power  which  announced  that  this  bill  would  become  a 
law  before  the  end  of  February  is  the  power  which 
would  control  the  action  of  the  governor  in  his  inter- 
ference with  the  police  department.  We  have  just  had 
conclusive  evidence  that  this  power  which  governs 
republican  politics  is  as  unclean  as  Tammany  itself.  It 
corrupts  the  primaries  and  coerces  delegates,  it  dictates 
and  sells  nominations  and  blackmails  corporations ;  in 
short,  it  lives  and  thrives  upon  the  same  debasing 
political  methods  which  Tammany  has  reduced  to  a 
science.  Under  such  conditions,  to  give  the  removal 
of  the  commissioner  of  police  to  a  creature  of  the  re- 
publican organization  is  simply  to  increase  the  power 
of  that  organization  to  force  Tammany  into  a  better 
division  of  the  spoils. 

It  may  be  said  that  the  power  of  arbitrary  removal 
would  seldom  be  used  without  proper  cause,  but  the 
methods  of  Tammany  are  such  that  a  proper  cause 
could  nearly  always  be  found  to  exist,  and  consequently 
a  division  of  the  spoils  could  easily  be  exacted  as  the 
price  of  approval  of  a  Tammany  appointee. 

There  is  little  reason  to  believe  that  anything 
would  be  gained  for  clean  government  by  placing  the 
power  of  arbitrary  removal  of  local  officials  in  the 
hands  of  state  or  even  of  national  authorities.  Evi- 
dence is  fresh  in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  a  case 
where  an  appeal  to  the  president,  whom  most  people 

246  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

regard  as  honest,  utterly  failed  to  secure  recognition 
and  action  against  the  corrupters  of  our  political  ma- 
chinery, although  the  very  federal  official  who  used  his 
position  to  intimidate  delegates,  defeat  the  will  of  the 
people  and  destroy  the  very  virtue  of  popular  election, 
was  of  his  own  appointing  and  absolutely  subject  to  the 
president's  power  of  removal.  The  mayors,  governors, 
and  even  president  are  for  the  most  part  creatures  of  this 
star-chamber  political  machinery.  For  political  pre- 
ferment even  great  journals  bow  to  its  power,  and 
either  attack  virtue  or  suppress  the  exposure  of  vice  as 
the  interests  of  "  personal  politics"  may  dictate. 

The  first  encounter  between  the  two  organizations 
for  power  and  spoils  under  this  new  bill  has  already 
taken  place.  The  police  bill,  through  abolishing  the 
police  commission  and  office  of  chief,  was  intended 
permanently  to  remove  Chief  Devery  and  compel  the 
Tammany  mayor  to  put  the  police  force  of  New  York 
in  cleaner  hands,  but  it  entirely  miscarried  in  the  first 
day  of  its  existence.  The  character  of  the  police  bill  is 
so  perniciously  partisan  and  undemocratic  throughout 
that  it  emboldened  Tammany's  mayor  to  follow  his 
very  able  veto  by  complete  official  defiance,  and  in  less 
than  twenty -four  hours  after  the  bungling  measure 
became  a  law  Devery  was  practically  reinstated.  The 
mayor  promptly  appointed  one  of  the  most  offensive 
Tammany  partisans  to  the  position  of  single  police 
commissioner,  and  the  new  commissioner  within  a  few 
hours  appointed  the  obnoxious  Devery  as  his  first 
deputy,  which  made  him  practically  chief  of  police. 

So  that,  in  the  first  instance,  the  bungling  scheme 
to  make  Tammany  "come  down"  has  utterly  failed. 
The  victory  is  completely  with  Tammany.  The  whole 
performance  is  so  clumsy  and  partisan  that  it  justifies 
the  people  in  distrusting  the  republican  party  as  man- 
aged by  the  "machine,1'  and  regarding  it  as  in  no 



important  respect  superior  to  Tammany.  This  meas- 
ure is  bad  politics  as  well  as  low  statesmanship.  It 
represents  neither  the  republican  party  nor  public 
opinion  in  the  city  or  state.  It  is  a  bold  but  clumsy 
effort  to  use  the  legislature  as  an  instrument  of  a 
politically  degraded  organization. 

The  people  are  honest ;  they  believe  in  and  desire 
clean  politics,  honest  administration  and  a  high  stand- 
ard of  public  life.  They  have  no  part  in  or  sympathy 
with  the  methods  of  Tammany  or  the  republican  or- 
ganization ;  they  are  the  patient  and  discouraged  vic- 
tims of  both.  The  people  are  honestly,  anxiously,  but 
doubtfully  waiting  for  some  method  of  emancipation 
from  the  dishonorable  despotism  thus  exercised  in  the 
name  of  democracy.  There  is  no  hope  of  accomplish- 
ing any  real  reform  in  this  direction  by  placing  arbi- 
trary power  in  the  hands  of  any  segregated  political 
authority.  The  virtue  of  the  nation  is  in  the  people. 
They  furnish  the  moral  fibre,  conscience  and  integrity 
of  our  public  life.  Any  reform,  therefore,  which  shall 
impart  cleanliness  and  virtue  to  our  politics  and  public 
life  must  proceed  by  placing  the  government  and  re- 
sponsibility for  honest  and  competent  administration  in 
more  direct  touch  with  the  people. 

The  road  to  home  rule  and  direct  responsibility  of 
public  officials  is  not  in  substituting  governor  for  mayor 
but  in  making  the  mayor  and  the  mayor  alone  responsible 
to  the  people  for  all  municipal  appointments  and  giving 
him  the  power  of  prompt  removal.  Then,  if  he  act 
not  the  cause  of  his  inaction  will  be  obvious,  the  place 
of  responsibility  easy  to  locate,  and  the  remedy  directly 
in  the  hands  of  the  people.  In  order  to  make  this  pos- 
sible, however,  the  people  must  have  the  power  to  act ; 
they  must  not  only  have  the  power  to  remove  a  bad 
mayor  but  they  must  have  power  to  nominate  as  well  as 
elect  a  good  one.  This  cannot  be  secured,  and  the  con- 


trol  of  the  people  over  the  government  fully  established, 
until  the  power  to  dictate  nominations  is  put  beyond 
the  reach  of  office-holding  "  organizations  "  by  substi- 
tuting nomination  by  petition  for  the  present  method 
of  party  conventions.  Let  the  people  once  have  the 
free  and  protected  right  to  vote  for  the  nomination  of 
public  officers  as  they  now  have  to  vote  for  their  elec- 
tion, and  the  power  of  the  "boss"  in  politics  will  be 
gone.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  will  the  virtue,  con- 
science and  character  of  the  people  be  truly  repre- 
sented in  the  government. 


IT  is  ESPECIALLY  unfortunate  for  Mr.  Odell  that  he 
should  have  followed  Theodore  Roosevelt  as  governor. 
The  contrast  is  painful  and  emphasizes  the  fact  that  Mr. 
Odell's  promotion  from  chairman  of  the  state  committee 
to  governor  was  a  mistake.  He  seems  desirous  of  doing 
something  striking,  and  thus  far  it  has  been  strikingly 
poor.  His  police  bill  is  a  discreditable  botch.  Instead  of 
making  Odell  a  hero  it  has  put  Van  Wyck  in  the  saddle 
and  given  Tammany  an  opportunity  to  pose  as  the 
friend  of  self-government.  Governor  Odell's  much  her- 
alded and  badly  digested  tax  bills  show  the  same  lack 
of  statesmanship,  and,  as  if  this  were  not  enough,  he  is 
now  credited  with  urging  the  revival  of  last  year's 
mortgage-tax  bill.  If  it  be  really  true  that  he  is  not  an 
instrument  of  the  ' 'organization,"  some  one  should 
whisper  a  little  sane  advice  in  his  ear. 

MR.  BRYAN  SEEMS  to  have  the  notion  that  Cuban  in- 
dependence means  absolute  sovereignty.  To  admit 
that  would  be  to  abrogate  the  Monroe  doctrine  alto- 
gether. Independence  does  not  necessarily  mean  abso- 
lute and  unqualified  sovereignty.  Greece  is  an  indpen- 
dent  state,  but  it  could  not  exist  an  hour  but  for  the 
interference  of  Europe  in  its  behalf.  Nearly  all  sover- 
eignty is  subject  to  the  general  peace  and  interests  of 
other  nations.  When  Turkey  defeated  Greece  it  was 
not  permitted  to  do  what  it  pleased  with  the  little 
kingdom.  When  Japan  defeated  China  it  was  not  per- 
mitted to  dictate  the  entire  terms  of  peace.  When  Rus- 
sia conquered  Turkey,  with  its  victorious  armies  at  the 
gates  of  Constantinople,  it  was  not  permitted  to  dictate 
the  terms  of  peace ;  the  peace  and  future  of  other  na- 
tions had  to  be  considered.  For  the  same  reason  that  we 


250  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

would  not  permit  Spain  endlessly  to  protract  a  harrow- 
ing war  in  Cuba,  we  should  not  permit  Cuba  to  invite  or 
allow  any  monarchical  power  to  have  possession  of  the 
island.  Cuban  independence  should  mean  the  freedom 
of  Cuba  to  govern  Cuba,  but  to  govern  it  consistently 
with  peaceful  relations  with  the  United  States.  If 
Cuba  wants  the  right  to  sell  the  island  back  to  Spain  or 
to  England  or  to  Russia  it  should  not,  and  in  accordance 
with  the  Monroe  doctrine  and  the  very  principle  of  our 
interference  it  would  not,  be  permitted  so  to  do. 

IN  1899  the  Minnesota  legislature  passed  a  law  pro- 
viding for  nominations  by  petition  in  counties  having 
200,000  or  more  inhabitants.  The  only  county  in  the 
state  having  the  requisite  population  appears  to  have 
been  the  one  in  which  Minneapolis  is  situated.  Last 
fall,  therefore,  Minneapolis  held  an  election  under  this 
new  primary  law.  It  demonstrated  one  fact  conclu- 
sively :  namely,  that  when  the  people  realize  that  they 
have  a  right  to  vote  and  that  their  votes  will  count  and 
not  be  offset  by  any  coercing  conspiracy  they  will  attend 
the  primaries  with  about  the  same  interest  that  they  have 
in  voting  on  election  day.  In  Minneapolis  32,000  people 
attended  the  primaries  and  voted  for  the  nomination  of 
candidates.  This  was  more  than  the  entire  city  vote 
cast  at  the  preceding  election  for  governor.  The  Minne- 
sota law  appears  to  have  the  defect  of  not  limiting  the 
primaries  to  the  previously  enrolled  members  of  the  re- 
spective parties ;  hence  they  are  still  exposed  to  the  evil 
of  "padded  rolls"  so  prevalent  in  New  York  previous  to 
the  new  primary  law,  which  provides  that  only  the  en- 
rolled voters  of  the  respective  parties  shall  be  permitted 
to  vote  at  a  party's  primaries.  With  this  exception  the 
Minnesota  law  for  nominations  by  the  people  appears  to 
be  a  complete  success.  No  time  should  be  lost  in  pass- 
ing a  similar  law  in  New  York ;  it  should  be  passed  be- 


fore  the  legislature  adjourns  in  order  that  the  people 
may  have  the  benefit  of  it  in  the  coming  municipal  elec- 

THE  MACON  Telegraph  does  not  entirely  like  our 
criticism  of  its  appeal  to  the  South  to  adopt  political  ex- 
clusion, and  rises  to  explain  with  a  column-and-a-half 
editorial  which  touches  the  high-water  mark  of  southern 
eloquence.  There  is  always  something  delightfully 
frank  about  the  southerner.  While  the  Telegraph  could 
not  relish  our  remark  that  its  '  'proposition  is  provincial- 
ism and  not  statesmanship"  it  frankly  admits  that  its 
"impassioned  appeal''  was  made  in  a  moment  of  despair. 
That  is  all  right.  We  all  have  moments  of  despair  and 
say  things  that  we  do  not  expect  will  be  held  against  us 
forever.  Of  course  our  contemporary  could  not  let  the 
occasion  go  by  without  delivering  a  soul-stirring  oration 
on  the  horrors  of  reconstruction,  too  much  of  which  is 
painfully  true.  But  it  does  get  in  some  very  wholesome 
characterizations  of  the  Altgelds  and  Crokers  of  the 
democratic  party  and  justly  draws  the  line  with  pride 
between  these  and  the  statesmen  of  whom  the  South  is 
so  proud.  We  do  not  mind  at  all  the  few  hard  things 
the  Telegraph  says,  so  long  as  it  did  not  really  mean  to 
be  taken  seriously  on  that  "political  secession"  proposi- 
tion. If  the  South  will  only  encourage  its  factories  to 
adopt  the  program  of  the  North  Carolina  manufacturers, 
of  shortening  the  working  day  and  promoting  the  edu- 
cation of  factory  children,  nothing  will  stop  her  from 
fulfiling  the  Telegraph's  prediction  that :  "In  her  own 
good  time  she  will  become  the  garden  spot  and  pride  of 
the  greatest  nation  of  the  earth.'' 

"Where  wealth  accumulates  there  men  decay  .   .   .  The  prosperity 
of  the  few  means  the  robbery  of  the  many."  GEO.  E,  McNEiL. 

THIS  MIGHT  have  been  expected  from  a  young  hot- 
head,  an  ignorant   proletariat,    or    from   an   impulsive 

252  GUNTOWS  MAGAZINE  [March, 

miner  or  factory  operative,  but  from  the  first  deputy 
chief  of  the  Massachusetts  Labor  Bureau  and  "sage  of 
the  labor  movement/'  such  utterances  are  unpardonable. 
They  are  contradicted  by  all  experience.  Wealth  is 
steadily  accumulating  in  this  country  and  men  are  not 
decaying  but  are  progressing;  men  are  stronger  and 
better  and  freer  now  than  they  ever  were  before  wealth 
began  to  accumulate.  The  nation  in  which  wealth  does 
not  accumulate  is  a  nation  of  poverty  and  barbarism. 
Nor  is  it  true  that  '  'the  prosperity  of  the  few  means 
the  robbery  of  the  many.''  A  broader  spirit  among  the 
employing  class  might  have  made  a  greater  proportion  of 
the  increasing  wealth  go  to  the  poor,  but  it  is  not  true 
that  their  wealth  has  been  acquired  by  *  'robbing' '  the 
poor.  The  welfare  of  the  masses  has  progressed  with 
the  prosperity  of  the  capitalists.  Labor  leaders  like  Mr. 
Gompers,  Mr.  Maguire  and  others,  who  have  studied 
the  economics  of  the  labor  question  and  attach  more  im- 
portance to  fact  than  to  rhetoric,  constantly  proclaim 
this.  Laborers  have  no  interest  in  stopping  the  "accu- 
mulation of  wealth"  nor  in  preventing  "the  prosperity 
of  the  few, ' '  but  have  an  interest  in  seeing  to  it  that  the 
prosperity  which  at  first  comes  to  the  few  should  be 
rapidly  extended  to  the  millions.  It  is  in  the  nature  of  all 
progress  that  the  benefits  first  come  to  the  few  and  then 
extend  to  the  larger  groups  until  they  reach  the  whole 
community.  Empty  epigrams  may  sway  a  meeting  but 
they  can  never  really  help  a  cause. 

THE  POPE'S  recent  encyclical  against  socialism  is 
another  evidence  of  his  progressive  statesmanship.  His 
recognition  of  the  political  tendency  toward  democracy, 
and  the  economic  tendency  among  the  masses  for  or- 
ganized action  in  their  own  interests,  gives  him  the 
right  to  speak  as  a  friend  of  society  and  of  civilization, 
not  merely  for  the  upper  class  but  for  the  masses.  In 


now  encouraging  the  masses  in  desiring  a  more  liberal 
participation  in  the  benefits  of  industrial  progress,  and 
at  the  same  time  defending  the  rights  of  property  and 
condemning  the  doctrine  of  socialism  as  inequitable, 
unchristian  and  uneconomic,  he  has  rendered  a  real 
service  to  Christendom. 

Rash  socialism,  which  rests  primarily  upon  unen- 
lightened feeling,  bolstered  by  perverted  economic 
reasoning,  is  the  most  dangerous  force  with  which  so- 
ciety will  have  to  deal  in  the  first  half  of  the  twentieth 
century.  If  the  great  leaders  among  the  capitalists  in 
this  country  and  Europe  would  act  with  as  much  in- 
telligence and  discrimination  as  the  pope  exhibits 
towards  the  present  industrial  movement,  many  of  the 
ominous  tendencies  which  threaten  society  would  dis- 
appear. The  spirit  of  socialism  is  abroad  and  it  cannot 
be  stamped  out  by  arrogance  and  force.  It  must  be  led 
by  reason,  experience  and  ethics  into  the  light  of  true 
social  progress,  upon  the  principle  that  the  legitimate 
success  of  any  means  the  improvement  of  all,  and  that 
no  class  can  permanently  improve  its  position  by  in- 
juring that  of  any  other.  While  it  is  clear  that  the 
destruction  of  capital  means  the  poverty  of  the  masses, 
it  is  equally  manifest  that  the  prosperity  and  progress 
of  the  masses  is  the  only  sure  foundation  of  permanent 
success  for  capital. 

IT  is  MORE  than  encouraging  to  learn  from  Mr. 
Edward  H.  Sanborn,  general  manager  of  the  National 
Association  of  Manufacturers,  that  the  mill  owners  and 
managers  in  the  South  have  become  alive  to  the  evil  of 
child  labor  and  are  willing  to  cooperate  in  any  measure 
to  exclude  children  under  twelve  years  of  age  from  the 
factories,  and  still  further  that  they  are  ready  to  adopt 
the  ten-hour  working  day.  To  this  end,  Mr.  Sanborn 

254  G  UNTON'S  MA  GAZ1NE 

says,  an   agreement  has   been  signed   by   one   hundred 
North  Carolina  manufacturers,  as  follows : 

"We,  the  undersigned,  cotton-mill  owners  and  managers,  agree  to 
the  following,  taking  effect  March  i,  1901: 

"(i)  That  one  week's  work  shall  not  exceed  sixty- six  hoars. 

"  (2)  That  no  children  less  than  twelve  years  old  shall  work  in  a 
cotton  mill  during  the  term  of  an  available  public  school. 

"  Provided,  this  shall  not  apply  to  children  of  widows  or  physically 
disabled  parents;  provided  further,  that  ten  years  shall  be  the  lowest 
limit  at  which  children  may  be  worked  under  any  circumstances. 

"  (3)  That  we  will  cooperate  with  any  feasible  plan  to  promote  the 
education  of  working  people  in  the  state,  and  will  cheerfully  submit  to 
our  part  of  the  burdens  and  labors  to  advance  the  cause  of  general  edu- 

"  (4)  On  the  basis  of  the  above  agreements  of  the  cotton-mill 
owners  and  managers,  we  hereby  petition  the  legislature  not  to  pass  any 
labor  laws  at  this  session  of  the  legislature." 

This  is  the  most  remarkable  thing  of  its  kind  that 
ever  occurred.  Individual  employers  have  voluntarily 
reduced  the  hours  of  labor  and  otherwise  improved  the 
conditions  of  their  laborers,  but  never  before  did  manu- 
facturers organize  to  bring  about  a  general  shortening 
of  the  hours  of  labor,  restriction  of  the  employment  of 
children,  and  compulsory  education  for  working  chil- 
dren. If  the  above  be  true,  to  the  manufacturers  of 
North  Carolina  belongs  the  honor  of  initiating  such  a 
wise  and  beneficent  policy  among  employers.  It  is 
rather  natural  that  the  people  of  the  South  should  be 
opposed  to  restricting  the  hours  of  labor  by  law,  because 
by  tradition  and  education  they  are  opposed  to  state  in- 
terference. The  only  way  to  prevent  such  legislation 
is  for  manufacturers  throughout  the  South  to  adopt 
the  program  of  their  North  Carolina  brethren.  It  is 
not  important  to  laborers  which  way  the  shorter  day 
comes ;  it  is  only  important  that  it  come.  In  proposing 
voluntarily  to  adopt  a  ten-hour  system,  North  Carolina 
manufacturers  are  taking  the  position  of  the  real  leaders 
of  social  progress  in  the  South. 



One  immediate  effect  of  a  protracted  and  vital  war- 
fare in  any  country,  no  matter  how  just  the  contest, 
how  sublime  the  principle  in  which  it  originates,  is 
to  bring  upon  the  stage  of  national  action  a  tumultuous, 
often  a  lawless  generation.  This  could  scarcely  be 
otherwise  in  Cuba,  where  through  half  a  century  the 
savage  fire  of  one  struggle  for  freedom  has  only  died 
away  to  let  another  flash  up  from  the  embers. 

Barely  thirteen  months  and  a  few  days  had  elapsed 
since  Havana's  joyous  demonstrations  on  the  hauling 
down  of  Castile's  royal  colors  to  make  way  for  the  re- 
publican stars  and  stripes  on  the  ramparts  of  old  Morro 
and  the  governor  general's  palace  when  an  unexpected 
scene  at  the  Albisu  Theatre  startled,  angered,  and 
momentarily  embittered  hundreds  of  Americans,  both 
resident  and  visiting  in  that  city.  Pit,  boxes,  and  gal- 
leries were  crowded,  and,  the  play  being  pleasing,  the 
audience  was  good-humored.  At  the  close  there  was  a 
spectacular  finale,  and  the  flags  of  many  nations  were 
run  up  seriatim,  to  be  received  with  cheers  and  ap- 
plause. Each  one  met  its  bravas  and  hand- clappings 
without  counter  demonstration  until  the  beautiful  sym- 
bol of  our  republic  made  its  appearance.  The  Ameri- 
cans cheered  and  clapped  loudly,  a  few  Cubans  joined 
them  without  warmth,  but  above  all  sounded  a  spon- 
taneous outburst  of  hisses,  in  which  boxes  kept  gal- 
leries company  while  the  pit  outvied  both. 

"Cowards  and  traitors"  the  Americans  cried.  But 
is  it  so?  Do  the  many  incidents  of  this  and  similar 


256  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

kind  daily  recorded,  some  more  trifling,  some  apparent- 
ly more  momentous,  go  to  prove  that  the  Cuban  nation 
hates  our  flag  and  our  people  as  mean  spirits  often  hate 
their  benefactors?  Certainly  this  sort  of  proof  cannot 
weigh  with  thoughtful  minds. 

But  two  things  clearly  indicated  by  these  and  kin- 
dred demonstrations  are,  first,  that  long  strife  in  the 
island- country  has  fomented  turbulence  and  pushed  it 
to  the  front;  second,  that  four  centuries  of  unkind  treat- 
ment and  unfair  dealing  on  the  part  of  Spain  towards 
this  child  of  hers  have  of  necessity  bred  a  suspicion 
difficult  for  any  guardian  to  allay,  a  distrust  lasting  as 
her  wardship  towards  all  purposes  that  cannot  be  marked 
out  by  definite  time  and  method  limits.  Both  these  re- 
sults we  should  put  ourselves  in  the  attitude  of  compre- 
hending, since  each  constitutes  an  element  of  value  in 
the  solution  of  the  educational  problem  which  the  Unit- 
ed States  government  now  finds  itself  ethically  bound 
to  work  out  in  Cuba. 

It  must  be  assumed  that  no  man  of  righteous 
decisions  will  deny  the  existence  of  our  responsi- 
bility towards  the  next  generation  of  Cubans — and 
this  implies  our  responsibility  towards  all  Cubans 
of  the  future — in  the  matter  of  their  education, 
mental,  moral,  civic,  spiritual.  The  present  paper 
is  not  written  to  set  forth  an  argument  leading  up 
to  a  point  already  so  well  established,  but  rather  to 
give  a  short  exposition  of  what  has  been  accomplished 
in  the  discharge  of  this  responsibility  during  the  time 
intervening  since  the  ratification  of  the  Spanish  treaty. 

In  order  to  comprehend  clearly  what  has  been  done 
one  must  understand  first  what  material  there  was  to 
work  with  and  how  it  had  been  affected  by  antecedent 

The  educational  system  instituted  and  conducted 
in  Cuba  by  Spain  was  far  from  being  a  thing  that  any 


mother  country  could  be  proud  of  or  any  colony  grow 
strong  and  intelligent  under.  If  one  looks  at  it  closely 
he  needs  but  little  additional  help  from  his  knowledge 
of  the  oppressive  taxes  imposed  upon  the  island,  the 
revenues  tyrannically  extorted,  the  inadequate  and  un- 
righteous judiciary  it  suffered  from,  the  false  priesthood 
that  added  to  the  sum  of  licentiousness  instead  of  holy 
living,  in  order  to  trace  unmistakeably  the  paths  by 
which  this  people  have  arrived  at  the  present  low  plane 
of  productive  industry,  domestic  and  civic  virtue,  in- 
tellectual stamina,  and  spiritual  striving.  He  can  no 
more  be  surprised  that  72  per  cent,  of  the  islanders  can- 
not read  or  write  than  he  is  surprised  at  the  statistics 
of  illegitimacy  among  them,  or  the  ominous  prevalence 
of  miscegenation,  or  the  boasted  fact  that  the  most  ad- 
mired tacos  or  "swells"  of  Havana  have  attained  su- 
premacy through  their  fame  as  duelists,  gamblers, 
and  roues.  In  fact,  he  is  more  inclined  to  be  astonish- 
ed that  28  per  cent,  can  read  and  write,  as  he  is  at  first 
moved  to  pleasant  wonder  that  the  island  has  bred 
some  illustrious  patriots,  and  that  there  are  homes  in  Ha- 
vana, Matanzas,  indeed  scattered  all  over  Cuba,  which 
shelter  virtue,  love  and  unselfishness  equal  to  any  in 
earth's  more  favored  spots. 

Von  Humboldt's  famous  educational  proposition 
is  not  more  true  than  its  converse ;  for  whatever  is  in- 
troduced into  the  schools  of  a  people  will  surely  be 
wrought  into  the  intrinsic  fabric  of  that  people's  nation- 
al existence.  Look  at  the  only  schools  Cuba  has  known 
in  the  three  hundred  and  ninety-nine  years  that  have 
dragged  over  her  since  the  planting  of  her  first  colony, 
and  see  if  they  were  such  institutions  as  would  foster 
courage  and  honor  and  truth,  industry,  temperance, 
virtue,  strenuous  moral  purposes. 

For  the  girls  belonging  to  the  classes  that  are  sup- 
posed to  have  educational  needs,  there  have  always 

258  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

been  conventual  schools.  In  these  the  future  women  of 
the  nation  were  shaped  by  nuns  and  priests  of  two 
classes:  those  who  knew  nothing  of  the  world,  and 
those  who  knew  nothing  of  the  world  saving  its  wicked- 
ness, to  the  sum  total  of  which  they  often  contributed 
incalculably.  Yet,  upon  women  whose  hearts,  char- 
acters and  intellects  were  molded  by  the  unnatural 
forces  pent  up  within  these  convent  walls,  has  develop- 
ed for  ages  the  part  of  rearing  those  who  were  to  con- 
stitute the  chief  body  of  citizens  of  the  island. 

The  boys  of  the  upper  classes  have  had  some  advan- 
tages over  their  sisters.  The  provincial  institutions 
have  offered  fair  training  for  their  minds,  and  Havana 
University  has  opened  its  doors  to  some  1,400  of  them 
annually.  There  was  no  savor  of  anything  Cuban  in 
these  institutions:  everything  was  Spanish;  all  teach- 
ing tended  towards  the  ultimate  end  of  setting  Spain 
upon  the  pinnacle  of  the  world. 

Thus  much  for  the  more  fortunate  classes,  which 
include  in  their  ranks  comparatively  few  genuine  Cu- 
bans, being  largely  filled  with  the  peninsular  and 
insular  Spanish.  But  what  of  "the  masses, "  which 
means  here  the  people  themselves? 

No  need  to  say  that  for  centuries  there  was  noth- 
ing in  the  way  of  education  set  within  their  reach.  But 
when  the  spread  of  intelligence,  the  general  diffusion 
of  knowledge  and  rapid  establishment  of  schools  in 
other  countries  had  forced  hard  taskmasters  to  do 
something  here,  a  weak  and  false  system  of  public 
institutions  was  tardily  built  up.  A  review  of  this 
would  scarcely  prove  profitable  for  the  general  reading 
public.  It  is  sufficient  to  state  that  Cuban  municipali- 
ties paid  extravagantly  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
system,  but  Spanish  school  inspectors  and  boards, 
Spanish  commissioners  of  education,  superintendents, 
and  frequently  teachers  held  all  the  power  and  dictated 

igoi.]    ED  UCA  TIONAL  RESPONSIBILITY  IN  CUBA          259 

every  item  down  to  the  minutest  in  organization,  man- 
agement, employment  of  funds,  courses  of  study, 
standards  of  scholarship  and  discipline. 

By  Spain's  Cuban  census  of  1887,  which  gave  the 
island  a  population  of  1,631,687,  there  were  775  public 
schools  in  operation.  This  may  or  may  not  be  trust- 
worthy. At  any  rate,  in  1890,  when  the  most  authori- 
tative educational  statistics  of  the  world  showed  that 
23  per  cent,  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  were 
attending  school,  by  the  same  showing  there  were  only 
3^  per  cent,  of  Cuba's  population  engaged  likewise. 
Yet  a  lower  point  was  still  to  be  touched, — for  an  offi- 
cial statement  promulgated  some  time  before  our 
occupation  of  Cuba  announced  that  only  449  public 
schools  were  in  operation  in  the  whole  island,  and  it  is 
undoubtedly  true  that  most  of  those  were  but  semblances 
of  schools.  Only  4,000  children  were  in  these  schools. 
The  instruction  given  under  this  system  was  as  inade- 
quate and  unsatisfactory  as  could  be  expected  from 
such  conditions.  An  investigation  of  it  will  reward 
the  student  who  is  seeking  to  locate  the  most  fatal  germ 
of  Spain's  decay. 

Turning  from  such  a  view  with  the  solemnity  upon 
us  which  it  necessarily  engenders,  we  are  likely  to  ask 
ourselves  very  sternly  if  we  have  done  as  much  better 
as  the  conditions  and  capabilities  involved  make  it  meet 
we  should  do.  We  assumed  this  responsibility  with 
eyes  wide  open,  senses  awake  to  its  gravity,  mind 
measuring  its  far-reachingness.  If  we  have  met  it 
weakly,  if  we  are  discharging  it  ineffectually,  if  we 
have  failed  to  give  Cuba  a  system  of  schools — or,  more, 
an  adequate  system  of  good  schools — if  we  are  neglect- 
ing to  infuse  into  those  schools  the  eternal  principles 
which  we  claim  it  is  our  desire  to  see  the  national  life 
of  the  Cubans  imbued  with,  then  the  shame  is  undying, 
the  stain  upon  our  national  honor  ineffaceable. 

260  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  United  States  took 
formal  possession  of  the  Cuban  forts  and  government 
buildings  on  January  ist,  1899.  But  the  final  ratifica- 
tion of  the  treaty  with  Spain  was  not  accomplished  until 
April  nth  following  our  occupation.  In  the  chaotic 
state  in  which  matters  financial,  industrial,  municipal, 
national  and  individual  were  found,  it  was  impossible 
to  institute  any  school  reform  before  the  summer  holi- 
days were  on.  In  truth,  those  first  few  months  were 
quite  full  enough  with  dispensing  daily  bread  to  150,- 
ooo  starvelings  whose  wretched  bodies  demanded  the 
earliest  care.  When  September  came,  the  Americans 
in  authority  were  not  unmindful  of  the  schooldays  so 
full  of  meaning  and  import ;  they  did  not  fail  to  grasp 
the  fact  that  a  generation  could  slip  from  neglected 
childhood  into  illiterate  and  probably  criminal  manhood 
and  womanhood  in  the  brief  time  required  to  adjust  a 
few  urgent  questions  of  government  and  finance. 

Mr.  Alexis  E.  Frye,  a  man  of  experience  in  the 
educational  world  and  possessing  standards  as  high  as 
his  ability  is  great,  accepted  the  difficult  position  of 
superintendent  of  the  schools  of  Cuba,  and  set  himself 
to  his  arduous  task  with  the  zeal  and  efficiency  marking 
men  of  his  stamp.  Yet  so  great  were  the  obstacles  to 
be  surmounted,  especially  that  constituted  by  the  lack 
of  available  revenues,  that  in  spite  of  heroic  endeavors 
December  had  come,  and  the  eighth  month  of  our  com- 
plete occupation  of  the  Great  Antille  and  control  of  its 
resources  was  drawing  to  a  close,  before  the  military 
governor  was  able  to  promulgate  a  decree  for  the  reor- 
ganization of  the  "elementary  and  superior  schools  in 
the  island  of  Cuba, "  and  educational  regeneration  began 
to  leaven  a  nation. 

The  little  pamphlet  whose  authorship  Professor 
Frye  can  claim,  and  whose  two  dozen  pages  of  English 
and  Spanish  embody  a  system  destined  to  shape  in 

I90I.1     ED  UCA  TIONAL  RESPONSIBILITY  IN  CUBA          261 

great  measure  the  future  fate  of  the  island-nation,  is  a 
potential  document.  The  historian  and  the  prophet  of 
education  will  each  grasp  it  eagerly,  finding  it  rich  in 
significance  to  their  respective  provinces.  It  bears  the 
date  December  6,  1899,  and  presents  in  the  clearest  and 
simplest  form  the  plan  upon  which  public  schools  were 
to  be  provided  for,  organized  and  opened,  without 
delay  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  inhabited 
Cuba.  So  effective  did  this  plan  prove,  so  strong  and 
sound  was  its  conception,  and  its  execution  so  unfalter- 
ing, that  within  two  months  from  the  date  of  its  publi- 
cation I  found  2,024  schools  opened  and  in  successful 
operation  in  Cuba,  gathering  to  their  shelter  100,000 
children  ranging  from  six  to  fourteen  years  of  age.  A 
startling  proportion  of  these  had  never  seen  the  inside 
of  a  schoolroom  before. 

The  good  work  moved  swiftly  forward,  and  another 
month  swelled  those  figures  amazingly.  A  letter  from 
Professor  Frye,  dated  March  14,  1900,  says:  "Up  to 
the  present  time  there  are  3,025  public  schools  in  the 
island,  with  over  125,000  children.  The  growth  of  the 
schools  has  been  so  rapid  and  the  expense  so  great  that 
the  government  has  issued  an  order  postponing  the 
opening  of  more  schools.  Otherwise,  I  think  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  start  would  have  carried  our  numbers 
up  to  4,000  schools  with  nearly  200,000  children  by 
next  June." 

Since  that  time,  however,  the  number  of  pupils 
has  increased  to  almost  150,000,  and  the  government, 
conquering  financial  difficulties,  is  setting  on  foot  prep- 
arations for  opening  during  the  present  scholastic  year 
many  more  schools  as  conditions  may  require. 

Thus  much  for  numbers.  The  system  itself  next 
calls  for  our  consideration. 

It  is  doubtful  if  another  country  can  be  pointed  out 
in  which  so  much  has  ever  been  demanded  of  a  new 

262  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

educational  system  as  in  this  little  ex-colony  of  Spain's, 
now  standing  unique  in  the  world  of  nations,  being 
neither  bond  nor  scarcely  free.  Its  system  of  schools 
must  spring  full  grown  after  the  briefest  prenatal  life ; 
this  system  must  be  adequate,  it  must  be  elastic,  capa- 
ble of  marvelous  expansion.  It  must  satisfy  the  wide- 
mouthed  needs  of  the  immediate  present,  yet  remain 
competent  to  answer  fully  to  the  larger  ones  of  the 
future.  In  homely  metaphor,  it  must  fit  the  infant 
nation  to-day  and  still  be  a  dignified  and  graceful  garb 
for  the  adult  to-morrow.  No  time  could  be  spared  to 
the  experimental  processes,  the  gradual  evolution,  the 
building  of  new  beauty  upon  old  ruins,  which  other 
countries,  awakening  early  and  starting  with  the  first 
germs  of  scholastic  systems,  have  been  able  to  follow 
out.  An  unschooled  people  was  to  be  endowed  at  once 
with  the  educational  resources  and  appliances,  the 
requisites,  even  the  possibilities,  which  in  our  own 
country  as  in  Germany  or  England  have  been  hardly 
won  through  centuries  of  endeavor,  failure,  and  sterner 
new  endeavor. 

One  who  comprehends  the  singular  case  and  meas- 
ures well  the  difficulties  of  the  task  will  not  be  slow  to 
find  the  points  of  strength  in  the  system  which  this 
little  pamphlet  so  modestly  but  ably  sets  forth.  Com- 
pulsory attendance  of  pupils  will  perhaps  strike  him 
first ;  and,  ascertaining  that  all  children  between  the 
ages  of  six  and  fourteen  years  inclusive  must  attend 
school,  public  or  private,  provided  that  public  schools 
are  accessible,  for  not  less  than  thirty  weeks  in  each 
scholastic  year,  he  recognizes  the  imperative  necessity 
to  which  such  a  measure  answers  among  a  people  igno- 
rant of  the  value  of  education  and  rendered  suspicious 
by  their  past  of  all  government  benefactions  showing 
no  immediate  material  advantages. 

To  have  provided  free  schools,  however  adequate 

1 9oi.]     EDUCATIONAL  RESPONSIBILITY  IN  CUBA          263 

and  excellent,  and  left  attendance  voluntary,  would 
have  been  to  leave  our  educational  responsibility  in 
Cuba  unmet.  The  compulsory  attendance  measure  is 
enforced  by  suitable  fines  imposed  upon  parents  and 
guardians,  and  is  relieved  of  hardship  by  proper  pro- 
visions to  meet  the  case  of  children  physically  or  men- 
tally defective,  and  also  of  those  having  widowed 
mothers  depending  wholly  upon  them  for  support.  A 
liberal  clause  follows  it  providing  for  the  granting  of 
permission  by  boards  of  education  to  young  men  and 
women  over  fourteen  years  of  age  to  attend  the  public 
schools,  either  elementary  or  superior,  though  it  does 
not  need  to  be  said  that  such  attendance  is  not  to  be 

Schools  are  provided  in  proportion  to  the  popula- 
tion, each  municipality  having  clearly  defined  districts ; 
and,  when  the  plan  is  fully  consummated,  as  we  have 
good  reason  to  conclude  it  will  be  in  the  course  of  a 
very  short  time,  every  Cuban  city  or  town  of  over  1500 
inhabitants  will  have  at  least  one  public  school  for  boys 
and  another  of  equal  grade  for  girls,  or,  if  the  board  of 
education  so  please,  a  single  school  open  to  both  sexes. 
As  many  more  schools,  complete  and  incomplete,  will 
be  distributed  over  the  municipality  as  the  board  shall 
deem  necessary. 

The  sanitation  of  school  buildings  and  premises, 
as  well  as  the  healthfulness  of  locations  chosen,  is 
much  emphasized,  while  the  monthly  lectures  to  teach- 
ers stress  such  points  as  the  daily  and  hourly  guidance 
of  pupils  into  ways  of  cleanliness,  tidiness,  and  mod- 
esty ;  and  it  will  not  be  denied  that  these  lessons  are 
more  needed  by  the  islanders  now  than  even  spelling, 
arithmetic  and  civil  government. 

The  public-school  sessions,  under  the  present  order, 
are  of  some  ten  months'  duration.  They  open  on  the 
second  Monday  of  September,  and,  with  vacations  dur- 

264  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

ing  Christmas  and  Holy  week,  in  addition  to  such  other 
legal  holidays  as  may  from  time  to  time  be  appointed, 
continue  until  the  last  Friday  in  June. 

The  subjects  of  study  in  the  elementary  schools 
embrace  very  thorough  and  well-conducted  courses  in 
reading,  writing,  arithmetic,  geography,  history,  hy- 
giene, music,  drawing,  nature  studies,  and  languages. 
The  last  named  is  to  include  Spanish  and  English,  but 
up  to  the  present  moment  very  little  has  been  accom- 
plished in  the  teaching  of  English  because  of  the  un- 
reasonable expense  involved  in  securing  teachers. 
However,  the  normal  schools  which  are  being  rapidly 
established,  and  the  summer  courses  which  Professor 
Frye  is  taking  care  to  provide  for  the  teachers  already 
employed,  will  shortly  supply  this  deficiency.  The 
course  of  study  in  the  superior  or  high  schools  is  yet  to 
be  marked  out  definitely.  The  time  is  scarcely  ripe 
for  their  organization  upon  a  new  basis,  and  the  old 
provincial  institutions  can  very  well  continue  to  supply 
their  places  for  some  sessions  to  come. 

Salaries  of  teachers  range  on  as  liberal  a  scale  as 
the  cramped  condition  of  finances  will  warrant  for  the 
present.  Beginning  with  $30  per  month  to  assistants, 
they  reach  $60  and  even  $75  to  regular  teachers,  with 
$10  additional  for  all  who  perform  the  extra  duties  of 
principals.  Women  receive  equal  pay  with  men  for 
similar  service,  and  they  alone  are  to  be  employed  in 
schools  for  girls,  while  either  women  or  men  may  teach 
in  the  male  schools.  With  a  wise  and  generous  fore- 
thought it  has  been  arranged  that  for  some  time  to 
come  these  salaries  are  to  continue  during  vacations  as 
well  as  actual  school  sessions,  for  the  purpose  that  the 
teachers  shall  employ  these  vacations  in  attendance  up- 
on normal  classes,  teachers'  meetings,  or  in  following 
other  courses  of  instruction  prescribed  for  them  by  the 
superintendent  of  schools  in  Cuba.  The  attendance  of 

igoi.]     ED  UCA  TIONAL  RESPONSIBILITY  IN  CUBA          265 

the  large  body  of  Cuban  teachers  on  the  Harvard  sum- 
mer school  last  year  must  be  regarded  as  a  gratifying 
result  of  so  excellent  a  measure. 

Another  evidence  of  discreet  liberality  not  to  be 
overlooked  is  the  free  distribution  of  text-books  and  all 
minor  supplies.  The  teachers  are  made  responsible 
for  the  care  and  safe-keeping  of  this  necessary  equip- 

It  will  be  asked  how  the  heavy  expenditures  in- 
volved in  conducting  such  a  system  of  schools  are  to  be 
met  by  the  impoverished  municipalities  of  the  island. 
Another  instance  of  the  happy  elasticity  required  in  the 
general  scheme  is  shown  here:  "Until  otherwise  de- 
creed, the  department  of  finance  of  the  island  of  Cuba" 
is  to  provide  the  necessary  funds,  all  extravagance  be- 
ing guarded  against  by  distinct  stipulations. 

The  main  points  have  now  been  gone  over.  Minor 
ones  must  be  left  to  individual  students  of  the  unique 
conditions.  Few  will  be  found  who  would  arraign  the 
United  States  for  failure  in  any  portion  of  this  solemn 
duty  up  to  the  present  hour.  Without  claiming  public 
credit  for  what  private  charity  and  religious  societies 
from  our  states  have  already  accomplished  for  the  Cu- 
bans in  an  educational  way ;  with  but  a  glance  towards 
the  new  agricultural  schools  and  training  "homes"  es- 
tablished by  such  philanthropic  organizations  as  the 
"Cuban  Orphan  Society"  of  New  York ;  with  a  bare 
allusion  to  the  Compostela  School  and  many  other  in- 
dustrial and  technical  institutions  created  and  working 
towards  success  through  government  sanction  and 
assistance ;  with  scarcely  a  claim  as  yet  for  what  has 
been  done  for  civic  education  by  the  judiciary  and  state 
reform  process  instituted, — we  must  stand  before  the 
world  and  be  judged  in  regard  to  our  discharge  of  this 
peculiar  educational  responsibility, 

We  have  not  hoped  to  convert  these  islanders  into 


a  people  of  Anglo-Saxon  habitudes,  forms,  and  ideals. 
Their  traditions  are  against  success  in  such  an  attempt, 
and  their  temperaments  are  with  their  traditions.  Ar- 
dent and  pleasure-loving,  with  the  inconsequent  gayety 
of  the  negro  and  the  passionate  love  and  hate  of  the 
Indian  grafted  upon  the  arrogance,  the  sentiment, 
bigotry,  and  shifting  moral  purposes  of  the  Latin, 
their  natures  would  mock  such  endeavor.  But  we  con- 
scientiously believe  our  intentions  toward  the  Cubans 
to  be  reasonable  and  attainable  as  well  as  unselfish. 
Fortified  by  this  conviction,  we  are  unafraid  to  invite 
the  world's  scrutiny  of  our  educational  processes  in  the 
island-country  for  whose  welfare  in  matters  spiritual 
our  responsibility  cannot  end  when  we  are  done  with 
our  brief  guardianship  in  matters  temporal. 


The  Essential  Efforts  to  interest  wage-earning  people 
Thing  in  Popular  in  educational  lectures  or  regular  studies 
Lectures  are  frequently  failures,  but  usually  the 

cause  is  not  lack  of  interest  on  the  part  of  the  people. 
More  often  by  far  it  is  due  to  the  failure  to  give  the  peo- 
ple what  they  can  enjoy,  assimilate,  and  make  useful 
to  themselves.  The  free  public-lecture  system  just  or- 
ganized in  Brooklyn  borough,  New  York  city,  in  con- 
nection with  the  public-school  system,  is  being  con- 
ducted with  proper  recognition  of  this  fact,  fortunately ; 
and  as  a  result  the  attendance  of  4,000  at  the  first  week's 
lectures  rose  to  8,000  the  second  week.  From  the 
standpoint  of  the  scholar  the  amount  of  information 
offered  is  rather  meager,  and  there  is  a  surplus  of  stories 
and  pleasantries,  but  where  the  saloon  is  one  of  the 
chief  counter  attractions  something  must  be  provided 
which  will  really  interest  the  weary  shop-toilers  and 
housekeepers  which  such  lectures  are  intended  to  reach. 
A  few  suggestive  and  practical  facts,  presented  in  an 
attractive  manner,  will  be  remembered  and  exert  a 
stimulating  influence,  while  information  that  exceeds 
the  conscious  needs  of  the  people  will  find  no  lodgment 
and  serve  no  helpful  purpose. 

Everybody  who  attended  the  recent  pub- 

A  Continuous          1  •     «          •  r  ^-u  A  -L 

Cfimc  lie  hearings  of  the  tenement-house  com- 

mission in  New  York  city  was  made  to 
realize  how  full  of  present  alarming  significance  the 
situation  is.  As  ministers,  doctors,  nurses,  teachers, 
missionaries  and  settlement  workers  came  before  the 
commission  with  their  matter-of-fact  accounts  of  filth, 


268  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

want,  disease  and  crime,  it  was  difficult  to  realize  that 
there  could  be  anything1  more  than  grim  irony  in  the 
assurance  we  get  from  time  to  time  that  conditions  are 
really  "better  than  they  used  to  be."  The  most  dis- 
piriting feature  of  the  situation  is  the  fact  that  there  is 
already  a  law  against  nearly  every  kind  of  tenement- 
house  evils  and  abuses  that  are  still  reported  as  rampant. 
Even  in  the  construction  of  new  buildings  this  holds 
true ;  the  experts  appointed  by  the  commission  to  ex- 
amine new  tenements  reported  that  out  of  333  such 
buildings  examined  318  contained  violations  of  the  law. 
The  amazing  fact  also  came  out  that,  out  of  nearly  1 1 ,  - 
ooo  reports  of  violations  of  the  building  laws  sent  to 
buildings  department  in  a  year,  only  four  were  follow- 
ed up  to  the  point  of  imposing  a  penalty  upon  the  vio- 
lator. As  a  sidelight  on  Tammany  Hall's  numerous 
subterranean  sources  of  revenue,  the  practice  of  buy- 
ing exemption  from  the  imposition  of  penalties  for 
violations  of  the  building  laws  would  be  an  interest- 
ing study  in  itself.  The  case  is  sufficiently  clear,  in 
the  light  of  this  outrageous  4-out-of-n,ooo  showing. 
Officials  paid  by  the  city  to  enforce  the  laws  are  the 
very  ones  who  connive  at  and  profit  by  its  violation. 
The  miserable  denizens  of  sweatshops  ( not  suppressed ) 
and  vile  tenements  (not  brought  under  the  law), 
victims  of  tuberculosis  (not  protected  against ),  and  of 
flagrant  immorality  ( not  restricted )  in  all  the  surround- 
ing environment,  are  the  ones  who  suffer  by  this  abomi- 
nable system  of  organized  official  rascality.  The  situa- 
tion is  a  continuous  crime, — but  there  is  one  possible 
contingency  that  would  be  an  even  greater  crime, 
namely :  failure  on  the  part  of  the  decent  elements  in 
New  York  city  to  get  together  and  politically  annihi- 
late this  cabal  of  unscrupulous  freebooters,  beyond  hope 
of  resurrection. 


Labor  and  Principal  Booker  T.  Washington's  article 

the  Race  published  in  this  number  is  gratifying  by 

Problem  reason  of  the  possibilities  it  indicates,  in  the 

way  of  negro  advancement  through  the  disciplining  and 
stimulating  influence  of  industrial  education.  Of  course, 
to  regard  the  case  of  "The  Negro  in  Business"  from 
Mr.  Washington's  standpoint,  without  duly  remembering 
that  the  overwhelming  mass  of  the  colored  race  is  still 
sunk  in  ignorance,  poverty  and  degradation,  would  be 
to  cherish  a  monumental  illusion  as  to  the  real  status  of 
the  whole  problem.  Because  success  crowns  the  efforts 
of  a  few  brave,  able  and  devoted  men,  we  ought  not  to 
delude  ourselves  with  the  pleasing  notion  that  they  are 
doing  all  that  is  necessary  and  are  able  single-handed 
to  elevate  the  black  race  to  self-respecting,  industrious, 
independent  citizenship.  One  swallow  does  not  make 
a  summer,  nor  one  oasis  fertilize  a  desert. 

Mr.  Washington's  labors  are  most  admirable  in 
purpose,  encouraging  in  results,  great  in  possibilities 
and  full  of  genuine  promise ;  but  his  task  would  be  al- 
most hopeless  if  there  were  not  other  forces  at  work  in 
many  quarters  tending  toward  the  same  ends.  He  is 
with  the  flow  of  the  tide,  not  the  ebb ;  and  by  reason 
of  this  his  efforts  have  a  promise  of  success  that  would 
not  exist  if  the  solution  of  the  race  problem  depended 
wholly  on  what  such  institutions  as  Tuskegee  can  do. 

The  entrance  of  the  modern  factory  system  and  la- 
bor organization  into  the  South  is  one  of  the  strongest 
forces  that  may  be  expected,  in  cooperation  with  efforts 
like  Mr.  Washington's,  to  bring  about  the  slow  eleva- 
tion of  this  unfortunate  race.  The  community  of  in- 
terest developed  through  organized  labor  is  already 
striking  heavy  blows  at  the  dead-line  of  color  prejudice 
which  bars  the  negro's  industrial  advance  in  the  South. 
For  example,  at  the  convention  of  the  American  Fed- 


eration  of  Labor  last  December,  in  Louisville,  Presi- 
dent Gompers  made  this  declaration : 

"Realizing  the  necessity  for  the  unity  of  the  wage-earners  of  our 
country,  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  has  upon  all  occasions  de- 
clared that  trades  unions  should  open  their  portals  to  all  wage -workers, 
irrespective  of  creed,  color,  nationality,  or  politics.  In  making  the 
declaration  we  have,  we  do  not  necessarily  proclaim  that  the  social  bar- 
riers existing  between  the  whites  and  blacks  could  or  should  be  felled  with 
one  stroke  of  the  pen ;  but  when  white  and  black  workers  are  compelled 
to  work  si-de  by  side  under  the  same  adverse  circumstances  and  under 
equally  unfair  conditions,  it  seen,  s  an  anomaly  that  we  should  refuse  to 
accord  the  right  of  an  organization  to  workers  because  of  a  difference  in 

their  color." 

This  frank  statement  only  confirms  in  another  way 

what  we  have  often  said  in  these  pages,  that  the  solu- 
tion of  the  race  problem  in  the  South  will  come,  when 
it  does  come,  through  the  forces  and  influences  center- 
ing around  industrial  life,  rather  than  by  sentimental 
oratory  or  arbitrary  legislation  or  even  by  common- 
school  education.  When  white  men  and  colored  men 
can  be  brought  to  work  in  harmony  and  close  cooper- 
ation, because  of  a  real  community  of  interests ;  when 
conditions  are  such  that  they  must  stand  or  fall  together 
with  respect  to  the  most  vital  problem  of  all — the  get- 
ting of  a  living — the  lesser  considerations  of  prejudice, 
animosity  and  distrust  will  disappear.  This  point 
reached,  recognition  of  the  broad  equality  of  human 
rights  will  extend  out  from  the  industrial  into  other  de- 
partments of  life.  Social  intermingling  may  never 
come,  but  there  will  be  mutual  respect,  and  the  social 
segregation  will  be  for  the  same  kind  of  natural  reasons 
that  already  separate  white  people  into  innumerable 
social  groups ;  it  will  no  longer  be  due  to  any  brutal 
classification  of  the  colored  race  as  an  inferior  order  of 
beings  just  because  their  turn  to  rise  out  of  savagery 
came  a  little  later  in  history  than  our  own. 


This  department  belongs  to  our  readers,  and  offers  them  full  oppor- 
tunity to  "talk  back"  to  the  editor,  give  information,  discuss  topics  or 
ask  questions  on  subjects  within  the  field  covered  by  GUNTON'S  MAGA- 
ZINE. All  communications,  whether  letters  for  publication  or  inquiries 
for  the  •'  Question  Box,"  must  be  accompanied  by  the  full  name  and  ad- 
dress of  the  writer.  This  is  not  required  for  publication,  if  the  writer 
objects,  but  as  evidence  of  good  faith.  Anonymous  correspondents  are 


Sound  Economics  in  a  Great  Labor  Organization 


Dear  Sir: — I  have  noted  with  considerable  satis- 
faction the  attention  you  have  been  giving  to  the 
progress  of  the  labor  movement,  for  I  am  fully  aware 
that  your  publication  will  reach  many  persons  who 
have  very  little  idea  of  what  the  labor  movement,  rep- 
resented by  labor  organization,  really  means. 

The  Railroad  Trainmen  s  Journal  for  December  and 
January  gives  briefly  something  of  what  has  been  done 
in  the  past  year  by  the  Brotherhood  of  Railroad  Train- 
men, and  I  take  the  liberty  of  sending  you  marked 
copies,  thinking  the  statements  might  be  of  interest  to 

If  at  any  time  you  care  to  know  anything  of  our 
plan  of  organization,  its  insurance  and  protective  fea- 
tures, etc.,  I  will  be  pleased  to  furnish  you  with  any 
information  pertaining  to  the  Brotherhood  you  may 
desire,  for  our  business  is  an  open  book  and  we  feel 
that  it  will  be  to  our  advantage  to  have  the  public  un- 
derstand what  our  organization  really  means  and  how 
far  into  practice  it  has  carried  its  theories. 



I  will  also  take  this  opportunity  to  use  from  time 
to  time  articles  that  appear  in  your  Magazine,  giving 
you  due  credit  and  promising  to  not  abuse  the  privi- 
lege. You  have  many  thoughts  ^that  come  from  an  ap- 
parently unbiased  source,  and  there  is  much  in  your 
publication  that  I  would  be  more  than  glad  to  have  the 
members  of  our  organization  read.  Our  greatest  am- 
bition is  to  educate  them  along  the  exact  lines  as  laid 
down  in  your  "  Prosperity  and  Education."  We  ap- 
preciate the  fact  that  labor  can  make  mistakes  and 
overreach  as  easily  as  capital  can,  and  we  use  our 
every  endeavor  to  educate  them  along  the  lines  of  real 
social  and  economic  truth.  That  we  make  slow  prog- 
ress is  not  to  be  wondered,  when  everything  is  taken 
into  consideration,  but  that  we  are  progressing  stands 
in  evidence.  Your  publication  stands  between  capital 
and  labor  and  I  feel  makes  every  effort  to  be  fair  to 
both,  something  that  cannot  in  justice  always  be  said 
of  the  publications  of  both  capital  and  labor.  The 
tendency  to  judge  by  immediate  necessities  and  preju- 
dices, generally  born  in  a  lack  of  knowledge  of  true 
conditions,  is  responsible  for  a  great  deal  of  the  trouble 
that  we  hear  so  much  of  between  the  two  classes.  If 
we  knew  more  of  each  other  we  would  profit,  I  am 
sure  of  it. 

D.  L.  CEASE,  Editor  Railroad  Trainmen  s  Jour- 
nal, Cleveland,  Ohio. 


Corruption  versus  Education 


Dear  Sir: — I  have  read  with  much  interest  one  of 
Professor  Gunton's  recent  lectures  on  the  need  of  more 
education  on  economic  subjects,  for  the  sake  of  political 
safety.  He  seemed  to  imply  that  the  last  two  elec- 
tions had  to  be  won  by  the  corrupt  use  of  money,  but 
it  seems  to  me  the  masses  are  more  intelligent  than  he 
gives  them  credit  for.  They  have  buried  Bryanism 
twice,  and  the  last  time  worse  then  the  first.  P.  N.  J. 

The  implication  intended  in  the  lecture  referred  to 
was  that  more  or  less  use  of  money  had  been  regularly 
relied  upon  in  our  elections.  Undoubtedly  it  was  used 
to  some  extent  in  1896,  but  it  was  used  very  much  less 
in  the  last  election.  Nor  does  this  imply  that  we  do  not 
give  the  masses  credit  for  intelligence.  The  American 
people  are  the  most  intelligent  of  any  on  the  face  of  the 
earth,  but  they  are  not  educated  on  economic  questions 
to  anything  like  the  extent  that  our  highly  sensitive 
and  complex  conditions  require.  In  1892  the  appeal  to 
the  anti-capital  sentiment  succeeded  in  inducing  the 
masses  to  vote  for  the  the  overthrow  of  our  national  in- 
dustrial policy,  chiefly  as  a  punishment  to  capital. 
That  appeal  to  class  prejudice,  it  is  fair  to  say,  laid  the 
foundation  for  much  of  the  ill-feeling  which  now  exists, 
but  the  withering  effect  of  the  1892  election  was  so 
swift  and  fierce  that  the  people  realized  their  mistake. 
The  punishment  lasted  down  until  1896,  when  the  ef- 
fect of  hard  times  led  a  very  large  number  to  accept 
Bryan's  debased-money  doctrine.  That  questionable  use 
of  money  was  resorted  to  in  that  election  will  not  seri- 
ously be  disputed.  The  case  was  desperate  and  the 


274  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

methods  used  were  equally  so,  but  in  the  election  of 
1900  there  was  very  little  of  this.  Yet  the  result  showed 
that  more  than  six  million  voters  still  cling  to  the 
cheap-money  and  populistic  theories  represented  by 
Bryan.  The  one  thing  which  more  than  all  else  pre- 
vented a  still  larger  number  from  supporting  Bryan's 
theories  was  the  temporary  fact  that  their  dinner-pails 
were  full.  They  were  living  in  a  period  of  great  pros- 
perity and  had  not  altogether  forgotten  the  experiment 
of  '92.  But,  let  a  national  election  come  in  the  midst 
of  industrial  depression  and  we  shall  see  the  effect  of 
revolutionary  doctrines  and  the  general  economic  mis- 
information or  lack  of  sound  education  among  the 
masses.  From  such  a  castastrophe  only  a  broader  edu- 
cational movement  on  permanent  and  systematic  lines 
can  save  us. 

The  Giant  Steel  Combination 


Dear  Sir: — What  do  you  think  of  this  billion- 
dollar  steel  combination?  You  have  been  telling  us 
that  the  limit  of  " trust"  organization  was  nearly 
reached,  but  this  does  not  look  like  it.  What  pro- 
tection is  the  consumer  to  have  when  the  whole  steel 
industry  of  the  country  is  united  in  one  concern? 

M.  P.  A. 

It  is  difficult  to  tell  exactly  what  will  be  the  out- 
come of  this  billion-dollar  combination.  The  very 
statement  makes  one  dizzy.  There  is  surely  a  limit  to 
the  extent  to  which  economy  can  be  secured  by  in- 
creasing the  size  of  industrial  organization.  In  this 
direction  as  in  all  others  there  is  a  limit  which  econo- 
mists call  the  point  ot  diminishing  returns ;  that  is  to 
say,  a  point  where  the  waste  from  unwieldiness  more 
than  equals  the  economy  from  aggregation.  When  this 

i9oi.]  QUESTION  BOX  275 

point  is  reached  there  is  nothing  further  for  capitalists 
to  gain  by  combination  except  it  be  in  the  hope  of 
securing  a  monopoly  and  then  arbitrarily  increasing 
prices.  Whether  this  billion-dollar  steel  combination 
has  reached  the  point  of  diminishing  returns  can  only 
be  determined  by  experience.  If  such  be  the  case,  and 
the  promoters  of  the  scheme  hope  to  secure  a  monopoly 
for  the  purpose  of  raising  the  price  to  the  consumers, 
they  are  surely  making  a  fatal  mistake,  a  mistake  that 
may  bring  cyclonic  disaster. 

The  consumer,  for  whom  our  correspondent  is 
concerned,  is  in  very  little  danger  in  this  direction 
provided  the  government  will  see  to  it  that  the  gates  of 
potential  competition  are  kept  well  ajar.  In  the  first 
place,  if  the  combination  does  not  really  give  any 
economy  in  production  it  cannot  keep  out  competitors, 
because  at  the  present  basis  of  cost  there  are  many 
small  concerns  that  can  keep  in  business  at  fair  profits. 
If  it  attempts  to  reap  a  harvest  by  putting  up  the  price 
on  the  strength  of  having  a  practical  monopoly,  then 
new  enterprises  will  at  once  come  into  existence  be- 
cause of  the  largeness  of  the  margin.  If  in  this  effort 
it  should  put  the  price  materially  above  the  price 
abroad,  the  people  will  promptly  demand  the  removal 
of  all  protection  and  thus  let  in  the  full  force  of 
foreign  competition.  So  that,  in  reality,  there  is  no 
great  danger  to  the  consumer,  since  there  are  at  least 
three  potent  forces  that  stand  ready  to  go  to  his  assist- 
ance, but  there  is  great  danger  to  the  investors  in  this 
colossal  scheme  if  it  is  not  based  on  a  sound  economic 

Socialistic  Taxation 


Dear  Sir : —Governor  Odell  may  be  aiming  to  sim- 
plify taxation,  but  what  justice  is  there  in  abolishing 

276  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

the  state  general  property  tax  and  putting  the  whole 
burden  on  a  few  special  corporate  interests?  Is  not 
this,  in  effect  at  least,  adopting  the  principle  of  sliding- 
scale  progressive  taxation,  making  the  burden  heavier, 
not  only  actually  but  relatively,  for  large  property  than 
for  small?  S.  P. 

In  his  scheme  of  taxation  Governor  Odell  appears 
to  be  trying  to  accomplish  what  was  aimed  at  in  the 
mortgage-tax  bill  of  last  year:  namely,  to  separate 
state  from  local  taxation,  but  he  is  evidently  sur- 
rounded by  some  poor  advisers.  He  appears  not  to 
have  very  closely  considered  the  effects  of  his  taxing 
scheme,  or  else  he  is  entering  upon  a  reckless  policy  to 
tax  corporations  for  the  purpose  of  popular  applause, 
especially  among  those  who  know  the  least  about  the 
incidence  of  taxes. 

For  instance,  the  tax  on  the  surplus  of  the  savings- 
banks  is  a  direct  blow  at  the  security  of  savings-banks. 
The  surplus  is  carried  with  the  view  of  making  the 
savings-bank  safe  against  emergency,  but  if  that  sur- 
plus is  to  be  made  the  special  object  of  taxation  it  will 
naturally  have  the  effect  of  making  savings-banks 
carry  as  small  a  surplus  as  possible,  and  thus  weaken 
the  security  of  the  millions  of  small  depositors. 

The  special  tax  on  the  capital  stock  of  corporations 
proposed  by  this  bill  is  no  less  extraordinary.  It  would 
amount  to  a  tax  in  some  cases  of  from  fifteen  to  twenty- 
five  per  cent,  of  the  income  from  investments.  The 
purpose  of  the  law,  as  announced,  is  to  lift  the  burden 
from  real  estate  and  put  it  upon  personal  property, 
which  is  the  very  worst  kind  of  "reform  "  in  taxation 
that  could  be  undertaken.  If  we  are  to  have  any 
change  in  the  principle  of  taxation— and  there  is  indeed 
plenty  of  need  of  it — it  should  be  in  the  opposite 
direction.  It  is  agreed  by  all  investigators  a 

i90i.]  QUESTION  BOX  277 

students  of  taxation  that  a  personal  tax  is  the  worst 
method  of  collecting  public  revenues.  The  tendency 
of  tax  reform  should  be  to  simplify  taxation,  but  sim- 
plify it  in  the  direction  of  levying  taxes  upon  property 
which  cannot  be  concealed  or  seriously  misrepresented. 
There  are  many  ways  of  separating  state  from  city 
taxes  without  having  recourse  to  the  demagogic  method 
of  j  levying  special  taxes  on  corporations  in  order  to 
secure  the  applause  of  the  socialistic  sentiment  against 
wealth.  One  of  the  numerous  proposals  already  sug- 
gested is  to  levy  a  tax,  exclusively  for  state  purposes, 
on  cities,  counties,  etc.,  in  proportion  to  the  aggregate 
amount  of  their  own  revenue  collected.  This  would  be 
simple,  it  would  be  separate,  and  it  would  make  every 
taxing  body  in  the  state  contribute  to  the  expenses  of 
the  state  in  proportion  as  they  collected  for  local  pur- 
poses. This  may  not  be  a  very  scientific  proposition, 
but  it  is  far  better  than  any  of  the  schemes  for  singling 
out  special  interests  for  exceptional  taxation. 

New  York   Labor  Laws 


DEAR  SIR:— Will  you  please  tell  us  what  is  the 
New  York  law  as  to  hours  of  labor?  What  is  a  legal 
day's  work?  C.  H.  D. 

The  New  York  law  on  the  hours  of  labor,  amended 
in  1899,  in  reference  to  the  employment  of  women,  and 
minors  under  the  age  of  18,  is  that  no  such  person  shall 
be  employed  more  than  ten  hours  a  day  or  more  than 
sixty  hours  a  week.  If  employed  more  than  ten  hours 
in  any  one  day  it  must  be  offset  by  a  shorter  day  during 
the  same  week.  This  permits  the  working  of  ten  and 
a  half  or  eleven  hours,  so  as  to  have  a  shorter  day  on 
Saturday ;  but  even  in  this  arrangement  the  working 
time  must  not  begin  before  six  in  the  morning  nor  con- 


tinue  after  nine  in  the  evening,  in  any  day.  This  act 
came  into  force  April  ist,  1899,  anc^  *s  enforced  by 
penalties  for  its  violation,  of  fine  or  imprisonment  or 

The  last  act  on  the  subject  of  a  legal  day's  work 
was  also  passed  in  1899,  and  provides  that :  "Eight 
hours  shall  constitute  a  legal  day's  work  for  all  classes  of 
employees  in  this  state,  except  those  engaged  in  farm 
and  domestic  service,  unless  otherwise  provided  by 

The  intention  of  this  act  was  to  make  eight  hours 
the  standard  for  a  day's  work  in  the  absence  of  any 
special  contract,  so  that,  if  a  person  is  engaged  to  work 
without  any  special  arrangement,  eight  hours  will  count 
as  a  day's  work,  and  any  additional  hours  in  the  same 
day  will  count  as  overtime  and  can  be  collected  for  in 
addition.  But  the  court  has  interpreted  this  to  mean 
exactly  the  reverse :  namely,  that  it  gives  the  laborer  a 
legal  right  to  contract  that  his  day's  work  shall  be  only 
eight  hours,  but  if  he  works  without  special  contract  all 
the  work  he  performs  within  a  calendar  day  is  included 
in  the  day's  work.  This  decision  is  an  obvious  wrench- 
ing of  the  plain  meaning.  It  is  little  short  of  silly, 
since  anybody,  regardless  of  this  or  any  other  statute, 
has  a  right  to  make  a  contract  that  his  hours  of  labor 
shall  be  any  number  the  parties  may  agree  upon.  It 
needs  no  law  to  enable  an  American  citizen  to  agree  to 
work  two  hours  a  day  if  his  employer  will  consent. 
The  obvious  intention  of  the  law  was  to  give  a  legal 
presumption  in  favor  of  the  eight-hour-day  and  make  a 
special  contract  necessary  for  a  longer  day.  Courts  are 
sometimes  very  mortal. 


Hobson.  Cloth,  361  pages,  $1.25.  No  index.  The 
Macmillan  Company. 

This  is  one  of  the  very  excellently  written  books 
in  the  "Citizen's  Library"  series,  edited  by  Professor 
Ely.  Like  everything  Mr.  Hobson  writes,  the  present 
volume  shows  evidence  of  close  application  not  merely 
to  economic  literature  but  to  economic  principles.  The 
author  undertakes  to  present  a  close  discussion  of  the 
theory  of  economic  distribution,  and  one  of  the  special 
claims  to  originality  he  puts  forth  is  that  he  has  discov- 
ered a  "fundamentally  erroneous"  element  in  the 
doctrine  that  ' '  rent  does  not  enter  into  the  expenses  of 

As  the  author  announces  in  the  preface,  the  book 
is  chiefly  made  up  of  lectures  previously  delivered  and 
articles  published  in  current  periodicals.  In  reality, 
Mr.  Hobson  began  his  discussion  of  this  subject  in  an 
article  in  the  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics  for  April, 
1891,  on  "The  Law  of  the  Three  Rents."  The  pur- 
pose of  that  article  was  to  reduce  the  income  from 
labor,  land  and  capital  all  to  forms  of  rent ;  interest  and 
profits  as  the  rent  of  capital,  wages  as  the  rent  of  labor, 
and  the  income  from  land  as  the  rent  of  land ;  the  rea- 
son for  calling  each  kind  of  income  by  the  same  name 
being  that  they  are  of  the  same  economic  character, 
defined  and  determined  by  the  same  economic  law. 

The  present  book  is  somewhat  of  a  further  elabora- 
tion of  this  idea.  In  the  opening  paragraph  of  the 
article  on  "The  Law  of  the  Three  Rents,"  Mr.  Hobson 


280  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

said:  "The  law  of  rent  is  perhaps  only  a  law  in  the 
sense  that  it  provides  an  exceedingly  convenient  rule 
of  measurement  for  fluctuations  in  the  value  of  land. 
It  is  strange  that  writers  like  General  Walker  and  Mr. 
Gunton,  who  have  rigidly  applied  this  law  to  profits, 
should  have  failed  to  see  that  it  is  equally  applicable  to 
to  the  other  participants  of  the  net  product." 

The  position  that  "General  Walker  and  Mr.  Gun- 
ton  "  have  taken  in  regard  to  profits  is  that  the  marginal 
capital  in  any  given  industry  in  the  same  competing 
market  works  without  profit,  and  that  the  profit  of  com- 
peting capital  is  determined  by  the  degree  to  which  it 
can  produce  more  cheaply  than  the  marginal  or  least 
productive  capital  in  use.  This  principle  was  rigidly 
applied  by  both  these  writers  to  land  and  by  Mr.  Gun- 
ton  to  interest  also.  Instead  of  Mr.  Hobson  applying 
this  principle  to  all  the  factors  as  here  suggested,  he 
objects  that  it  even  apply  to  land. 

The  essence  of  this  doctrine  is  that  the  surplus 
income  in  the  form  of  interest,  profits  and  rents  does 
not  enter  into  price.  The  special  contribution  Mr. 
Hobson  claims  to  have  made  is  that  even  rent  enters 
into  price.  This  is  such  a  definite  challenge  to  the 
most  generally  accepted  doctrine  in  economics  that  one 
eagerly  turns  to  his  discussion  of  this  topic. 

An  examination  of  his  reasoning,  however,  is  dis- 
appointing. The  Ricardian  theory,  that  rent  is  the 
difference  in  the  different  degrees  of  productivity  of 
competing  tracts  of  land,  always  implied  that  people 
would  have  recourse  to  still  poorer  lands,  which  at 
existing  prices  of  products  would  not  pay  for  cultiva- 
tion. In  order  to  make  his  point  that  rent  would 
become  a  part  of  necessary  cost  and  hence  enter  into 
the  price  of  products,  Mr.  Hobson  supposes  a  case  in 
which  all  the  available  land  has  already  been  brought 
into  use,  no  substitutes  are  available,  and  no  improve- 

i9oi.]  BOOK  REVIEWS  281 

merits  in  the  land  already  in  use  can  render  the  poorest 
tract  unnecessary.  In  that  case  the  owner  of  the  poor- 
est land,  which,  for  a  given  unit  of  product,  requires 
the  greatest  outlay  of  capital  and  labor,  would  command 
a  rent  and  this  minimum  rent  would  become  a  part 
of  the  cost  and  hence  of  the  price  of  all  products. 

No  Ricardian  would  dispute  that  for  a  moment. 
It  involves  not  the  slightest  change  in  the  theory  of 
rent  as  formulated  by  Ricardo  and  as  repeated  and 
restated  by  his  unbroken  line  of  followers.  There  is 
really  nothing  new  in  the  abstract  theory  of  this  con- 
tention ;  it  simply  assumes  that  all  land  on  the  earth, 
usable  for  a  given  purpose,  has  been  called  into  use,  a 
condition  which  has  never  existed  in  fact  and  is  not 
likely  to  for  an  indefinite  time  to  come.  Yet  in  the 
abstract  theory  it  is  supposable,  and  in  such  a  suppos- 
able  case  the  rent  (that  is,  the  amount  of  rent  that  this 
least  productive,  or  most  expensive,  increment  would 
yield)  would  be  added  to  price.  If  the  conditions  here 
supposed  should  ever  actually  exist,  this  most  expen- 
sive increment  might  not  be  the  poorest,  it  might  even 
be  the  most  productive,  but  it  might  also  be  so  far 
removed  from  the  market  that  the  transportation  or 
other  expenses  involved  by  the  distance  would  make  it 
the  dearest  portion.  But,  as  already  remarked,  this 
can  scarcely  be  regarded  as  a  contribution  to  economic 
theory.  At  least  it  cannot  be  regarded  as  the  correction 
of  "  erroneous  doctrine,"  for  it  corrects  no  error,  it 
simply  shows  that  under  certain  imaginary  or  supposa- 
ble conditions  a  slight  increment  of  rent  might  be  added 
to  prices,  but  even  this  would  take  place  by  the  logical 
operation  of  the  Ricardian  law. 

In  dealing  with  the  question  of  wages,  however, 
Mr.  Hobson  is  less  fortunate.  He  proceeds  upon  the 
assumption  that  the  standard  of  wages  in  a  competing 
group  of  laborers  is  determined  by  the  least  efficient 

282  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [March, 

laborers ;  that  in  the  group  the  law  of  value  applies  to 
everything  that  is  bought  and  sold,  whether  labor  or 
commodities,  alike.  But  there  is  this  fundamental  dif- 
ference between  the  effect  upon  prices  of  the  income 
from  labor  and  the  income  from  land  and  capital.  In 
the  case  of  capital  there  is,  in  every  well-established 
industry,  a  great  difference  in  the  productivity  of  dif- 
ferent competing  concerns.  This  may  be  due  to  geo- 
graphical situation,  wisdom  of  management,  condition 
of  machinery  or  many  other  causes,  but  in  all  such 
competing  groups  there  is  some  capital  which  yields  no 
profits  while  its  competitors  receive  a  profit  just  in 
proportion  as  their  production  per  unit  of  expenditure 
is  greater.  According  to  this,  therefore,  profit  does 
not  enter  into  the  price,  and  the  same  is  true  of  land, 
at  least  until  Mr.  Hobson's  supposable  case  arises,  and 
even  then  none  of  the  rent  except  that  of  the  final 
increment  would  enter  into  the  price  of  the  commodities. 

In  the  case  of  labor  no  such  condition  exists,  be- 
cause there  is  no  group  of  laborers  who  work  for 
nothing,  not  even  under  slavery,  for  even  there  the 
laborer  must  receive  the  amount  of  his  living.  So  that, 
while  there  is  a  great  deal  of  no-rent  land  and  no-inter- 
est capital  in  use,  there  is  nowhere  any  no- wage  labor. 
All  wages  are  a  part  of  the  cost  of  production. 

In  reality,  therefore,  the  doctrine  of  three  rents,  or 
the  theory  that  the  income  from  capital,  land  and  labor 
are  all  of  the  same  economic  character,  is  not  correct. 
Any  economic  teaching  based  upon  such  a  conclusion  is 
not  merely  misleading  in  theory  but  is  apt  to  be  very 
injurious  in  fact,  because  it  gives  a  mistaken  point  of 
view  from  which  to  treat  the  economic  problems  in  so- 
ciety. Economic  theory  is  of  little  scientific  utility, 
except  perhaps  as  furnishing  exercise  in  mental  gym- 
nastics, unless  it  really  aids  useful  public  policy. 

i9oi.J  BOOK  REVIEWS  283 

of  Physiography.  By  Jacques  W.  Redway,  F.  R.  G.  S. 
Cloth,  i2mo,  383  pages,  $1.25.  Charles  Scribner's 
Sons,  New  York  and  Chicago. 

Mr.  Redway's  contributions  to  physiographic  sci- 
ence are  so  well  known  and  their  merits  so  fully  recog- 
nized that  this  latest  work  comes  to  us  with  the 
presumption  already  strongly  in  its  favor.  As  a  speci- 
men of  bookmaking  alone  it  is  worth  special  commen- 
dation. The  cover  is  particularly  attractive,  the  paper 
of  fine  quality  and  the  typographical  work  excellent. 
The  book  is  a  i2tno,  of  383  pages,  and  in  this  respect, 
therefore,  is  one  more  step  in  the  rapid  abandonment 
of  the  old-style  cumbersome  quartos  which,  by  some 
venerable  superstition,  have  heretofore  been  regarded 
as  absolutely  essential  to  any  proper  comprehension  of 
geography.  The  small  size  seems  not  to  interfere  with 
the  pictorial  feature,  the  illustrations  in  this  book  being 
abundant  and  clear:  besides  numerous  half-tones  there 
are  several  colored  maps  and  charts. 

The  volume  is  intended  for  use  in  the  junior  grades 
of  high  schools,  and  in  normal  schools,  and  many  use- 
ful features  are  introduced  to  aid  the  teacher.  We 
suspect,  however,  that  the  teachers  who  have  time  and 
enthusiasm  enough  to  "get  in  close  touch  with  the 
United  States  Geological  Survey  and  the  Weather  Bu- 
reau," as  a  part  of  their  work  in  this  subject,  will  be 
amazingly  few  in  number.  This  implies  a  degree  of 
thoroughness  hardly  to  be  expected  from  any  instruct- 
ors of  less  limited  time  and  facilities  than  are  afforded 
in  the  colleges.  Nevertheless,  Mr.  Redway's  book  is 
in  itself  so  comprehensive  that  the  teacher  using  it 
ought  to  be  able  to  do  ample  justice  to  the  subject,  at 
least  within  the  necessary  limits  of  high -school  and 
normal- school  work. 

The  author  is  strongly  impressed  with  the  impor- 

284  G  UNTON  »5  MA  GAZINE  [March, 

tance  of  geographical  environment  in  determining  the 
industrial  and  social  conditions  of  mankind.  He  has 
an  abundance  of  interesting  and  suggestive  data  in 
support  of  this  view,  proper  appreciation  of  which 
is  of  course  essential  to  any  clear  comprehension  of 
history.  No  discussion  of  this  general  topic  can  be 
entirely  adequate,  however,  which  does  not  more  fully 
take  into  consideration  the  enormous  influence  of  sci- 
ence, invention,  transportation,  and  intelligent  societary 
regulation,  as  forces  modifying  and  sometimes  even 
nullifying  the  local  limitations  of  geographic  environ- 
ment. In  the  early  days  of  the  race,  and  in  crude 
society  wherever  it  still  remains,  man  was  and  is  con- 
trolled and  shaped  by  nature,  but  human  progress  is 
the  record  of  his  steadily  augmenting  control  over 
nature,  throwing  off  little  by  little  the  shackles  of  time, 
place  and  natural  barriers,  turning  infertility  into  fer- 
tility, and  building  up  diversification  of  industry,  for 
social  and  political  reasons,  which  economic  or  geo- 
graphic conditions  alone  would  not  have  accomplished 
for  generations  or  even  centuries. 

Nor  is  any  discussion  of  this  matter  wholly  com- 
plete which  omits  to  consider  those  dynamic  psycho- 
logical, religious  and  moral  forces  which,  in  cooperation 
with  social,  political,  economic  and  geographic  influ- 
ences, have  wrought  the  progressive  transformation  of 
the  face  of  society  throughout  the  ages.  It  is  only 
natural,  however,  that  a  work  devoted  strictly  to  physi- 
ography should  emphasize  physiographical  influences 
and  not  extend  out  into  general  discussion  of  the 
philosophy  of  history.  This  book  conveys  the  unmis- 
takable impression  of  very  wide  individual  research, 
scientific  classification  of  data,  and  systematic  develop- 
ment of  the  subject  in  accordance  with  sound  peda- 
gogical principles.  It  ought  to  have  a  generous  re- 



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« '  The  queen  .  .  .  had  the  strongest  prejudices 
against  public  men  with  whom  she  differed  in  politics ; 
and,  though  she  was  far  too  constitutional  a  queen  ever 
to  allow  her  feelings  to  interfere  with  public  business, 
she  had  her  likes  and  dislikes  strongly  defined.  Her 
favorite  prime  ministers  were  Lord  Melbourne,  Lord 
Beaconsfield  and  Lord  Salisbury.  She  never  was  on 
easy  terms  with  Mr.  Gladstone  or  any  of  the  liberal 
party,  except,  perhaps,  Lord  Rosebery,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  his  administration.  As  to  Mr.  Chamberlain, 
she  had  long  a  great  fear  that  he  would  prove  a  danger- 
ous factor  in  English  politics ;  but,  when  the  question 
of  the  union  broke  up  the  liberal  party,  she  showed  in 
the  most  unmistakable  manner  her  approbation  of  the 
liberal  unionist  leaders.  On  the  occasion  of  the  open- 
ing of  the  Imperial  Institute,  it  was  remarked  by  every 
one  that  she  placed  strong  emphasis  on  the  words,  '  the 
union  of  my  empire.'  It  was  always  said  that  Lord 
Beaconsfield,  who  was  a  thorough  courtier,  gained  his  in- 
fluence over  her  by  giving  way  to  her  opinions  on  nearly 
every  point,  or,  at  any  rate,  by  persuading  her  that  he 

did  so Her  affection  for  him,  at  any  rate,  was 

very  deep  and  sincere,  and  she  mourned  for  him  not 
only  on  national,  but  personal  grounds." — LADY  JEUNE, 
in  "  Victoria  and  Her  Reign  ;"  North  American  Review. 

"  Here  and  there,  dotted  about  where  circumstances 
and  conditions  have  caused  their  growth,  are  found  the 
slums.  They  used  to  be  plague-spots,  and,  in  a  sense, 
they  are  so  still ;  but  of  late  years  they  are  much 
improved.  To  find  the  real  old  slum,  the  foul,  inde- 
scribable pigsty,  one  must  not  look  for  it  in  East  Lon- 
don. It  lingers,  here  and  there,  on  the  south  of  the 
Thames.  Any  of  the  medical  students  of  Guy's  Hospi- 



tal,  who  have  to  attend  the  sick  in  the  courts  of  South- 
wark,  will  lead  you  readily  to  such  a  slum  ;  but  in  East 
London  itself  I  should  find  if  difficult  to  take  you  to 
places  such  as  I  remember,  twenty  years  ago,  to  have 
looked  into,  shuddering.  Therefore,  if  you  read  novels 
of  the  day  describing  things  brutal  and  horrible  beyond 
endurance,  you  should  regard  these  descriptions  with 
suspicion.  If  they  are  true,  they  belong  to  the  past, 
and  exist  no  longer  save  in  rare  and  very  exceptional 
cases,  and  then  against  the  voice  of  public  opinion  in 
their  quarter.  "—SiR  WALTER  BESANT,  in  "The  Helping 
Hand  in  East  London;"  The  Century. 

1 '  Speaking  particularly  of  the  American  attitude 
on  this  question,  it  is  held  that  any  plan  which  prohib- 
its recourse  to  the  strike,  when  all  other  efforts  at 
adjustment  fail,  must  by  that  fact  destroy  the  power 
necessary  to  the  efficiency  of  the  trade  union.  Organi- 
zation among  the  workers,  while  tending  to  lessen  the 
number  of  strikes  by  preventing  or  remedying  those 
grievances  which  inevitably  induce  strikes,  is  possible 
only  where  the  power  to  strike  is  held  in  reserve.  In- 
deed, compulsory  arbitration  as  practised  in  New  Zea- 
land makes  the  trade  union  superfluous  for  all  real 
good.  Under  that  law,  any  seven  men  or  women 
workers,  organized  or  registered  in  the  prescribed  man- 
ner, can  accomplish  as  much,  in  the  final  event,  as  any 
greater  number.  An  organization  of  a  thousand  work- 
ers exercises  a  proportionate  influence  upon  the  condi- 
tions of  their  calling,  provided  always  that  they  retain 
the  power  to  enforce  their  demands  by  refusing  to  work 
until  these  are  granted.  The  power  of  united  numbers, 
consisting  as  it  does  in  the  power  correspondingly  to 
affect  production,  becomes  nil  when  the  power  to  cease 
producing  is  lost.5' — WALTER  MACARTHUR,  in  "Ameri- 
can Trade  Unions  and  Compulsory  Arbitration ;"  The 

Professor  of  Political  Economy  and  Finance,   Columbia   University 

See  page  305 



The  "Second         ^  nas   been  twenty-seven   years  since  a 
Term  "  in  president  was  inaugurated  in  this  country 

American  Politics  £or  a  second  consecutive  term.  During 
this  period  Mr.  Cleveland  has  held  the  office  twice,  but 
not  twice  in  succession.  The  reelection  and  second 
inauguration  of  President  McKinley  draws  attention  to 
the  gradual  change  in  the  character  of  the  considerations 
that  have  determined  the  election  of  presidents,  espe- 
cially second-term  elections,  since  the  early  days  of  the 
republic.  After  Washington,  for  a  quarter  of  a  century 
the  second  term  was  regarded  practically  as  a  matter  of 
course,  demanded  by  courtesy  and  precedent  and  en- 
forced by  the  desirability  of  keeping  experienced  men 
in  office, — a  sentiment  which  unfortunately  has  grown 
weaker  with  the  spread  of  the  spoils  system  and  ' '  rota- 
tion in  office  "  idea.  By  the  time  of  Jackson  the  per- 
sonality of  the  man  had  begun  to  count  for  more  than 
tradition.  Jackson  himself  was  largely  instrumental  in 
bringing  about  rotation  in  office  as  a  recognized  practice 
in  the  government,  and  owed  his  own  second  term  chiefly 
to  his  extraordinary  personal  popularity.  This  is  further 
evidenced  by  the  fact  that  from  Jackson  to  Lincoln  no 
man  of  really  commanding  personality  occupied  the 
presidency,  and  no  one  was  chosen  for  a  second  term. 
Lincoln's  reelection  was  partly  due  to  his  personal  pop- 
ularity but  more  largely  to  the  war  issues  which  ab- 
sorbed the  nation.  Grant's  second  term  was  almost 


290  G  UN  TON  *S  MA  GA  Z1NE  [April, 

entirely  the  reflection  of  his  individual  hold  on  the 

In  recent  years,  however,  the  determining  factors 
have  been  much  more  largely  the  issues  at  stake  than 
the  personality  of  the  candidates.  Mr.  Harrison  was 
little  known  when  he  first  became  a  presidential  candi- 
date, but  he  won  chiefly  on  the  tariff  issue,  and  a 
reversal  of  popular  sentiment  on  the  same  subject,  cou- 
pled with  a  growing  hostility  to  capitalistic  interests, 
carried  Mr.  Cleveland  back  into  office  four  years  later. 
The  issues  more  than  the  men  were  the  real  storm  cen- 
ters, and  in  the  reelection  of  Mr.  McKinley  we  have 
this  tendency  carried  almost  to  the  extreme  limit, — a  man 
of  very  lukewarm  popularity  continued  in  power  by  an 
overwhelming  vote  because  of  the  issues  he  repre- 
sented. In  reality  it  was  not  William  McKinley  who 
triumphed  last  fall,  but  the  three-fold  cause  of  sound 
money,  business  stability  and  what  was  believed  to  be 
the  safer  of  two  proposed  foreign  policies. 

President  As  ^  there  seemed  to  be  some  need  of 

McKinley's  emphasizing  the  president's  personality 

Inaugural  }n  t^e  midst  of  the  great  issues  that  over- 

shadow him,  the  inauguration  ceremonies  of  March 
4th  were  arranged  on  an  elaborate  scale,  quite  surpass- 
ing any  previous  occasions  of  the  kind  in  spectacular 
effect.  The  inauguration  address  had  the  merit  of 
brevity,  and  on  the  whole  breadth  of  sentiment.  Al- 
though seldom  noteworthy  for  any  strong  original 
statement  of  policy,  Mr.  McKinley's  public  papers  are 
always  marked  by  able  and  ingenious  defence  of  courses 
already  pursued.  His  references  in  this  second  inau- 
gural to  the  business  prosperity  and  successful  outcome 
of  the  Spanish  war,  during  his  first  administration, 
were  brief  and  entirely  justified  by  the  facts,  and  the 
spirit  of  national  rather  than  party  obligation  in  the 



discharge  of  presidential  duties  was  prominent 
throughout.  Indeed,  so  far  as  its  sentiments  are  con- 
cerned, there  is  no  particular  criticism  to  be  made  on 
the  inaugural.  Criticism  begins  when  we  compare 
some  of  these  sentiments  and  statements  of  facts  with 
recent  and  perfectly  familiar  experience. 

Take,  for  example,  the  president's  dec- 
laration with  reference  to  the  nature  and 
extent  of  the  Philippine  insurrection, 

alongside  of  which  we  reprint  an  extract  from  General 

MacArthur's  report  of  October  ist  last: 

Nature  of  the 



President  McKinley's  Inaugural 

"Our  countrymen  should  not  be 
deceived.  We  are  not  waging  war 
against  the  inhabitants  of  the  Phil- 
ippine Islands.  A  portion  of  them 
are  making  war  against  the  United 
States.  By  far  the  greater  part  of 
the  inhabitants  recognize  Amer- 
ican sovereignty,  and  welcome  it 
as  a  guarantee  of  order  and  se- 
curity for  life,  property,  liberty, 
freedom  of  conscience  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness.  To  them 
full  protection  will  be  given.  They 
shall  not  be  abandoned.  We  will 
not  leave  the  destiny  of  the  loyal 
millions  in  the  islands  to  the  dis- 
loyal thousands  who  are  in  rebel- 
lion against  the  United  States. 
Order  under  civil  institutions  will 
come  as  soon  as  those  who  now 
break  the  peace  shall  keep  it. 
Force  will  not  be  needed  or  used 
when  those  who  make  war  against 
us  shall  make  it  no  more." 

General  Mae  Arthur's  Report 

"The  success  of  this  unique  sys- 
tem of  war  depends  upon  almost 
complete  unity  of  action  of  the  en- 
tire native  population.  That  such 
unity  is  a  fact  is  too  obvious  to  ad- 
mit of  discussion ;  how  it  is  brought 
about  and  maintained  is  not  so 
plain.  Intimidation  has  undoubt- 
edly accomplished  much  to  this 
end,  but  fear  as  the  only  motive  is 
hardly  sufficient  to  account  for  the 
united  and  spontaneous  action  of 
several  millions  of  people.  One 
traitor  in  each  town  would  eventu- 
ally destroy  such  a  complex  or- 
ganization. It  is  more  probable 
that  the  adhesive  principle  comes 
from  ethnological  homogeneity, 
which  induces  men  to  respond  for 
a  time  to  the  appeals  of  consan- 
guineous leadership  even  when 
such  action  is  opposed  to  their  own 
interests  and  convictions  of  expe- 
diency. These  remarks  apply  with 
equal  force  to  the  entire  archipel- 
ago, excepting  only  that  part  of 
Mindanao  occupied  by  Moros.  and 
to  the  Jolo  group. " 

292  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

General  MacArthur  is,  of  course,  our  chief  military 
officer  in  the  Philippines.  Comment  on  the  above  is 
unnecessary,  unless  it  be  on  the  grim  humor  of  the 
suggestion  that  ' '  force  will  not  be  needed  or  used  when 
those  who  make  war  against  us  shall  make  it  no  more." 
This  exactly  reverses  the  facts,  for  it  is  well  established 
that  the  complete  change  in  our  own  attitude  in  the 
Philippines  during  the  summer  of  1898  is  what  really 
led  to  the  break  with  the  natives.  If  we  had  applied 
our  Cuban  policy  in  the  islands,  as  the  Filipinos  at  first 
believed  we  would  do,  we  should  undoubtedly  have  had 
their  continued  cooperation  instead  of  hostility. 

Again,    with    reference    to     Cuba:    the 

Cuban  Inde-  .  -       ^   .....  -•     -.      -, 

pendence  president  in  his  inaugural  declared  that 

our  consistent  purpose  had  been  and  was 
"the  establishment  of  a  free  and  independent  govern- 
ment prepared  to  assume  and  perform  the  obligations 
of  international  law,"  and  that  the  new  Cuban  institu- 
tions "should  be  adapted  to  secure  a  government 
capable  of  performing  the  duties  and  discharging  the 
functions  of  a  separate  nation." 

Just  previous  to  this,  the  senate,  reflecting  the 
wishes  of  the  administration,  had  adopted  as  an  amend- 
ment to  the  army  appropriation  bill  a  series  of  condi- 
tions upon  which  the  president  would  be  authorized 
to  withdraw  American  troops  from  Cuba  and  leave  the 
island  to  itself.  These,  in  substance,  are  as  follows : 

(1)  That  Cuba  must  never  make  any  treaty  with  a  foreign  power 
tending  to  impair  Cuban  independence  or  permit  such  power  to  obtain 
lodgment  in  or  control  over  any  part  of  the  island. 

(2)  That  Cuba  must  not  contract  any  public  debt  beyond  the  capa- 
city of  the  island's  revenues  to  sustain. 

(3)  That  the  United  States  shall  have  the  right  to  intervene  to 
preserve  Cuban  independence  and  maintain  a  government  capable  of 
protecting  life,  property  and  liberty. 

(4)  That  all  acts  of  the  United  States  in  Cuba  up  to  date  shall  be 

igoi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  293 

ratified  and  all  American  rights  thus  far  acquired  in  the  island  main- 
tained and  protected. 

(5)  That  Cuba  must  continue  to  carry  out  all  our  plans  for  the 
sanitation  of  cities  throughout  the  island. 

(6)  That  the  Isle  of  Pines  shall  not  be  regarded  as  a  Cuban  pos- 

(7)  That  Cuba  must  sell  or  lease  to  the  United  States  lands  neces- 
sary for  coaling  and  naval  stations. 

Whatever  name  may  be  given  to  this  arrangement, 
it  amounts  simply  to  a  protectorate  of  the  United  States 
over  Cuba.  The  island  will  neither  have  a  "free  and 
independent  government"  nor  be  "a  separate  nation." 
Control  of  public  finances,  foreign  relations  and  internal 
government  constitute  practically  all  the  functions  of 
an  independent  state,  and  in  each  of  these  particulars 
the  United  States  either  expressly  declares  what  shall 
and  shall  not  be  done  or  else  demands  the  perpetual 
right  of  intervention.  In  other  words,  we  shall  exer- 
cise a  "suzerainty"  over  Cuba  many  times  more  com- 
plete and  definite  than  England  pretended  to  claim 
over  the  Transvaal  from  1881  to  1899.  Perhaps  all  this 
may  be  very  necessary,  but  if  Cuba  is  so  thoroughly 
unfit  for  independence  why  does  not  the  president 
frankly  say  so  and  tell  the  country  why  we  are  thus 
obliged  to  take  the  island  into  perpetual  wardship?  If 
experience  has  proved  that  this  is  after  all  our  highest 
duty,  why  keep  up  the  pretence  of  calling  Cuba  a 
"separate  nation"  under  a  "free  and  independent  gov- 

The  Cuban  convention  had  adopted  a 
of  Ann«atTon  constitution  before  the  passage  of  this 

declaration  of  policy  by  the  United  States 
senate,  and  the  draft  of  the  document  was  signed  by 
the  delegates  on  February  2ist.  The  convention  is  still 
in  session,  debating  the  details  of  our  demands,  and 
from  the  present  outlook  it  will  yield  to  unwelcome 

294  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

necessity  and  accept  the  conditions  for  the  sake  of  get- 
ting the  form  and  machinery  at  least  of  an  independent 

It  is  true  that  we  assumed  a  certain  moral  respon- 
sibility for  the  future  of  Cuba,  and  that  if  the  Cubans 
cannot  govern  themselves  without  our  help  and  control 
then  interference  will  be  justified  for  some  time  to 
come  at  least.  But  there  is  no  reason  for  assuming  that 
the  Cubans  need  any  such  wholesale  permanent  super- 
vision, any  more  than  do  the  various  South  American 
republics.  We  have  never  felt  called  upon  to  manage 
or  interfere  with  these  countries,  further  than  to  draw 
the  line  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  around  them,  which 
has  proved  an  entirely  sufficient  '  'regulation"  of  their 
foreign  relations  and  would  be  equally  effective  in  the 
case  of  Cuba.  We  have  acted  toward  our  neighboring 
republics  on  the  double  theory  that  we  have  problems 
enough  of  our  own  to  absorb  all  our  best  energy  and 
statesmanship,  and  that  other  countries  will  develop 
real  capacity  for  self-government  faster  by  being  left 
practically  on  their  own  responsibility  than  if  they  are 
saved  from  the  consequences  of  every  mistake  by  the 
strong  arm  of  a  paternal  ' 'protector."  The  same  prin- 
ciple of  political  evolution  is  quite  as  applicable  to 
Cuba,  for  Cuba's  own  sake,  while  from  the  point  of 
view  of  our  own  interests  it  is  exceedingly  important 
just  now  to  minimize  whatever  steps  seem  to  head  in 
the  direction  of  annexation.  If  the  senate  declarations 
were  to  lie  quiescent  as  containing  merely  a  reserva- 
tion of  power  to  interfere  in  extreme  cases,  they  might 
prove  practically  harmless,  but  in  the  light  of  our  pres- 
ent Philippine  policy  there  is  every  reason  to  expect 
that  we  shall  proceed  to  exercise  a  very  real  and  effec- 
tive kind  of  intervention  in  Cuba's  affairs,  until  this 
course  has  become  so  familiar  that  annexation  can  be 
urged  as  the  natural  and  easy  next  step. 

igoi.J  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  295 

This  is  really  the  chief  danger  in  the  senate  decla- 
rations. It  is  the  phase  of  the  situation  to  which  public 
sentiment  should  be  most  keenly  alive.  The  quality  of 
American  citizenship,  upon  which  depends  the  safety 
and  success  of  our  democratic  institutions,  is  already 
sufficiently  threatened  by  the  city -slum  and  immigra- 
tions problems,  still  more  by  the  negro  problem  in  the 
South,  and  bids  fair  to  be  further  complicated  before 
very  long  by  the  admission  of  Hawaii  and  perhaps 
Porto  Rico  as  states.  In  each  case  it  is  a  problem  of 
alien  and  dissimilar  races  that  has  put  and  is  putting 
the  most  severe  strain  upon  our  democratic  experiment, 
and  to  bring  in  Cuba  and  later  on  the  Philippines  would 
probably  insure  us  a  complete  setback  if  not  failure. 
These  various  groups  may  be  able  to  carry  on  indepen- 
dent governments  of  their  own,  adapted  to  their  own 
conditions,  but,  forced  into  an  unnatural  combination 
with  Anglo-Saxons  on  a  plane  of  political  equality,  the 
result  can  only  be  arrest  of  our  progress  or  suspension 
of  the  democratic  principle  in  our  institutions  by  pro- 
viding different  forms  of  government  for  each  different 
group,  thus  returning  practically  to  the  methods  of 

One  of  the  last  acts  of  the  56th  congress 

\y-»f    *T%X 

Reduction  was  t^ie  Passage  °f  a  bill  to  reduce  the 

internal  revenue  taxes  imposed  on  ac- 
count of  the  war  with  Spain.  The  conference  report 
adopted  by  both  houses  on  February  28th  is  expected 
to  reduce  the  revenues  of  the  government  by  some 
$42,  ooo,  ooo  per  year,  the  largest  single  item  in  which  is 
about  $10,000,000  on  the  beer  tax,  next  about  $7,000,000 
on  tobacco  and  snuff,  the  same  amount  on  bank 
checks,  some  $4,500,000  on  cigars  and  cigarettes, 
$4,000,000  on  proprietary  medicines,  etc.,  $3, 500, ooo  on 
promissory  notes,  and  so  on.  The  reduction  in  the  beer 

296  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

tax  is  25  cents  per  barrel  instead  of  35  cents  as  first  pro- 
posed, the  change  being  due  probably  to  a  strong  popu- 
lar impression  that  the  brewing  interests  were  much  too 
effectively  in  evidence  in  the  congressional  lobbies. 

It  is  cause  for  public  congratulation  that  the  guid- 
ing rule  seems  to  have  been  to  remove  those  taxes  which 
have  proved  most  offensive  in  the  daily  transactions  of 
the  masses  of  the  people,  and  retain  those  that  could  be 
borne  with  least  inconvenience  and  petty  annoyance. 
For  example,  the  two-cent  stamp  on  bank  checks,  of 
which  the  people  have  grown  utterly  weary,  will  be  a 
thing  of  the  past  after  June  3Oth  next,  when  most  of  the 
other  reductions  go  into  effect.  The  tax  on  promissory 
notes  disappears  at  the  same  time,  as  well  as  that  on 
money  orders,  express  receipts,  telephone  and  telegraph 
messages,  insurance  policies,  leases,  warehouse  receipts, 
etc.  These  taxes  are  entirely  repealed,  while  the  chief 
reductions  without  complete  repeal  are  in  the  taxes  on 
beer,  tobacco,  cigars,  foreign  bills  of  exchange,  legacies, 
etc.  The  principal  taxes  retained  are  those  on  bankers' 
capital  and  surplus,  stockbrokers  and  pawnbrokers,  the- 
aters, circuses,  manufacturers  and  dealers  in  tobacco, 
certificates  of  stock,  wines,  oil  and  sugar  refineries, 
mixed  flour,  tea,  etc.  It  is  expected  that  the  taxes 
retained  will  just  about  enable  the  government  to  meet 
the  increased  scale  of  expenditures  to  be  made  necessary 
by  the  new  army  and  navy  appropriations,  but  in  case 
of  a  business  depression  it  would  be  necessary  to  draw 
on  the  treasury  surplus  and  eventually  probably  to 
reimpose  some  of  the  taxes  now  removed. 

Tariff  The  needless  excitement  over  a  possible 

Complication          tariff   war  with  Russia  is  rapidly  dwin- 
with  Russia  dling,  as  the  facts  in  the  case  and  rela- 

tively trivial  proportions  of  the  trade  involved  become 
more  clearly  understood.     The  substance  of  the  case  is 

igoi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  297 

simply  this :  under  the  Dingley  tariff  law  the  secretary 
of  the  treasury  is  required  to  impose  an  extra  duty  on 
sugar  coming  from  any  countries  which  pay  a  bounty 
on  the  export  of  sugar  to  the  United  States,  and  under 
this  law  additional  duties  have  been  regularly  assessed 
on  sugar  imported  from  Germany,  France,  Belgium,  the 
Netherlands  and  certain  other  sugar-exporting  coun- 
tries. A  duty  of  this  kind  was  also  assessed  on  Russian 
sugar  until  May,  1900,  when  it  was  temporarily  sus- 
pended pending  an  investigation  as  to  whether  Russia 
really  paid  an  export  bounty.  After  nine  months  it 
was  decided  that  Russia  did  practically  pay  such  a 
bounty  and  therefore,  on  February  i4th,  Secretary 
Gage  ordered  the  reimposition  of  the  "countervailing" 
duty,  based  on  the  net  amount  of  such  bounties.  This 
increased  the  duty  on  Russian  sugar  by  almost  one  cent 
a  pound. 

There  is  nothing  new  or  unprecedented  in  the  sec- 
retary's action.  It  simply  restores  a  duty  which  it  is 
found  ought  to  be  paid,  and  not  to  impose  which  would 
be  justly  regarded  by  Germany,  France  and  the  other 
countries  interested  as  an  unfair  discrimination  in  favor 
of  Russian  sugar.  Since  Russia  does  pay  this  export 
bounty,  there  is  absolutely  no  reason  why  it  should  be 
relieved  from  the  same  extra  duty  that  is  paid  by  other 
countries  on  their  bounty- assisted  exports. 

The  Russian  minister  of  finance,  M.  De  Witte, 
seems  to  have  imagined,  however,  that  he  can  force  a 
special  concession  from  the  United  States  by  imposing 
a  retaliatory  duty  on  American  iron  and  steel  products. 
Whether  he  will  literally  do  this  as  a  permanent  policy 
is  still  uncertain,  but  it  is  this  prospective  retaliation 
that  has  aroused  all  the  discussion  and  needless  alarm 
here  in  the  United  States.  It  appears,  taking  the  most 
liberal  Russian  estimates  of  American  imports  of  iron 
.and  steel,  whether  coming  directly  or  indirectly,  that 

298  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

we  do  not  send  Russia  more  than  $5,000,000  worth  per 
year,  while  that  going  direct  to  Russia  and  paying  the 
Russian  import  duty  as  American  products  is  less  than 
$4,000,000  worth  per  year.  Since  a  good  part  of  these 
exports  are  for  the  Russian  government  itself ,  in  building 
the  Siberian  railroad,  and  since  Russia's  sugar  exports  to 
this  country  amount  to  only  a  few  hundred  thousand 
dollars  per  year,  M.  De  Witte's  policy  will  cost  the 
Russians  a  very  material  advantage  and  gain  them 
nothing  in  return.  As  for  the  loss  to  American  iron 
and  steel  exporters,  it  is  altogether  trivial  compared 
with  the  possible  loss  that  might  come  from  commer- 
cial unfriendliness  with  such  a  country  as  Germany, 
which  buys  from  us  fifteen  to  twenty  times  as  much  as 
Russia  purchases.  That  this  trade  would  be  seriously 
injured  is  altogether  probable  if  we  should  make  a 
special  exception  on  the  sugar  duty  in  favor  of  Russia. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  whole  controversy  will  drop 
into  the  oblivion  which  it  thoroughly  deserves  by  its 
very  unimportance. 

Russia  is  a  much  more  serious  object  of 
concern  in  the  far  East,  however.  Dur- 
ing the  whole  period  of  the  disturbances 
in  central  China  last  summer  and  the  occupation  of 
Peking  by  the  powers,  Russia  was  carrying  on  a  war  of 
its  own  in  Manchuria,  along  the  line  of  the  Siberian 
railroad  and  along  the  Manchurian- Siberian  frontier. 
Chinese  troops  invaded  Russian  territory,  and  were  not 
only  driven  back  but  were  followed  throughout  Man- 
churia until  Russian  military  posts  practically  covered 
the  province.  It  now  appears  that  the  Russians  have 
been  arranging  with  the  local  Chinese  authorities,  inde- 
pendently of  the  powers  at  Peking,  for  the  joint  pres- 
ence of  Russian  and  Chinese  troops  in  Manchuria  for  an 
indefinite  period.  The  Russian  minister  of  foreign 


affairs,  Count  Lamsdorf,  declares  that  this  action  has 
been  taken  for  the  same  reasons  that  compelled  the 
powers  at  Peking  to  exact  terms  from  China  sufficient 
to  protect  foreign  interests  throughout  the  empire. 
Nevertheless,  the  impression  is  strong  that  the  czar's 
government  regards  Manchuria  as  distinct  from  the 
general  Chinese  problem  and  expects  to  arrange  with 
China  direct  for  the  future  status  of  the  province. 

There  is  much  to  confirm  this  suspicion.  Russia 
naturally  would  have  a  strong  interest  in  getting  con- 
trol of  the  region  which  includes  all  the  eastern  portion 
of  the  great  trans- continental  railroad  and  would  also 
afford  a  bulwark  and  base  of  operations  in  case  of 
trouble  with  the  czar's  most  powerful  eastern  neighbor 
— Japan.  There  is  good  reason,  too,  for  the  Russians 
to  look  for  trouble  with  Japan.  Port  Arthur,  which 
Russia  has  monopolized  for  the  terminus  of  its  railroad, 
was  really  won  from  China  by  the  Japanese,  who  were 
prevented  by  Russia  from  keeping  the  prize,  and  Japan 
is  constantly  suspicious  that  Russia  will  push  on  and 
absorb  Korea,  the  little  "buffer  state/'  which  the 
Japanese  will  some  day  want  for  themselves.  Of 
course,  if  Russia  should  finally  determine  to  establish 
a  protectorate  over  Manchuria,  which  would  be  equiva- 
lent to  annexing  it,  the  powers  would  have  to  prevent 
the  grab  by  force  or  else  join  in  a  complete  dismember- 
ment and  partition  of  the  Chinese  empire. 

Our  own  government  could  not  possibly  permit 
itself  to  share  in  any  such  spoliation,  and  therefore 
we  must  steadily  resist  every  diplomatic  tendency  that 
heads  in  the  direction  of  partition.  Our  one  great 
interest  in  China  is  the  preservation  of  the  '  *  open 
door,"  and  it  happens  that  Manchuria  furnishes  the 
largest  part  of  our  Chinese  market  for  cotton  goods. 
Russian  absorption  of  this  province  would  mean  an  end 
of  the  open  door  in  that  quarter,  and  if  the  rest  of 

300  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

China  were  divided  up  we  should  find  ourselves  en- 
tirely on  the  outside,  with  an  interesting  collection  of 
" open-  door"  pledges  as  our  only  reminders  of  the 
wonderful  trade  expansion  we  were  to  enjoy  in  the 
Orient,  and  to  which  Hawaii  and  the  Philippines  were 
to  be  the  stepping-stones.  If  ever  we  needed  a  strong 
diplomatic  policy  it  is  now  with  reference  to  Russia's 
presence  in  Manchuria.  There  is  the  real  kejr  to  the 
whole  future  policy  of  the  powers  regarding  China,  and 
we  ought  not  to  take  ourselves  out  of  the  controversy 
so  long  as  our  influence  is  needed  against  dismember- 
ment of  the  empire. 

Meanwhile,  China  is  proceeding  to  carry 
The  Powers  out  ^  Demands  of  the  powers.  Several 

of  the  Boxer  offenders  have  been  exe- 
cuted and  the  negotiations  now  relate  chiefly  to  the 
amounts  and  methods  of  paying  the  indemnities.  The 
powers  are  planning  the  details  of  gradual  withdrawal 
from  Chinese  territory.  Probably  the  American  and 
French  will  go  first,  the  British  will  take  the  summer  for 
it,  and  the  Germans  are  expected  to  stay  as  long  as  Count 
von  Waldersee  continues  to  enjoy  himself  in  the  heroic 
function  of  chasing  and  looting  little  bands  of  offending 
Chinamen  who  are  luckless  enough  to  let  their  where- 
abouts come  to  his  ears.  The  count  doubtless  expects 
a  monument  when  he  returns  to  Germany  and  it  ought 
to  bear  a  statue  representing  him  in  Brobdingnagian 
proportions,  armed  to  the  teeth,  and  with  the  rapt  ex- 
pression of  the  giant  who  has  just  "  smelled  the  blood" 
of  a  Chinaman. 

Just  recently,  a  flurry  has  arisen  at  Tien-Tsin  be- 
tween England  and  Russia,  the  importance  of  which  has 
been  much  exaggerated  for  sensational  purposes.  It 
appears  that  through  some  error  the  Chinese  granted  the 
same  piece  of  land  as  a  railroad  concession  to  both  Eng- 

igoi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  301 

land  and  Russia.  The  English,  upon  undertaking  to 
build  a  siding  on  it,  at  once  clashed  with  the  Russians. 
No  question  of  large  importance  is  affected  by  this  mis- 
understanding, and  it  is  incredible  that  so  slight  a  cause, 
obviously  growing  out  of  a  mistake  and  perfectly  capa- 
ble of  easy  settlement,  should  lead  to  serious  difficulties 
between  the  two  powers,  much  less  to  war. 

The  United  States  Steel  Corporation  was 
The  Giant  Steel  ~  11  .  ,  ^  -  ,,  - 

Cor    ration  finally  organized  on  February  25th,  under 

the  laws  of  New  Jersey,  with  a  nominal 
capitalization  of  only  $3,000,  soon  to  be  increased  to 
$850,000,000,  with  some  $304,000,000  of  bonds;  repre- 
senting in  all  a  capitalization  of  $1,154,000,000.  This 
giant  concern  represents  by  far  the  larger  part  of  all  the 
iron  and  steel  manufacturing  industries  of  the  country, 
including  the  Carnegie  Company,  the  Federal  Steel,  the 
American  Steel  and  Wire,  the  National  Tube,  the  Na- 
tional Steel,  the  American  Tin  Plate,  the  American 
Steel  Hoop,  the  American  Sheet  Steel  and  other  large 
establishments.  One-half  the  capital  stock  will  consist 
of  7  per  cent,  preferred  stock  and  the  other  of  ordinary 
common  stock,  while  the  bonds  will  bear  interest  at  5 
per  cent.  It  is  understood  that  the  $304,000,000  of 
bonds  of  the  new  company  are  to  be  given  in  exchange 
for  the  bonds  and  60  per  cent,  of  the  stock  of  the  Car- 
negie Company.  The  Carnegie  Company's  bonds 
amount  to  $160,000,000,  leaving  $144,000,000  for  the 
purchase  of  60  per  cent  of  the  stock.  As  the  Carnegie 
Company's  stock  also  amounts  to  $160,000,000,  60  per 
cent,  of  which  would  be  $96,000,000,  it  appears  that  the 
$144,000,000  to  be  given  for  this  would  be  at  the  rate  of 
$1,500  for  each  $1,000  share.  As  Mr.  Carnegie's  indi- 
vidual interest  in  the  Carnegie  Company  amounted  to 
$86, 3  79,  ooo  in  stock  and  about  the  same  amount  in  bonds, 
it  will  be  seen  that  the  consolidation  has  enabled  him  to 

303  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

retire  with  a  guaranteed  interest-bearing  fortune  of  con- 
siderably more  than  $200,000,000. 

It  is  estimated  by  Mr.  J.  Pierpont  Morgan,  to  whose 
efforts  chiefly  this  vast  consolidation  is  due,  that  proba- 
bly $150,000,000  would  have  been  spent  by  the  various 
companies  now  combined  in  the  next  five  years  in  com- 
petition and  the  building  of  additional  plants,  all  of 
which  will  now  be  saved.  In  order  to  pay  5  per  cent, 
on  the  bonds,  and  an  average  of  5  per  cent,  on  the  pre- 
ferred and  common  stock  (which  means,  of  course,  only 
3  or  4  per  cent,  on  the  common  stock)  the  new  corpora- 
tion will  have  to  earn  a  net  surplus  of  about  $50,000,000 
per  year.  As  it  is  estimated  that  the  various  industries 
consolidated  represent  a  total  production  of  more  than 
10,000,000  tons  annually,  it  will  be  seen  that  a  profit  of 
at  least  $5  per  ton  must  be  earned  to  get  this  $50,000,- 
ooo.  With  continued  prosperity  and  expansion  of  for- 
eign trade  it  does  not  seem  unreasonable  that  this  can 
be  done,  assuming,  of  course,  a  degree  of  ability  in  man- 
agement adequate  to  so  gigantic  a  business.  This  is  a 
large  assumption,  it  must  be  admitted,  and  only  experi- 
ence can  determine  whether  any  individual  manager  or 
any  board  of  directors  that  can  be  brought  together  will 
be  competent  successfully  to  handle  an  institution  of 
such  prodigious  bulk,  competing  in  the  world's  markets 
and  subject  all  the  time  to  new  competition  at  home 
whenever  the  maximum  efficiency  of  management  is  not 

Such  a  consolidation  probably  represents  the  high- 
water  mark  of  industrial  integration.  The  new  corpo- 
ration, if  it  endures,  may  expand  with  the  growth  of  the 
steel  industry  in  this  country,  but  there  is  no  other  line 
of  industry  which  offers  the  opportunity  for  consolida- 
tion on  any  such  gigantic  scale.  The  only  possible 
approach  to  the  steel  combination  in  the  matter  of  size 
would  be  a  consolidation  of  several  different  kinds  of 

1 90 1 . )  RE  VIE  W  OF  TH  EMON TH  303 

industries — an  experiment  which  is  almost  certain  to 
exceed  the  limits  of  greatest  economic  efficiency  by  its 
very  unnaturalness,  cumbersome  bulk  and  diversity  of 
policy,  and  therefore  to  invite  failure  from  the  outset. 
The  United  States  Steel  Corporation  not  only  represents 
the  high-water  mark  of  consolidation  but  it  is  a  monu- 
ment to  the  extraordinary  financial  genius  of  the  man 
who  was  able  to  bring  together  in  this  way  interests  so 
vast,  diverse  and  antagonistic. 

If  this  gigantic  corporation  has  not  been  bur- 
dened with  a  capitalization  beyond  its  earning  capacity, 
and  if  the  management  proves  equal  to  its  task,  the  con- 
solidation ought  to  be  a  permanent  success.  If  it  is,  it 
will  prevent  a  possible  demoralization  of  the  steel  indus- 
try, which  might  very  likely  have  come  through  exces- 
sive competition  and  brought  panic  and  hard  times  in 
its  train.  The  billion-dollar  corporation,  under  wise 
management  and  conservative  financial  guidance,  would 
make  for  industrial  stability  at  least,  and  in  this  every 
laborer  and  indeed  every  citizen  of  the  republic  has  a 
constant  and  vital  interest. 

Ex- President  Harrison,  who  died  at  In- 

Death  of  ^ .  . .      ,  ..        - 

Benjamin  Harrison  dianaP°lls  March  1 3tfc.  was  a  statesman 
of  great  intellectual  ability,  definiteness 
of  political  views  and  firmness  in  the  discharge  of  pub- 
lic duties.  These  qualities,  together  with  unquestioned 
personal  integrity,  make  up  a  type  of  man  not  so 
numerously  represented  in  our  public  life  to-day  that 
any  can  be  spared  without  the  loss  being  felt.  General 
Harrison  was  one  of  the  old-school  republican  states- 
men of  the  period  made  memorable  by  many  other 
strong  individualities, — such,  for  example,  as  Elaine, 
Conkling  and  Sherman.  Indeed,  it  will  probably  be  a 
long  time  before  a  national  administration  offers  such 
a  combination  of  ability  and  brilliancy  as  we  had  in 


Harrison,  Blaine  and  Reed,  as  president,  secretary  of 
state,  and  speaker  of  the  house,  respectively. 

General  Harrison  was  born  at  North  Bend,  Ohio, 
in  1833,  and  educated  at  Miami  University.  In  1854 
he  settled  in  Indianapolis  and  built  up  a  law  practice, 
interrupted  by  two  years  of  active  service  in  the  field 
during  the  civil  war,  in  the  course  of  which  he  rose 
from  the  rank  of  lieutenant  to  brigadier-general.  He 
was  United  States  senator  for  Indiana  from  1881  to 
1887  and  president  of  the  United  States  from  1889  to 
1893.  He  was  not  in  sympathy  with  the  foreign  policy  of 
the  McKinley  administration,  but  refrained  from  active 
criticism  until  what  he  considered  the  greater  danger 
of  Bryanism  was  safely  averted  by  the  election  of  1900. 
It  must  be  said,  of  his  recent  contention  that  the  con- 
stitution extends  uniformly  to  all  our  new  possessions, 
that  it  placed  his  own  earlier  policy  of  Hawaii  annex- 
ation in  an  unfortunate  light,  since,  if  the  Hawaiians 
were  entitled  under  the  constitution  to  political  equality, 
they  were  clearly  unfit  to  be  annexed  at  all.  General 
Harrison  did  not  repeat  this  mistake,  however,  in  his 
attitude  on  the  Philippine  question.  He  was  strongly 
opposed  to  annexation  of  these  islands,  and  this  partly 
because  of  his  conviction  that  if  once  annexed  we  could 
not  avoid  admitting  them  to  the  full  enjoyment  of 
American  constitutional  privileges. 

General  Harrison  was  never  a  mere  carping  critic 
or  "back-number"  statesman  with  a  grievance.  Indeed, 
his  private  life  after  retiring  from  the  presidency  was  a 
model  of  active  usefulness  and  dignified  reserve.  His 
recent  position  on  the  government's  foreign  policy  was 
that  of  abroad-minded  statesman  and  thorough  patriot. 
Had  his  hand  been  at  the  helm  during  the  last  four 
years  we  should  probably  have  had  no  Philippine  war 
and  no  need  of  wrenching  the  constitution  to  provide 
for  the  exigencies  of  a  "colonial"  policy. 


EDWIN     R.      A.     SELIGMAN,       PH.D.,       PROFESSOR       OF     POLITICAL 

It  has  long  been  recognized  that  there  are  certain 
forms  of  enterprise  which  differ  in  some  important  re- 
spects from  ordinary  business  ventures.  They  may  be 
divided  into  two  classes.  The  first  class  comprises 
those  where  the  industry  tends  strongly  to  become  an 
actual  monopoly  and  where  uncontrolled  monopoly  be- 
comes injurious  to  the  interests  of  society.  In  such  a 
case  no  one  denies  the  necessity  of  some  form  of  social 
intervention.  The  difficulty  arises  when  we  have  to  de- 
cide whether  this  should  take  the  form  of  government 
ownership  or  only  of  government  control.  The  second 
class  of  industries  comprises  those  which  may  continue 
to  be  subject  to  competition,  but  where  the  social 
interests  involved  are  of  such  commanding  importance 
as  to  demand  the  active  interference  of  government. 
An  attentive  observation  will  disclose  the  fact  that  both 
classes  of  enterprise  may  be  included  under  the  general 
name  of  transportation  and  communication,  understand- 
ing these  words  in  the  broadest  sense  to  include  the  de- 
livery of  values  as  well  as  the  transmission  of  intelli- 
gence. It  is  largely  about  some  of  these  forms  of  en- 
terprise that  the  great  controversy  is  taking  place  in 
every  modern  country.  These  industries  may  be 
classed  under  the  following  heads : 


306  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

I .  Transfer  of  Values. 

(i)  Coinage;  (2)  Issue  of  Notes;  (3)  Banks  of  Deposit;  (4)  Banks  of 

II.  Transfer  of  Products. 

(i)  Markets  and  Fairs;  (2)  Docks  and  Piers. 

III.  Transportation  of  Persons  and  Freight. 

(i)  Roads;  (2)  Canals;  (3)  Ferries;  (4)  Bridges;  (5)  Railways;  (6) 
Street  Railways ;  (7)  Express  Companies. 

IV.  Communication  or  Transmission  of  Intelligence, 
(i)  Post  Office;  (2)  Telegraph;  (3)  Telephone. 

V.  Transmission  of  Utilities  and  Power. 

(i)  Water  Works;  (2)  Lighting  Companies,  Gas  and  Electric;  (3) 
Electric  Power  Companies;  (4)  Steam  Heating  Companies;  (5)  Hot 
Water  Companies ;  (6)  Irrigation  and  Power  Canals. 

Although  in  the  beginning  all  these  enterprises 
are  in  the  hands  of  private  individuals,  some  of  them 
are  gradually  subjected  to  more  and  more  social  control, 
until  they  are  finally  taken  over  by  government  itself ; 
and  when  once  the  government  manages  these  enter- 
prises the  fiscal  policy  involved  slowly  changes.  So  far 
as  this  progress  takes  place  at  all,  there  seems  to  be  a 
definite  law  of  evolution  in  all  the  media  of  transporta- 
tion and  communication.  No  less  than  five  stages  of 
development  may  be  discerned : 

Everywhere  at  first  they  are  in  private  hands  and 
used  for  purposes  of  extortion  and  profit,  like  the  high- 
ways of  mediaeval  Europe,  or  the  early  bridges  and 
canals  and  markets.  In  the  second  stage,  they  are  "af- 
fected with  a  public  interest,"  and  are  turned  over  to 
trustees  who  are  permitted  to  charge  fixed  tolls  but  are 
required  to  keep  the  service  up  to  a  certain  standard. 
This  was  the  the  era  of  the  canal  or  turnpike  trusts  or 
companies.  In  the  third  stage  the  government  takes 
over  the  service,  but  manages  it  for  profit,  as  is  still  the 
case  to-day  in  some  countries  with  the  postal  and  rail- 
way systems.  In  the  fourth  stage,  the  government 
charges  tolls,  or  fees,  to  cover  expenses  only,  as  was  un- 
til recently  true  of  canals  and  bridges,  and  as  is  the  theory 

1 9oi.  ]  GO  VERNMENT  O  WNERSHIP  307 

of  the  postal  system  and  municipal  water  supply  with 
us  at  the  present  time.  In  the  fifth  stage,  the  govern- 
ment reduces  charges  until  finally  there  are  no  charges 
at  all  and  the  expenses  are  defrayed  by  a  general  tax  on 
the  community.  This  is  the  stage  now  reached  in  the 
common  roads  and  in  most  of  the  canals  and  bridges, 
and  which  has  been  proposed  by  officials  of  several 
American  cities  for  other  services,  like  the  water  sup- 

It  is  obvious,  however,  that  many  of  the  industries 
referred  to  above  have  not  gone  through  the  whole  of 
this  evolution,  and  that  some  of  them  still  remain  in  the 
very  first  stage.  It  is  necessary  to  consider  what  are 
the  reasons  for  this  inequality  of  development  and  what 
may  be  expected  in  the  immediate  future. 

The  general  principle  may  be  stated  as  follows. 
The  problem  of  governmental  ownership  of  industry  de- 
pends primarily  upon  three  considerations : 

(1)  The  existence  or  non-existence    of  a  widespread 
social  interest. 

(2)  The  amount  of  capital  invested. 

(3)  The  complexity  of  management. 

It  is  plain,  for  instance,  that  there  can  be  no  de- 
mand in  a  community  for  the  governmental  assumption 
of  any  industry  unless  that  industry  is  of  such  fundamen- 
tal social  importance  to  everyone  in  his  efforts  to  get 
a  living  as  to  justify  interference  by  government  to  that 
extent.  No  one  but  the  extreme  socialist  would  ask  that 
government  should  manage  a  shoe  factory.  For  this, 
after  all,  involves  a  special,  and  not  a  general,  interest. 

It  is  the  same  with  most  industries.  There  are 
so  many  different  kinds  and  grades  of  consumers  for 
well-nigh  every  commodity  that  there  is  scarcely  any 
consciously  felt  community  of  interests  in  the  matter. 
But  when  we  come  to  the  enterprises  mentioned  above, 
the  case  is  different.  Everyone  feels  that  there  is  a 

368  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

distinction  between  such  industries  and  purely  private 
industries,  because  the  former  are  far  more  intimately 
associated  with  the  life  of  every  citizen  and  with  the 
common  welfare.  Accordingly,  even  though  they  may 
be  retained  in  private  hands,  it  is  generally  recognized 
that  there  is  in  them  a  quasi-public  element  which  justi- 
fies some  form  of  effective  social  control. 

In  the  case  of  the  industries  here  included  under  the 
head  of  the  '  'transfer  of  values, "  there  is  comparatively 
little  discussion  to-day.  The  coinage  of  money,  which 
was  formerly  in  private  hands,  is  now  everywhere  con- 
ceded to  be  a  public  function.  The  banking  business 
is  also  seen  to  be  quasi-public  in  character.  Although 
in  many  countries  banks  are  still  owned  by  private  in- 
dividuals, government  control  in  the  way  either  of  ac- 
counting or  of  participation  in  the  management  is  every- 
where recognized  as  a  necessity.  The  only  moot  ques- 
tion is  as  to  whether  the  paper  currency  of  a  country  should 
be  issued  by  private  banks  or  by  the  government.  The 
decision  of  this  question  is  largely  dependent  upon  the 
political  situation  in  the  respective  countries. 

Much  the  same  may  be  said  of  the  class  of  industries 
mentioned  under  our  second  head.  The  markets,  which 
in  the  middle  ages  were  almost  exclusively  private,  are 
now  coming  more  and  more  to  be  under  public  control. 
The  survivals  of  the  old  system  in  England,  whereby 
individuals  who  received  medieval  grants  of  market 
rights  are  still  enabled  to  control  the  market  privileges 
in  many  of  the  towns,  are  now  felt  to  be  anachronisms ; 
hence  in  England  as  in  many  other  places  in  Europe 
the  vested  rights  of  individuals  are  being  bought  out 
by  the  local  corporations.  In  America  the  provision  mar- 
kets on  a  large  scale  are  very  largely  under  public  con- 
trol, and  yield  a  substantial  income  to  the  city  authori- 
ties. In  the  case  of  the  docks  and  piers,  very  much  the 
same  development  has  taken  place.  In  the  United 


States  the  progress  has  not  been  so  rapid  as  abroad,  but 
no  one  acquainted  with  the  recent  history  of  New  York 
city  can  doubt  that  the  municipalization  of  the  river 
front  is  leading  to  a  great  increase  of  facilities  as  well  as 
of  public  revenue. 

When,  however,  we  come  to  a  consideration  of  the 
last  three  classes  in  our  schedule,  we  reach  the  problems 
which  are  being  so  actively  discussed  at  present.  In 
a  few  of  the  sub-divisions  the  controversies  have  been 
laid  to  rest.  For  instance,  in  the  case  of  the  common 
highways  the  process  is  about  complete.  Originally  the 
roads  were  the  private  property  of  the  petty  princes, 
who  used  them  for  purposes  of  extortion.  It  was  only 
after  a  long  period  that  the  general  government  took 
over  the  highways,  although  they  frequently  allowed 
private  trusts  or  companies  to  manage  the  turnpikes,  on 
condition  that  the  payment  of  tolls  to  them  would  insure 
the  keeping  of  the  roads  in  good  repair.  It  is  only  of 
comparatively  recent  occurrence  that  the  tolls  have  been 
abolished  and  that  the  roads  have  become  the  common 
highways  of  the  country.  In  certain  rural  sections  of 
the  United  States  to-day  there  is  still  some  controversy 
over  the  principle.  But  in  general  it  may  be  said  that 
the  period  of  discussion  is  at  an  end. 

The  same  state  of  affairs  is  found  in  the  case  of 
bridges  and  very  largely  also  in  that  of  canals.  Canals 
were  almost  everywhere  at  first  owned  by  private  parties. 
New  York,  however,  from  the  very  outset  made  a  shining 
exception  in  the  case  of  the  Erie  Canal,  and  her  exam- 
ple has  been  largely  followed  in  this  countrv.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  it  is  only  within  the  last  two  dec- 
ades that  canal  tolls  were  abolished  in  New  York  and 
that  the  canals  were  made  free  to  all.  But  the  canal 
problem  is  to-day  of  minor  importance  because  of  the 
advent  of  newer  media  of  transportation. 

In  the  case  of  ferries,  when  they  are  of  distinct  social 

310  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

importance,  they  are  generally  in  the  hands  of  the  gov- 
ernment, although  they  may,  as  in  the  case  of  New  York, 
be  rented  out  to  private  parties. 

The  same  considerations  apply  in  the  main  to  the 
fourth  class  of  industries.  Discussion  over  the  post-office 
has  been  largely  laid  to  rest,  so  far  as  the  transmission  of 
letters,  at  all  events,  is  concerned.  Everybody,  with  the 
exception  of  some  extreme  individualists,  like  Mr.  Her- 
bert Spencer  and  his  followers,  is  agreed  that  the  post- 
al business  should  be  in  the  public  hands,  because  in  a 
democracy  everybody  is  supposed  to  read  and  write, 
and  thus  to  have  an  equal  interest  in  the  use  of  the 
mails.  The  chief  reason,  however,  why  there  is  no  dis- 
pute on  the  question  of  the  post-office,  is  that  the  gov- 
ernment post  originated  at  a  time  when  there  was  no 
controversy  over  the  limits  of  government  interference ; 
when  this  controversy  arose,  the  postal  service  had  be- 
come such  a  well-settled  government  institution  that 
few  people  even  thought  of  raising  the  question. 
Moreover,  in  the  case  of  the  postal  service  it  will  be 
recognized  that  all  three  of  our  criteria  hold  good.  In 
the  first  place,  there  is  a  widespread  social  interest ; 
secondly,  the  amount  of  capital  invested  is  very  slight, 
nothing  being  needed  but  the  sites  and  buildings  for  the 
post-offices,  and  a  few  simple  devices  for  stamping  and 
transporting  the  letters ;  and,  thirdly,  the  management 
itself  is  comparatively  simple.  Yet  even  in  the  post- 
office  it  is  a  notorious  fact  that  government  manage- 
ment is  more  costly  than  private  management.  A  fa- 
mous postmaster  general  of  the  United  States  once  told 
the  present  writer  that  if  instead  of  being  employed  by 
the  government  he  were  at  the  head  of  a  large  private 
corporation  running  the  post,  he  could  save  at  least 
twenty  million  dollars  a  year.  He  could  do  this  princi- 
pally through  the  more  effective  administration  and  con- 


solidation  of  post-offices,  which  is  at  present  rendered 
impossible  by  political  conditions. 

Nevertheless,  no  one  would  think  of  abandoning  the 
government  postal  service.  The  only  controversy  in 
this  country  arises  over  what  are  in  other  countries  some 
of  the  ancillary  features  of  postal  administration.  Such, 
for  instance,  is  the  problem  of  the  postal  telegraph,  to 
be  discussed  below ;  and  such,  also,  is  the  problem  of 
parcels  post.  Almost  everywhere,  except  in  the  United 
States,  this  is  a  well  recognized  function  of  the  post-office ; 
with  us,  the  private  express  companies  are  so  firmly  en- 
trenched that  there  seems  to  be  little  prospect  of  alter- 
ing the  situation.  Yet  all  the  arguments  in  favor  of  a 
letter  post  would  apply  almost  equally  well  to  a  parcels 
post.  In  theory  at  all  events,  there  is  no  reason  for 
further  continuance  of  private  express  companies  in  the 
United  States. 

When  we  come  to  the  telegraph,  what  has  been 
said  of  the  post-office  applies  in  the  main  also  to  the 
telegraph  service.  Unfortunately,  in  this  country  the 
telegraph  service  is  not  used  by  everyone.  The  charges 
are  apparently  so  high  and  the  conditions  are  such  that 
the  telegraph  is  used  chiefly  for  business  purposes,  and 
only  to  a  very  slight  extent  for  social  purposes.  In 
other  countries,  where  the  telegraph  is  an  adjunct  to 
the  postal  system,  and  where  the  rates  are  lower  and  the 
facilities  greater,  the  people  use  it,  as  everyone  knows, 
to  a  far  greater  extent  in  proportion  to  the  intelligence 
of  the  people,  than  we  do.  Therefore,  from  the  point 
of  view  of  possible  widespread  social  interest,  the  tele- 
graph service  ought  to  be  put  on  a  par  with  the  postal 
service.  In  the  United  States  postal  charges  are  lower 
and  telegraph  charges  are  higher  than  abroad.  Sec- 
ondly, as  regards  the  capital  invested,  while  in  the  case 
of  the  telegraph  the  necessity  for  the  application  of 
capital  is  somewhat  greater  than  in  the  case  of  the  post. 

312  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

it  is  slight  as  compared  with,  other  interests.  All  that 
is  necessary  is  to  procure  enough  capital  to  put  up  poles 
and  to  string  the  wires,  and  possibly  also  to  secure 
certain  rights  of  way.  If  the  government  were  to 
attempt  to  buy  out  the  telegraph  lines  there  would 
therefore  be  a  capital  outlay,  but  still  an  insignificant 
one  as  compared  with  that  invested  in  ordinary  enter- 
prises for  other  means  of  transportation.  Finally,  in 
the  case  of  the  telegraph,  the  complexity  of  manage- 
ment would  also  be  a  slight  factor.  Naturally  there 
will  be  from  time  to  time  new  inventions  in  telegraph 
apparatus.  The  experience,  however,  of  even  such 
sleepy  administrations  as  those  of  France  and  England 
shows  that  the  telegraph  service  does  contrive  to  keep 
on  a  level  with  the  new  inventions.  And  while  the 
telegraph  operators  may  in  some  respects  be  com- 
pared to  the  postal  clerks,  the  government  telegraph 
generally  manages  to  secure  a  high  level  of  efficiency 
in  its  officials. 

Therefore,  it  seems  that  if  we  look  at  the  problem 
from  each  of  these  three  points  of  view,  the  widespread 
social  interest,  the  amount  of  capital  involved  and  the 
complexity  of  management,  all  the  conditions  are  in 
favor  of  the  assumption  of  the  postal  telegraph  by  the 
government.  This  has  been  recognized  by  almost  all 
the  countries  of  the  world,  including  the  most  advanced 
democracies,  such  as  Switzerland  and  Australasia.  The 
history  of  almost  every  country  except  our  own  shows 
that,  although  the  telegraph  may  have  started  in  private 
hands,  it  was  sooner  or  later  brought  under  government 

It  is  well  known  that  when  the  first  telegraph  in 
the  world  was  started  in  the  United  States  in  1844, 
it  was  practically  in  the  hands  of  the  government,  and 
that  the  government  decided  not  to  go  on  with  the  tele- 
graph business,  largely  for  the  same  reason  that  led  the 

igoi.}  GO  VERNMENT  O  WNERSHIP  313 

postmaster-general  in  England  at  about  the  same  time 
violently  to  oppose  the  postal  reforms  of  Mr.  Rowland 
Hill.  The  administration  thought  that  the  whole 
matter  would  not  amount  to  anything  and  did  not  want 
to  commit  the  government  to  such  a  hazardous  experi- 
ment. On  the  other  hand,  the  originator  of  the  tele- 
graph system,  who  was  wise  enough  to  appreciate  the 
ultimate  outcome,  did  not  conceal  his  opinion  that  it 
ought  to  form  a  natural  adjunct  to  the  postal  system. 

The  only  reason  why  there  is  not  a  louder  outcry  in 
this  country  for  governmental  assumption  of  the  tele- 
graph is  that  the  abuses  of  the  telegraph  system  are  far 
less  than  those  connected  with  other  forms  of  trans- 
portation. It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  the 
question  of  abuse  is  not  the  only  one,  and  that  what  is 
to  be  desired  is  above  all  the  greatest  possible  social 
utility.  It  might  be  claimed  that  if  the  government 
managed  the  telegraph  lines  of  this  country  it  would  not 
make  as  much  money  as  the  Western  Union  Telegraph 
Company.  This  is  no  doubt  true;  but,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  object  of  the  government  should  be  not  to 
make  profits  but  to  run  the  service  just  as  the  postal 
service  is  run.  In  the  post-office,  any  possible  profit  is 
utilized  to  reduce  the  rates.  In  the  case  of  the  tele- 
graph, we  know  that  the  rates  are  far  higher  in  this 
country  than  abroad,  even  allowing  for  the  difference  in 
the  value  of  money ;  the  rates  are  higher  not  only  for 
long  distances,  but  also  for  short  distances.  As  a  result 
the  use  of  the  telegraph  service  in  this  country  cannot 
be  compared  with  that  abroad.  Therefore,  although 
there  may  not  be  any  serious  abuses  connected  with 
the  telegraph  management  in  the  United  States,  it 
seems  that  every  argument  that  can  be  made  in  favor  of 
the  retention  of  the  postal  service  by  the  government 
can  be  applied  to  the  assumption  of  the  telegraph  service 
by  the  public. 

314  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

Practically  the  same  arguments  would  hold  good  in 
the  case  of  the  telephone.  Only  a  few  months  ago 
England  enacted  a  law  whereby  in  a  very  few  years  the 
whole  telephone  system  will  be  part  and  parcel  of  the 
English  post-office.  Almost  everywhere  else  in  the 
world,  even  though  the  telephone  service  may  have 
been  originally  in  the  hands  of  private  parties,  it  is  now 
fast  coming  to  be  under  the  control  of  the  government. 
It  is  true  that  the  arguments  are  not  quite  so  strong  for 
the  telephone  as  for  the  telegraph.  The  complexity  of 
management  is  somewhat  greater  in  the  case  of  the 
telephone  than  in  that  of  the  telegraph,  and  it  requires 
a  little  more  care  to  keep  up  to  the  level  of  modern 
science.  Nevertheless,  the  difference  is  not  material. 
To  the  extent  that  the  long  distance  telephone,  since 
the  great  invention  of  Professor  Pupin,  will  probably 
become  even  more  important  than  the  local  telephone, 
the  arguments  in  favor  of  the  retention  of  the  telephone 
in  the  hands  of  the  federal  government  rather  than 
of  the  local  government  become  much  stronger.  It 
is  to  a  great  extent  considerations  of  this  kind  that  have 
led  England  to  take  the  power  over  the  telephones  away 
from  the  municipalities  and  to  put  it  in  the  hands  of 
the  central  government.  Of  course,  all  this  assumes 
that,  hand  in  hand  with  this  progress,  there  will  go  a 
development  of  civil  service  reform.  As  a  matter 
of  fact  there  have  been  few  political  dangers  in  this 
country  shown  in  connection  with  the  postal  service. 
To  the  extent  that  they  have  manifested  themselves  they 
have  been  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  political 
dangers  that  would  have  ensued  had  the  postal  service 
been  in  private  hands.  In  all  such  cases  it  is  necessary 
to  balance  the  good  against  the  evil. 

While  the  arguments  hitherto  advanced  would  lead 
to  the  governmental  assumption  of  the  telegraph  and 
the  telephone,  they  would  lead  to  precisely  the  opposite 

igoi.J  GO  VERNMENT  O  WNERSH1P  315 

conclusion  in  the  case  of  the  railways.  So  far  as  the 
general  social  interest  is  concerned,  the  situation  would 
indeed  not  be  different.  It  is  this  fact  which  has  brought 
everyone  in  this  country  to  a  recognition  of  the  need  of 
some  form  of  social  control  over  the  railways.  But  the 
main  reasons  why  government  railways  would  be  a  fail- 
ure in  the  United  States  have  been  mentioned  in  the 
other  two  general  considerations  adduced  above.  Take, 
for  instance,  the  question  of  the  investment  of  capital. 
In  the  case  of  the  post- office,  even  though  we  spend 
over  a  hundred  millions  a  year  there  is  no  large  capital 
account.  It  is  chiefly  current  expense.  But  in  the  case 
of  the  railway  service  we  have  the  most  stupendous  of 
all  modern  industries.  The  amount  of  capital  invested 
is  gigantic.  The  fiscal  reason  would  suffice  to  kill  the 
scheme  for  government  rail  ways.  Governmental  owner- 
ship would  throw  the  whole  budget  out  of  gear ;  the 
revenues  and  expenditures  of  our  railways  would  be 
two  or  three  times  as  great  as  all  the  rest  of  our 
revenues  together,  and  the  entire  budget  would  depend 
upon  the  temporary  prosperity  or  lack  of  prosperity  of 
the  railway  system.  We  know  that  in  bad  times  the 
revenues  of  the  railways  in  this  country  shrink  by  tens 
and  even  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars.  This  would 
so  embarrass  the  whole  revenue  side  of  our  budget  as  to 
lead  to  a  complete  revolution  not  only  of  our  tax  system 
but  also  of  our  entire  budgetary  methods.  This  point, 
which  has  commonly  been  overlooked,  is  of  considerable 

Still  more  important,  however,  is  the  problem  of 
the  complexity  of  management.  This  alone  would  be 
an  insuperable  bar  to  governmental  management  of  rail- 
ways. Of  all  businesses,  the  railway  business  calls  for 
the  most  delicate  handling  and  must  needs  pay  for  the 
highest  possible  business  ability.  The  great  salaries  of 
to-day  are  given  to  the  railway  presidents — salaries  from 

316  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

$25,000  to  $100,000  a  year,  and  deservedly  so,  because 
without  consummate  capacity  the  attempt  to  run  a  rail- 
way would  be  a  failure.  Governments  could  not  hope 
to  compete  successfully  in  this  respect  with  private 

Conditions  may  indeed  change  during  the  next  few 
decades,  but  under  the  present  system  we  cannot  expect 
a  democracy  to  pay  as  high  salaries  to  its  officials  as  pri- 
vate industrial  enterprises  are  able  to  do.  The  average 
man  of  business  or  professional  ability  will  not  be 
attracted  to  the  government  service.  There  are 
indeed  honorable  exceptions  to  the  rule.  Yet  we  all 
know  of  men  who  would  have  been  glad  to  accept  gov- 
ernment positions  when  offered  to  them,  but  who 
have  stated  that  they  could  not  possibly  afford 
to  do  so.  It  is  asking  a  great  sacrifice  of  a 
man,  in  these  days  of  such  immense  opportunities  for 
special  ability,  to  give  up  comfort  and  wealth  for  the 
more  ideal  end  of  serving  the  public.  Only  the  best 
and  the  noblest  men  do  that,  and  their  numbers  are  as 
yet  exceedingly  few.  It  may  be  claimed  that  govern- 
ment can  get  the  same  talent  at  a  somewhat  cheaper 
rate  than  private  corporations,  but  this  is  not  true  to  the 
extent  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  equalize  the  differ- 
ence between  public  and  private  management.  There- 
fore, to  turn  over  the  greatest,  the  most  complex  and 
the  most  fundamental  industry  of  modern  times  to  the 
hands  of  the  government  would,  under  present  con- 
ditions in  the  United  States  at  all  events,  lead  to  such  a 
decrease  in  efficiency  as  soon  to  become  well-nigh  intol- 
erable. The  great  advantage  of  individual  initiative  in 
industry  is  that  the  ability  of  the  citizen  is  turned  to- 
ward the  reduction  of  the  cost  of  production.  All  prog- 
ress in  the  world  consists  very  largely  in  lowering  the 
cost  of  production  of  commodities  by  driving  out  old 
processes  and  introducing  new  processes.  This  results 

1 9o  i .  ]  GO  VERNMENT  O  WNERSHIP  317 

not  alone  in  lower  prices  for  the  commodity,  but,  as  our 
history  has  amply  shown,  in  higher  wages  for  the  oper- 
ative as  well  as  in  more  prosperity  for  the  employer. 
A  prominent  German  who  was  one  of  the  chief  advo- 
cates of  the  assumption  of  railways  by  Prussia,  and  who 
has  written  admirable  books  on  the  American  railway 
problem,  has  said  that  if  he  were  an  American  he  would 
be  the  most  outspoken  opponent  of  government  assump- 
tion of  railways  in  this  country.  The  difference  in  po- 
litical conditions  must  everywhere  be  borne  in  mind. 

To  say  that  the  government  should  not  assume  the 
railways  does  not  mean  that  the  government  should  per- 
mit free  competition  in  the  railway  service.  The  great 
advantage  of  the  competitive  system  is  that  competition 
always  forces  the  price  down  to  the  level  of  the  cheapest 
competitor.  It  is  only  through  the  force  of  competition 
in  ordinary  industry  that  the  conditions  arise  under 
which  new  inventions  are  made,  under  which  new  ma- 
chines are  introduced,  under  which  the  cost  of  produc- 
tion is  lowered.  All  progress,  therefore,  which  directly 
depends  upon  the  decrease  of  the  cost  of  production  de- 
pends upon  the  competition  between  producers.  That 
is  why,  under  the  competitive  system  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  the  world  has  been  making  such  immense  ad- 
vances. Now,  this  very  excellence  of  the  competitive 
system  discloses  its  weakness  when  applied  to  a  public 
or  quasi-public  enterprise.  Prices  can  be  brought  down 
and  lowered  only  through  the  effort  of  producers  to  get 
the  better  of  each  other  and  to  offer  to  their  purchasers 
all  kinds  of  inducements  in  order  to  widen  their  mar- 
ket. Every  merchant  and  manufacturer  tries  so  far  as 
he  can  to  secure  control  of  the  market,  and  he  attempts 
to  do  this  by  reducing  his  own  price  to  any  point  that  is 
consistent  with  profits  to  him.  If  I  go  to  a  woollen  house 
in  Worth  Street,  I  try  to  ascertain  what  my  competitor 
is  paying  for  these  goods,  and  then  I  try  to  get  a  little 

313  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

lower  rate.  Upon  my  getting  that  lower  rate  or  not 
will  perhaps  depend  the  success  or  failure  of  that  par- 
ticular merchant.  In  other  words,  private  business  men 
can  succeed  only  by  playing  off  one  man  against  another. 
That  is  the  meaning  of  getting  the  best  rates  available. 

While  this  is  the  normal  and  necessary  condition  in 
ordinary  economic  life,  it  becomes  bad  instead  of  good 
when  applied  to  a  quasi-public  enterprise,  because  the 
fundamental  condition  of  all  such  quasi- public  institu- 
tions is  that  consumers  shall  be  put  on  the  same  level. 
It  is  just  the  opposite  principle  of  what  we  have  in 
ordinary  business.  Ordinary  competitive  enterprise 
means  the  preferring  of  the  one  over  the  other.  The 
transportation  business,  which  is  primarily  a  quasi- 
public  business,  if  it  is  to  be  conducted  on  the  principle 
of  social  utility,  means  putting  everybody  on  the  same 
level.  The  only  competition  which  is  permissible  in 
transportation  is  not  a  competition  as  to  rates  but  a  com- 
petition as  to  efficiency  of  service ;  whereas  in  ordinary 
business  life  competition  includes  not  only  competition 
in  efficiency  but  also  competition  in  rates.  Hence  the 
conclusion  that  competition  is  not  applicable  to  the 
transportation  business  in  the  same  sense  that  it  is  to 
ordinary  enterprise.  The  sole  meaning  of  the  social 
control  of  the  transportation  business  is  to  preserve  the 
advantages  of  competition  in  facilities  while  doing  away 
with  that  of  competition  in  rates.  But  this  by  no  means 
necessarily  implies  government  management. 

When  we  come  finally  to  the  so-called  municipal 
monopolies,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  consideration  of  the 
same  general  principles  would  lead  to  a  conclusion  in 
harmony  with  those  already  arrived  at.  In  the  case  of 
the  water  supply,  the  arguments  are  largely  in  favor  of 
municipal  ownership  and  management.  The  social 
interests  are  of  the  utmost  importance  and  there  is 
almost  no  complexity  of  management.  When  once  the 

i9oi.]  GO  VERNMENT  O  WNERSHIP  319 

aqueduct  and  the  water  pipes  are  ready,  all  that  is  neces- 
sary is  to  regulate  the  pressure  from  time  to  time,  which 
can  be  done  under  the  charge  of  any  competent  engi- 
neer. Of  course,  with  the  growth  of  cities  in  size,  the 
capital  involved  would  become  increasingly  greater 
until,  as  in  the  case  of  the  new  scheme  for  the  addition 
to  the  water  supply  of  New  York,  tens  of  millions  of 
dollars  may  be  required.  On  the  other  hand,  however, 
it  must  be  remembered  that  here,  as  in  the  case  of  con- 
struction of  new  piers  or  docks,  charges  or  rents  can 
easily  be  fixed  at  such  a  point  that,  without  unduly 
burdening  the  public,  they  will  be  sufficient  to  defray 
not  only  the  running  expense  but  also  the  interest  on 
the  debt  and  what  is  needed  in  the  way  of  an  amortization 
quota  to  fund  the  debt.  Recent  documents  have  shown 
that  in  the  period  from  1890  to  1898  alone  the  total  profit 
of  the  Croton  water  supply  of  New  York,  over  and  above 
all  expense  of  maintenance,  amounted  to  almost  $14,- 
000,000, — a  fact  which  may  be  used  in  support  of  the 
proposition  that  water  charges  for  residence  purposes, 
at  all  events,  should  be  still  further  reduced  in  New 
York.  The  argument  in  favor  of  municipal  water  own- 
ership is  thus  strong.  It  will  therefore  not  surprise  us  that 
the  tendency  toward  municipalization  of  the  water  sup- 
ply is  a  great  and  growing  one  in  the  United  States. 
Over  fifty -three  per  cent,  of  all  water  plants  in  the 
country  are  now  in  the  hands  of  local  governments. 

In  the  case  of  the  gas  business  the  matter  is  more 
complicated.  The  social  interests  indeed  are  wide- 
spread, but  not  so  overwhelmingly  important  as  in  the 
case  of  water.  For,  while  everyone  needs  water,  gas  is 
only  one  among  many  methods  of  illumination.  Sec- 
ondly, the  complexity  of  management  is  considerably 
greater  than  in  the  case  of  the  water  supply.  The 
stimulus  of  private  initiative  is  needed  to  a  far  greater 
extent  in  order  that  the  management  may  avail  itself  of 

320  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

the  continual  improvements  in  the  process,  thus  leading 
to  a  reduction  of  cost.  In  the  one  great  example  of 
municipal  gas  ownership  that  we  have  had  in  the  United 
States,  namely,  in  Philadelphia,  the  results  were  satis- 
factory neither  to  the  treasury  nor  to  the  consumer. 
Whatever  may  be  said  of  the  methods  employed  by  the 
private  monopoly  to  which  the  city  of  Philadelphia  has 
farmed  out  the  management  of  the  gas  service  for  a  term 
of  years,  there  is  little  doubt  that  both  the  consumer 
and  the  city  treasury  have  profited  to  a  considerable 

In  the  case  of  the  electric  light,  the  arguments  in 
favor  of  municipal  ownership  are  perhaps  somewhat  more 
convincing,  at  all  events  in  those  smaller  towns  where 
natural  conditions  favor  the  situation,  and  where  the 
outlay  is  relatively  inconsiderable.  The  complexity  of 
management  is  largely  minimized,  but  even  here  con- 
siderable care  must  be  observed. 

Finally,  in  the  case  of  street  railways,  the  argu- 
ments in  favor  of  municipal  management  are  less  strong 
than  in  either  the  water  or  the  electric  light  supply. 
For  here,  although  the  complexity  of  management  is 
by  no  means  so  great  as  in  the  steam  railway,  it  is  of 
far  more  importance  than  it  would  be  in  the  case  of  the 
telegraph,  the  telephone,  or  water  works.  It  is  very 
unlikely  that  the  municipal  authorities  of  any 
American  city  would  have  had  the  courage  to  under- 
take such  great  revolutions  in  the  methods  of  transpor- 
tation as  have  been  successfully  inaugurated  and  com- 
pleted during  the  past  few  years  in  our  chief  cities. 
Not  only  is  this  true,  but  the  capital  involved  is  so  tre- 
mendous that,  without  complete  changes  in  our  whole 
system  of  constitutional  limitations,  it  would  be  entirely 
out  of  the  question  for  our  American  cities  to  burden 
themselves  with  the  gigantic  debts  that  would  be  neces- 
sary to  carry  out  the  scheme.  The  far  safer  plan,  for 


the  immediate  future  at  all  events,  seems  to  lie  in  the 
direction  of  safeguarding  the  public  interests  through 
governmental  regulation,  rather  than  through  govern- 
mental management.  And  even  if  government  owner- 
ship be  decided  upon,  every  argument  would  be  in 
favor  of  following  the  plan  of  the  underground  rapid 
transit  scheme  in  New  York,  namely,  government 
ownership  but  private  management  under  conditions 
fixed  by  the  municipality,  which  should  cover  at  once 
the  social  interests  of  the  community,  the  needs  of  the 
treasury  and  the  relations  between  the  corporation  and 
its  employees.  In  this  way  the  best  features  of  each 
system  could  be  retained. 

We  see  then,  that  in  the  consideration  of  this  ques- 
tion we  must  not  be  led  away  by  preconceived  notions 
on  either  side.  The  outcry  of  socialism  is  utterly  be- 
side the  mark,  for  in  enterprises  of  the  kind  contem- 
plated in  this  paper,  the  principle  of  free  competition 
cannot  possibly  apply.  Where  the  industry  is  neces- 
sarily a  monopoly,  the  only  choice  is  ;between  a  public 
monopoly  and  a  private  monopoly  under  social  regula- 
tion. No  one  should  be  frightened  by,the  bugaboo  of 
socialism.  It  is  a  question  for  final  decision  after  a 
careful  weighing  of  the  arguments  for  and'against ;  and, 
in  such  a  complicated  problem  as  this,  good  arguments 
will  be  found  on  either  side.  But,  above  all,  it  must 
be  remembered  that  the  problem  is  not  simply  the  ab- 
stract one  of  the  general  limits  of  governmental  activi- 
ty, but  the  very  concrete  problem ^'as^to  how  far  the 
practical  political  conditions  in  any  particular  country 
permit  of  the  realization  of  the  ideal.  We  may  all  agree, 
for  instance,  that  in  these  enterprises,  whether  they 
are  called  quasi-public  businesses  or  public.service  cor- 
porations, the  public  element  is  the  preponderant  one. 
We  may  all  concur  in  the  belief  that  even  where  it 
seems  desirable  to  retain  for  the  time  the  management 

322  G  UN  TON'S  MA  GAZINE 

of  such  enterprises  in  private  hands  the  period  may 
come  when  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  social 
control  of  private  management  may  be  outweighed  by 
the  benefits  of  direct  governmental  operation.  Yet  in 
a  democracy  it  is  always  wise  to  make  haste  slowly  and 
to  refrain  from  taking  a  leap  in  the  dark.  If 
there  is  any  truth  in  the  historical  tendency  men- 
tioned at  the  beginning  of  this  paper,  it  is  more  than 
likely  that  the  future— how  remote  a  future  we  cannot 
tell — has  in  store  for  us  a  complete  transference  of 
quasi-public  enterprises  to  the  public  itself.  But  until 
the  general  political  and  economic  conditions  are  ripe 
for  such  a  wholesale  change,  the  probable  result  would 
be  the  realization  of  an  abstract  principle  at  the  cost  of 
efficiency  and  progress.  That  social  control  of  quasi- 
public  enterprises  will  in  the  near  future  receive  a 
marked  development  is  beyond  any  question.  But 
it  is  not  until  social  control  has  been  tested  and 
found  wanting,  that  in  the  case  of  some  of  the  distinctly 
municipal  monopolies  we  shall  be  ready  for  the  further 
step  of  public  management. 


Dictation  is  government  by  force.  Throughout 
the  history  of  advancing  society  there  has  been  a  more 
or  less  continuous  struggle  to  eliminate  the  dictator,  to 
supersede  dictation  by  representation.  The  effect  of 
dictatorship  is  demoralizing  even  to  the  dictator  him- 
self, because  it  lacks  the  moral  influence  of  responsible 
accountability.  Human  progress  has  not  yet  produced 
a  type  of  being  perfect  enough  to  exercise  the  power  of 
dictator  without  degenerating  into  an  oppressive 
despot.  Dictation  and  democracy,  therefore,  are  in- 
compatible; they  are  mortal  enemies  of  each  other. 
This  is  true  in  every  sphere  of  social  life,  and,  just  as 
fast  as  the  conscious  demand  for  freedom  and  the 
capacity  to  exercise  it  advances,  the  tendency  to  super- 
sede dictation  by  representation  increases.  Sometimes 
it  requires  a  revolution,  sometimes  it  comes  by  the  less 
violent  means  of  gradual  evolution,  but  it  always  comes 
wherever  civilization  advances.  The  advance  of  this 
representative  principle  in  government  has  been  the 
conspicuous  feature  in  the  political  progress  of  the 
nineteenth  century.  In  Europe  it  began  in  England 
with  the  first  reform  bill  and  gradually  extended  from 
class  to  class  until  it  finally  embraced  the  masses,  and, 
for  the  major  portion  of  the  political  institutions,  prac- 
tically established  democracy.  In  various  degrees  this 
principle  of  representation  has  extended  to  every 
country  in  Europe  with  the  exception  of  Russia  and 
Turkey.  There  dictation  still  remains  supreme. 

In  this  country  our  institutions  are  founded  en- 
tirely upon  the  theory  of  representation.  Dictation  is 
an  element  obnoxious  to  the  very  nature  and  character 
of  our  institutions,  but,  as  dictation  is  the  prime  ele- 
ment in  all  ante-democratic  institutions,  it  naturally 


824  G  UNTON  'S  MA  GAZINJS  [April, 

asserts  itself  wherever  the  democratic  principle  is  not 
sufficiently  safeguarded  to  prevent  it.  In  the  develop- 
ment and  perfection  of  democratic  government  in  this 
country,  therefore,  it  has  been  a  more  or  less  constant 
struggle  to  maintain  the  practical  operation  of  the 
democratic  principle.  With  every  new  phase  of  na- 
tional development,  creating  new  conditions  and  rela- 
tions, the  ever  latent  force  of  dictation  asserts  itself. 
It  showed  itself  in  industry,  not  merely  in  slavery  but 
in  all  phases  of  factory  and  mercantile  development. 
The  concentrated  organization  of  industry,  the  develop- 
ment of  cities,  the  creation  of  large  enterprises,  all 
tended  to  produce  new  societary  conditions  and  rela- 
tions, and  with  every  such  new  step  the  lack  of  experi- 
ence was  taken  advantage  of  for  the  assertion  of  the 
power  of  the  dictator.  The  struggle  to  preserve  the 
idea  of  freedom,  in  fact  as  well  as  theory,  has  made  an 
immense  amount  of  protective  legislation  necessary 
along  all  the  lines  of  social  and  industrial  life.  The 
rights  and  opportunities  of  the  people  to  assert  their 
desires,  to  organize  and  act  for  their  own  interests  and 
be  recognized  by  representation,  have  had  to  be 
defined  and  protected  in  an  infinite  variety  of  ways; 
in  fact,  in  every  phase  of  life  where  progress  has 
produced  new  and  more  complex  conditions.  The 
guarantee  of  education,  domestic  sanitation,  restriction 
of  hours  of  labor  in  which  women  and  children  shall 
be  employed  in  factories,  shops  and  mines,  the  rights 
of  the  laborers  to  organize  in  trade  unions,  the  rights  of 
the  people  to  act  for  and  by  themselves,  are  all  a  part 
of  the  constant  movement  in  progressive  society  to 
eliminate  the  dictator  and  establish  freedom  and  repre- 
sentation as  the  ruling  principle. 

In  politics  the  representative  principle  has  been 
more  definitely  recognized  in  theory  but  it  has  con- 
stantly encountered  the  powers  of  dictation  in  practice. 

i90i.]  DOOM  OF  THE  DICTA  TOR  325 

It  is  the  spirit  and  purpose  of  the  written  constitution 
as  well  as  the  unwritten  theory  of  this  republic  that  in 
all  its  branches  and  subdivisions  the  government  shall 
be  the  representative  of  the  people,  that  the  represen- 
tation shall  be  actual  from  top  to  bottom,  from  begin- 
ning to  end.  As  already  observed,  the  growth  of 
industrial  institutions  and  civic  life  brought  new  condi- 
tions and  forces  which  militated  against  the  free  opera- 
tion of  this  representative  principle,  and  in  every 
instance  dictation  asserted  itself.  To  correct  this 
tendency  and  safeguard  the  democratic  principle,  sev- 
eral experiments  of  special  legislation  have  been  neces- 
sary. For  instance,  in  the  early  days  of  the  republic, 
before  large  industrial  interests  arose,  open  voting  was 
an  easy  way  of  providing  for  the  free  exercise  of  the 
suffrage,  but  with  the  growth  of  special  interests  and 
development  of  a  large  wage  class  an  element  of 
coercive  dictatorship  arose,  and  organized  efforts  were 
made  to  use  the  power  of  employment  to  control  the 
votes  of  the  employed.  This  gradually  came  to  be  the 
substitution  of  dictation  for  representative  election. 
For,  while  the  form  of  voting  remained,  the  freedom 
of  the  voter  was  gone.  As  this  extended,  discontent 
arose,  protests  were  heard  and  at  first  punished  by  dis- 
charge and  other  penalties  which  could  be  secretly 
inflicted.  Ultimately  the  protest  against  dictation, 
economic  and  political,  culminated  in  protecting  the 
citizen's  right  to  vote  by  arming  him  with  a  secret  bal- 
lot which  neither  employer,  neighbor,  creditor  nor 
politician  could  intrude  upon.  Thus,  by  protecting 
the  right  of  the  citizens,  the  principle  of  democracy 
was  extended  to  the  ballot  box. 

This  took  many  years,  and  many  forms  of  experi- 
ment were  adopted  to  accomplish  the  result.  The  dic- 
tator with  larger  resources  and  strong  motives  was 
constantly  inventing  new  devices  to  circumvent  the 

326  GUNTOWS  MAGAZINE  [April, 

protection  afforded  the  citizen.  Here,  as  in  the  protec- 
tive industrial  legislation,  the  first  effort  was  usually  a 
failure,  loopholes  in  the  laws  were  frequently  found, 
so  that  amendment  after  amendment  was  necessary  in 
every  step  of  such  legislation  before  real  protection  to 
the  individual  was  secured.  For  instance,  it  took  ten 
years  of  amendment  upon  amendment  for  the  ten-hour 
law  for  women  and  children  in  Massachusetts  to  be 
effective.  The  word  "  wilful "  had  been  inserted,  so 
that  the  law-breaking  corporation  could  escape  the 
penalty  by  saying  it  did  not  know  and  hence  did  not 
"  wilfully  "  break  the  law.  So  with  the  ballot.  Many 
forms  of  ballots  were  tried  in  different  states  before 
effective  protection  to  the  voters  could  be  secured  by 
giving  a  secret  ballot  that  was  practical ;  namely,  one 
which  would  not  confuse  the  voter  and  defeat  the  object 
of  the  law.  Finally,  however,  this  has  been  substan- 
tially accomplished  in  the  larger  part  of  the  United 
States  and  in  England  also.  But  here  again,  the  prin- 
ciple of  dictation,  ever  struggling  for  an  opportunity 
to  assert  itself,  has  found  a  new  field  of  operation. 
Driven  from  the  polls  by  a  long  series  of  amended  and 
reamended  efforts  of  the  people,  it  has  concentrated 
itself  upon  the  primaries. 

Having  lost  the  power  to  control  elections,  the  dic- 
tator now  concentrates  his  efforts  upon  the  nominations. 
Under  our  party  system  this  is  scarcely  less  effective 
and  in  some  respects  more  dangerous  to  public  inter- 
ests than  was  the  more  open  coercion  at  the  polls.  In 
controlling  the  nomination  of  candidates  to  political 
office,  the  party  boss  becomes  a  veritable  despot.  This 
dangerous  power  is  exercised  in  two  important  direc- 
tions : 

First ;  by  dictating  the  nomination  through  the  co- 
ercive use  of  patronage  he  destroys  the  rights  of  citi- 
zenship and  thereby  discourages  the  people  from  taking 

i9oi.]  DOOM  OF  THE  DICTA  TOR  327 

any  active  interest  in  the  primaries.  The  result  is  that 
practically  nobody  except  agents  of  the  "  organization" 
attend  the  primaries,  except  under  rare  instances  of 
special  excitement.  The  whole  slate  is  prepared  be- 
fore the  primaries  are  held,  and  the  primary  and  ulti- 
mately the  convention  is  reduced  to  a  formal  confirma- 
tion of  the  dictator's  will.  This  has  been  so  completely 
reduced  to  a  system  that  the  public  despair  of  accom- 
plishing anything  except  by  a  herculean  effort,  and 
consequently  respectable  citizens  with  no  other  motive 
than  performing  their  public  duty  have  ceased  to  at- 
tend the  primaries. 

Second ;  another  effect  of  this  dictatorship  in  the 
primaries  is  to  give  the  political  boss  unlimited  power 
of  blackmail.  By  controlling  the  nomination  of  candi- 
dates to  the  legislature  he  can  dictate  the  legislation. 
This  gives  him  the  power  to  "  bleed  "  business  men 
and  corporations  in  fabulous  amounts.  If  they  do  not 
pay  the  blood  money  he  has  the  power  to  enact  injuri- 
ous legislation  against  them,  and  in  the  desire  to  move 
in  the  line  of  the  least  resistance  they  pay  the  tax  as  a 
means  of  protection.  This  forced  tribute  from  business 
men  again  further  increases  the  power  of  the  boss,  by 
enabling  him  "personally"  to  contribute  to  the  cam- 
paign expenses  of  needy  candidates,  thus  further  seal- 
ing their  subjection  to  his  dictation. 

It  is  through  this  power  that  Mr.  PJatt  is  able  to 
say  before  the  legislature  meets  what  legislation  will 
be  adopted.  Before  the  present  legislature  was  con- 
vened and  before  the  members  of  either  branch  had 
any  ideas  on  the  subject,  Mr.  Platt  announced  that  a 
police  bill  would  be  passed  before  the  end  of  February, 
and  it  was.  The  members  of  the  legislature  had  noth- 
ing to  say  about  it,  their  function  was  to  obey  or  re- 
ceive their  political  death  warrant.  The  effectiveness 
of  this  method  was  illustrated  when  Mr.  Platt  was  made 

323  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

United  States  senator, — it  could  hardly  be  called  an 
election.  He  wanted  a  unanimous  vote,  and  there  were 
seven  members  of  the  legislature  who  were  so  far  mis- 
taken as  to  imagine  that  they  had  the  right  to  disobey 
this  injunction  and  vote  for  another  candidate.  In 
pursuance  of  this  erroneous  notion  they  voted  for  Mr. 
Joseph  H.  Choate  instead  of  Mr.  Thomas  C.  Platt,  and 
they  all  paid  the  penalty  for  harboring  such  false  notions. 
Every  one  of  them  died  at  the  threshold  of  the  primary, 
not  one  was  permitted  to  have  a  renomination,  so  as  to 
receive  the  approval  or  disapproval  of  his  constituents. 
They  offended  the  dictator,  which  was  the  unpardonable 
sin  for  which  only  political  death  was  the  penalty. 

At  the  last  election  this  method  was  worked  with 
marvelous  accuracy.  Despite  the  popular  demand  for 
]\Ir.  Coler  for  governor,  Mr.  Croker  at  the  eleventh 
hour  gave  forth  the  edict  that  Coler  must  not  be  nomi- 
nated. He  apparently  had  no  special  candidate  to  name ; 
the  edict  was,  whomsoever  you  please  except  Coler, 
and  Coler  was  not  nominated.  In  the  republican  con- 
vention a  similar  edict  went  forth  in  favor  of  Mr.  Odell. 
Once  in  a  lifetime  a  tidal  wave  arises  which  the  boss 
cannot  control,  as  in  the  case  of  Roosevelt,  but  in  ninety 
out  of  a  hundred  cases  the  edict  is  effective. 

In  one  congressional  district  in  New  York  city  the 
boss  was  late  in  making  up  his  mind  on  a  candidate, 
and,  the  orders  not  having  been  effectively  promulgated, 
the  people  elected  delegates  to  a  convention  with  near- 
ly 40  majority  for  a  candidate  of  their  own  choice ;  but 
the  boss  subsequently  decided  that  another  man  must 
have  the  nomination,  and,  through  the  methods  of 
rewards  and  punishments  by  giving  and  taking  away 
offices,  this  majority  was  effectively  turned  into  a  mi- 

Another  illustration  of  the  far-reaching  and  effec- 

*  See  Lecture  Bulletin,  February  15,  1901. 


tive  use  of  this  power  is  now  being  enacted  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. There  are  two  or  three  cities  in  Pennsylvania 
which  have  not  been  entirely  subordinated  to  the  Quay 
machine.  Being  utterly  unable  to  reach  them  through 
public  opinion  he  ordered  his  legislature  to  pass  a 
law  abolishing  the  office  of  mayor  in  second-class  cities, 
and  providing  that  the  duties  be  performed  by  a  ' '  re- 
corder," who  was  to  be  appointed  by  the  governor. 
Of  course,  the  act  defines  what  constitutes  second-class 
cities,  and  it  exactly  fits  the  municipalities  which  so  far 
forgot  their  duty  as  not  to  elect  Quay  mayors,  for  which 
they  are  to  be  punished  by  disfranchisement.  If  they 
do  not  know  enough  to  let  the  dictator  select  their 
mayor,  they  shall  not  have  one,  but  shall  be  governed 
by  a  recorder  appointed  by  a  Quay  governor. 

Nothing  has  occurred  since  the  dawn  of  parliamen- 
tary government  which  so  boldly  and  ruthlessly  tram- 
pled down  the  principle  of  representation  as  this  Penn- 
sylvania performance.  There  have  been  coercions  and 
briberies  and  intimidations,  England  had  her  rotten 
boroughs  and  all  the  degrees  of  corruption,  but  never 
before  was  a  political  dictator  bold  enough  and  bad 
enough  openly  to  legislate  away  the  right  of  a  munici- 
pality to  elect  a  mayor,  because  it  did  not  permit  the 
election  to  be  dictated  by  him. 

But  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  are  not  alone  in 
this  experience ;  it  is  comparatively  general,  especially 
in  large  cities  throughout  the  country.  The  boss  is  the 
bane  of  American  politics,  and  he  is  operating  by  simi- 
lar methods  with  varying  success  from  one  end  of  the 
country  to  the  other.  Upon  the  principle  that  the  same 
cause  tends  to  produce  the  same  effect,  similar  evils  call 
for  similar  remedies.  Nothing  more  clearly  indicates 
the  naturalness  and  the  ultimate  necessity  of  a  social 
reform  than  the  fact  that  it  is  simultaneously  demanded 
by  different  communities  without  organized  concert 

330  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

with  each  other.  The  corruption  and  intimidation  at 
the  polls  under  the  open-voting  system  was  an  evil  as- 
sociated with  the  unprotected  popular  vote;  consequent- 
ly, it  arose  wherever  popular  open  voting  took  place ; 
in  Australia,  in  England  and  in  the  United  States.  In 
the  natural  tendency  to  counteract  this  evil,  experi- 
ments were  made  in  the  different  countries  and  in  the 
different  states  to  devise  a  workable  system  of 
secret  or  protected  voting.  The  people  of  Aus- 
tralia were  the  first  to  discover  the  effec- 
tive method,  and  the  Australian  ballot  is  now  well-nigh 
universally  used.  It  has  become  obvious  to  students  of 
popular  government  and  honest  elections  that  the  same 
protection  furnished  by  the  secret  ballot  at  the  polls 
must  be  applied  to  the  primaries.  The  people  of  New 
York  city,  who  have  recently  been  shocked  by  an  over- 
dose of  boss  dictation,  are  awakening  to  the  fact  that, 
to  insure  approximate  integrity  of  popular  government, 
the  nomination  as  well  as  the  election  of  candidates  for 
public  office  must  be  put  into  the  hands  of  the  people; 
in  short,  that  the  convention,  the  seat  of  boss  manipula- 
tion, must  be  abolished  and  direct  nomination  by  the 
people  substituted  in  its  place. 

The  very  naturalness  of  this  step  is  here  again  con- 
firmed by  the  fact  that  the  same  causes  are  producing 
the  same  effects  and  the  same  evils  are  suggesting  the 
same  remedies  throughout  the  country.  The  righteous 
demand  for  direct  nominations,  which  is  just  now  stir- 
ring the  people  of  New  York  city,  is  revealing 
itself  in  numerous  other  states :  Kentucky,  Missouri, 
Kansas,  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania  have  all  been  stirred 
by  and  are  experimenting  with  this  question.  Last 
year  Minnesota  adopted  a  law  for  direct  nominations, 
and  now  the  state  of  Wisconsin  is  shaken  to  its  center 
by  a  popular  demand  for  the  same  reform,  which  is  now 
before  the  legislature.  It  is  clear  that  the  evil  arises 

i9oi.]  DOOM  OF  THE  DICTA  TOR  331 

out  of  the  nature  of  the  system,  since  its  existence  is 
coextensive  with  the  system.  The  only  efficient  remedy 
is  to  take  the  power  of  nomination  away  from  the  dic- 
tator and  give  it  to  the  people. 

The  people  are  honest.  They  have  no  motive  for 
corruption  and  jobbery,  but  every  motive  for  honest, 
wholesome  and  clean  government.  Put  nominations 
in  the  hands  of  the  people  and  protect  the  citizens  in 
their  nominating  duties  and  the  power  of  the  boss  will 
be  gone.  Here  as  everywhere  else,  experimentation  is 
the  road  to  perfection.  The  enemy  will  be  ever-present 
in  trying  to  render  every  such  measure  imperfect.  It 
is  the  universal  experience  in  government  that,  when 
the  demand  fora  measure  cannot  be  suppressed,  the 
aim  is  to  defeat  the  object  by  making  the  law  ineffective. 
This  has  been  the  experience  with  every  step  in  indus- 
trial and  social  legislation  when  the  interests  of  any 
powerful  class  were  arrayed  against  it,  and  curiously 
enough  it  has  been  the  experience  with  the  experiments 
on  this  subject  of  direct  nominations.  Laws  have  been 
passed  in  several  states,  aiming  to  give  direct  nomina- 
tions, but  they  have  had  many  defects.  They  have 
been,  in  short,  partial  experiments  toward  the  evolu- 
tion of  a  practicable  and  workable  measure.  New  York 
has  the  benefit  of  that  experience.  Like  the  Australian 
ballot,  the  principle  is  sound,  it  is  only  the  machinery 
for  its  application  that  needs  perfecting.* 

In  New  York  state  some  important  preparatory 
legislation  has  already  been  secured.  There  was  a  pe- 
culiar kind  of  vileness  in  New  York;  namely,  the 
fraudulent  packing  of  the  rolls  of  the  primaries,  so  that 
not  only  the  boss  could  dictate  but,  if  there  was  any 
danger  of  defeat,  he  could  get  the  aid  of  the  boss  of  the 
other  party.  The  rolls  of  the  republican  primaries 
could  be  padded  by  names  of  democrats  and  vice  versa. 
*See  Lecture  Bulletin,  March  15,  1901, 


To  meet  this  evil  a  very  comprehensive  and  thorough 
primary  law  has  been  adopted  in  New  York  state,  which 
provides  for  the  careful  enrolment  of  the  voters  in  the 
respective  parties  and  makes  indiscriminate  passage 
from  one  party  primary  to  the  other  practically  impos- 
sible. All  this  has  been  first-class  preparation  for  the 
adoption  of  direct  nominations.  It  has  practically 
solved  the  difficulties  which  the  experiments  in  other 
states  have  encountered.  To  have  nominations  for 
public  offices  made  directly  by  the  people,  under  the 
protection  of  the  secret  ballot,  is  the  next  important 
step  in  political  progress.  The  death  of  the  dictator  is 
essential  to  the  life  of  democracy. 



Men  and  women  of  serious  intent  know  no  more 
inspiring  words  than  reform,  development,  progress. 
These  are  the  watchwords  of  the  advocates  of  woman 
suffrage,  and  it  is  hard  to  resist  their  summons. 

We  anti- suffragists  stand  therefore  at  a  disadvan- 
tage, seeming  at  first  sight  to  be  merely  in  opposition, 
always  a  difficult  and  ungracious  position,  while  the 
suffragists  seem  positive  and  progressive.  In  reality, 
however,  it  is  they  who  oppose  progress,  in  disregard- 
ing the  conclusions  of  the  long  struggle  for  civilization, 
while  we  desire  to  advance  the  race  along  the  lines  of 
its  development  hitherto,  sure  that  in  evolution,  not 
revolution,  lies  the  safety  of  our  country. 

We  advocate  the  highest  advancement  of  the  whole 
race,  especially  of  women,  in  so  far  as  their  interests 
can  be  considered  apart  from  those  of  men.  We  be- 
lieve that  woman  suffrage  would  retard  human  progress 
— that  it  would  introduce  unforeseen  complications  into 
our  social  system,  already  too  complicated — above  all, 
that  it  would  bring  new  burdens  upon  woman  just  as 
she  is  outgrowing  her  former  disabilities  and  enjoying 
new  opportunities  congenial  to  her  nature. 

The  old  notion  of  "woman's  sphere,''  narrowed 
to  the  round  of  domestic  duties,  is  obsolete,  and  a 
woman  may  unchallenged  do  anything  right  and  suited 
to  her  capacities.  We  differ  from  the  suffragists  more 
in  methods  than  in  ideals  of  usefulness,  regarding  them 
as  radicals  who  would  risk  dangerous  experiments  and 
endanger  the  true  proportions  of  life. 

The  movement  for  woman  suffrage,  a  legacy  from 

834  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

the  civil  war,  furnishes  an  outlet  to  able  and  restless 
women,  not  contented  with  ordinary  mental  and  physi- 
cal occupations.  These  women,  deploring  the  blunders 
and  corruption  under  male  suffrage,  feel  quite  as  com- 
petent as  men  to  deal  with  economic  problems  and  po- 
litical situations.  They  forget  that  the  practical  hand- 
ling of  these  problems  differs  entirely  from  the  theoretic 
treatment  of  the  same ;  that  it  is  not  for  themselves 
alone  or  for  their  equals  in  ability  and  patriotism  that 
they  ask  full  suffrage,  an  overturn  of  nature  and  of 
government,  but  also  for  the  vast  number  of  women  not 
similarly  inspired. 

Anti- suffragists  especially  urge  upon  all  women  a 
broad  and  intelligent  knowledge  of  public  affairs. 
Whatever  makes  for  righteousness  in  social,  national 
or  international  matters  profoundly  concerns  woman, 
that  she  may  be  an  enlightened  citizen  and  wisely  in- 
fluence the  opinions  of  children  and  of  men  with  whom 
she  is  in  daily  and  friendly  relations,  adding  to  her 
naturally  keen  intuition  the  subtle  discrimination  that 
comes  of  training. 

We  welcome  all  efforts  to  help  women  to  intellect- 
ual freedom,  but  with  power  comes  responsibility  and 
they  must  know  how  to  use  their  freedom.  We  weave 
a  new  tyranny  about  ourselves  if  we  assume  more  obli- 
gations than  we  are  equal  to,  or  responsibilities  more 
fitly  left  to  those  better  adapted  to  bear  them,  both  by 
nature  and  experience.  Education  and  opportunity  for 
women  have  no  necessary  connection  with  the  ballot. 
The  path  trodden  by  men  is  not  conclusively  the  only 
road  for  women. 

A  recent  writer  has  well  said  that,  though  it  is  still 
undetermined  how  far  woman's  needs  and  activities 
should  be  bounded  by  sex  limitations,  "no  system  of 
education  can  be  comprehensive  and  satisfactory  which 
leaves  out  of  account  the  primary  dividing  principle;" 


that  there  is  "a  division  of  labor  upon  lines  of  sex  dis- 
tinctly marked  far  down  in  the  animal  world.''  It  does 
not  follow  that  because  the  interests  of  men  and  women 
are  identical  their  functions  should  therefore  be  identi- 
cal. If  they  were,  our  civilization  would  become 
dwarfed  and  one-sided.  As  education  is  primarily  a 
1  'training  for  power, ' '  it  should  be  for  the  advantage  of 
the  normal  relations  of  educated  men  and  women  in 
ordinary  households  where  "the  constant  exchange  of 
services  and  interaction  of  functions  make  the  whole 
into  an  organism.  That  education  is  best  for  the  two 
sexes  which  emphasizes  difference,  rather  than  that 
which  obliterates  it.  Either,  sex  is  an  appalling 
blunder,  or  else  it  must  have  been  intended  that  each 
sex  should  have  its  own  work  to  do,  not  merely  in  the 
physical  economy  of  the  race  but  also  in  the  social  and 
intellectual  world,''  to  which  we  would  add,  the  politi- 
cal world. 

The  present  conditions  of  society  have  been  reached 
only  through  a  gradual  development.  The  arrange- 
ment is  not  perfect,  but  it  can  be  improved  only  slowly, 
and  any  fundamental  upsetting  of  this  slow  progress 
must  be  mischievous  to  the  body  politic.  There  must 
be  good  reason  for  the  present  arrangement,  as  it  con- 
forms to  two  fundamental  laws  governing  the  social 
organism:  the  physiological  division  of  labor,  and  the  co- 
operation of  dissimilars  for  mutual  benefit. 

The  suffragists  defy  these  elementary  and  funda- 
mental laws  of  nature  in  demanding  the  ballot  as  a 
remedy  for  the  present  evident  social  evils.  Instead  of 
specialization  they  put  wilful  individualism,  and  instead 
of  cooperation  wasteful  duplication.  To  my  mind  our 
strongest  hope  lies  here ;  for  they  who  defy  natural  law 
inevitably  in  the  end  suffer  overwhelming  defeat. 

Dr.  Felix  Adler,  in  saying  that  extravagant  liberty 
and  wholly  untrammeled  individualism  are  at  the 

336  G  UNTON'S  MA GAZINE  [April, 

bottom  of  the  curse  of  divorce,  strikes  trie  keynote  of 
most  of  our  social  evils.  It  is  because  too  many  of  us 
disregard  our  duties  and  responsibilities  to  society  in 
its  ethical  sense  that  women  consider  themseves  un- 
righteously restricted. 

The  development  of  the  race  has  been  a  steady 
growth  in  specialization;  from  the  differentiation  of 
tissues  in  the  lower  forms  of  life,  producing  different 
organs  with  different  functions ;  on  through  the  division 
of  labor  which  makes  man  an  important  member  of  a 
community  instead  of  an  isolated  savage ;  up  to  the 
wonderful  complexity  of  our  modern  life  in  which  each 
man  or  woman,  filling  his  or  her  special  niche,  has  in- 
terests inextricably  interdependent  with  those  of  count- 
less other  men  and  women.  The  outcry  about  "the 
subjection  of  women'*  seems  to  have  little  other  foun- 
dation than  the  unreasoning  longing  of  a  child  for  what 
it  has  not. 

"  In  Mr.  Herbert  Spencer's  view,"  says  Professor 
Giddings,  "society  is  an  organism  not  in  mere  fanci- 
ful analogy,  and  not  morally  only,  but  physiologically 
as  well,  because  in  its  constitution  there  is  a  division  of 
labor  that  extends  beyond  individuals  to  groups  and 
organizations  of  individuals.  There  is  a  sustaining 
system  made  up  of  individual  groups ;  a  distributing 
system  made  up  of  commercial  activities ;  and  a  regu- 
lating system,  made  up  of  political  and  religious 
agencies.  Mr.  Spencer  takes  much  pains  to  show  that 
the  ethical  progress  and  happiness  of  mankind  are  con- 
ditioned by  this  functional  organization  of  society.  The 
medium  in  which  the  highest  development  of  person- 
ality is  possible  is  a  society  having  a  specialized 
constitution,  and  presenting  many  degrees  of  com- 
position. The  individual  must  have  a  definite  part  in 
the  divisions  of  labor  and  in  the  common  life  of  the 
nation,  the  local  community  and  the  family. 


"  Whether  his  daily  duty  identifies  him  (i)  with 
productive  industry,  or  (2)  with  directive  functions,  or 
(3)  with  the  extension  of  knowledge  and  the  spiritual- 
ization  of  life,  the  individual  is  affected  by  all  these 
interests  if  there  is  no  derangement  of  the  social  organ- 
ization. Those  economic  writers  are  mistaken  who  see 
only  an  economic  gain  in  the  division  of  labor,  and  deny 
that  it  can  be  'morally  and  mentally  beneficial  to  in- 
dividuals. The  division  of  labor  gives  a  definite  end 
to  life.  It  ensures  a  definite  discipline  and  that  minute 
thoroughness  which  every  investigator  knows  is  one  of 
the  essential  conditions  of  a  rational  mental  habit.  At 
the  same  time  it  releases  men  from  their  tasks  to  enjoy 
more  hours  of  leisure  than  they  could  otherwise 

Equality  does  not  necessarily  mean  similarity  of 
functions,  and  the  suffrage  agitation  is  a  retrograde 
movement,  which  carried  to  its  logical  conclusion  would 
take  the  race  back  towards  the  condition  in  which  no 
sex  characteristics  existed.  For,  the  farther  back  we 
go  in  the  scale  of  animal  development,  the  less  is 
the  difference  between  the  sexes,  until  we  reach 
primitive  forms  of  life  in  which  sex  is  indistinguish- 
able. Women  in  civilized  nations  differ  more  from  the 
men  about  them  than  do  those  in  savage  tribes,  history 
here  confirming  the  teachings  of  evolution.  Parkman 
says :  '  *  The  social  power  of  women  has  grown  with  the 
growth  of  civilization,  but  their  political  power  has 
diminished.  In  former  times  and  under  low  social 
conditions  women  had  a  degree  of  power  in  public 
affairs  unknown  in  the  foremost  nations  of  the  modern 
world.  The  most  savage  tribes  on  this  continent,  the 
Six  Nations  of  New  York,  listened  in  solemn  assembly 
to  the  counsels  of  its  matrons,  with  a  deference  that 
has  no  parallel  among  its  civilized  successors.  Four 
hundred  years  before  Christ  the  question  of  giving 

338  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

power  to  women  was  agitated  among  the  most  civilized 
of  ancient  peoples,  the  Athenians,  and  they  would  not 
follow  the  example  of  their  barbarian  neighbours." 
This  movement  for  full  suffrage,  therefore,  seems  his- 
torically to  be  in  a  backward  direction. 

Moreover,  the  women  of  to-day  are  gainers  by  this 
process  of  specialization,  as  we  are  free  to  fill  our  time 
with  the  occupations  for  which  we  are  best  fitted.  Not 
only  is  economy  of  time  and  effort  thus  achieved,  but 
the  quality  of  the  work  done  is  far  higher,  the  best 
strength  being  given  to  a  limited  range,  which  would 
be  impossible  if  both  men  and  women  of  superior  ability 
should  devote  themselves  chiefly  to  the  same  social 
interest.  Specialization  may  lead  to  narrowness,  but 
the  workers  of  the  world  will  rightly  prefer  the  ex- 
cellence resulting  from  intensified  effort  to  breadth  with 
shallowness.  The  jack-of-all-trades  is  proverbially 
master  of  none. 

Moreover,  the  extreme  specialists  will  probably  be 
only  a  moderate  number  in  the  realm  either  of  mind  or 
of  matter.  More  men  and  women  are  needed  capable 
of  appreciating  and  enjoying  the  fruits  of  specialized 
study.  Women  particularly  will  represent  this  general 
culture.  Dr.  Adler  has  said,  in  effect,  that  the  history 
of  the  world  has  taught  us  that  while  the  feminine 
mind  on  the  whole  (we  must  make  laws  for  the  average 
and  not  for  exceptions)  is  less  original  than  the  mascu- 
line mind,  yet  women  do  an  equally  necessary  and 
difficult  service  to  mankind  in  their  finer,  keener 
aptitude  for  criticism.  They  discriminate,  not  only 
more  quickly  but  more  subtly,  between  the  important 
and  the  unimportant,  the  suitable  and  the  unsuitable. 
This  implies  no  mental  inferiority ;  to  sift  the  chaff,  to 
select  qualities  and  results,  the  true  critical  function, 
often  confers  on  an  original  creation  all  its  practical 


In  an  ideal  society  men  and  women  choose  their 
occupations  to  suit  both  individual  and  sex  fitness ; 
wherever  this  is  impossible  energy  is  lost.  Many 
occupations  fall  naturally  to  one  sex  or  the  other 
because  of  special  fitness  or  unfitness.  Men  should  do 
all  the  work  calling  for  great  physical  strength,  con- 
tinued exposure,  or  long  absence  from  home ;  in  general, 
work  involving  the  combative  powers.  Women  must, 
on  the  other  hand,  take  care  of  the  children  and  home ; 
they  must  do  most  of  the  teaching  and  nursing.  Many 
other  occupations  may  be  entered  by  men  and  women 
with  equal  advantage,  except  that  women  are  constantly 
handicapped  by  their  peculiar  physical  limitations,  a 
point  which  most  suffragists  ignore. 

Women  have  every  opportunity  that  men  have  for 
intellectual  development  and  public  usefulness,  except 
in  government  and  war.  To  counterbalance  these 
limitations,  women  have  at  least  two  functions  that  men 
have  not, — bearing  children  and  training  them,  functions 
obviously  quite  as  important  as  politics  or  military 
service.  A  third  function  may  be  added,  for  women 
have  so  far  captured  the  direction  of  primary  education 
that  there  are  few  men  left  teaching  in  elementary 

As  has  often  been  said,  if  men  have  proved  such 
poor  lawmakers  as  the  suffragists  assert,  the  mothers  of 
the  nations  should  prove  that  they  can  train  their  sons 
better  before  demanding  the  responsibility  of  the  ballot. 
In  any  case  it  remains  for  the  suffragists  to  show  why  it  is 
such  a  supreme  disadvantage  to  women  to  be  free  from 
the  conduct  of  government  and  of  war.  Why  should 
women  sacrifice  the  privilege  of  untrammeled  opinions, 
disinterested  work  and  effective  influence  for  the  heated 
debate  and  bitter  struggle  for  recognition  and  office 
which  are  such  a  ordeal  for  men  in  public  life? 

The  suffragists  assert  that  probably  not  more  than 

840  GUNTON'S  MAGAZJNE  [April, 

ten  women  in  a  hundred  would  care  for  active  partici- 
pation in  politics.  There  are  grave  objections  to  grant 
ing  the  suffrage  for  the  use  of  so  small  a  proportion  of 
the  sex.  These  ten  women  in  each  hundred  are  prob- 
ably the  ablest  and  most  ambitious  of  their  group, 
women  needed  for  the  more  important  work  of  training 
children,  or  for  boards  of  philanthropy  and  reform  where 
the  disinterested  work  of  women  tells  enormously,  sim- 
ply because  disinterested.  Woman's  power  in  matters 
of  public  reform  is  much  greater  because  she  cannot  be 
accused  of  having  any  selfish  or  ulterior  motive.  She 
is  known  to  be  working  simply  to  right  abuses,  and  to 
protect  poor  and  defeated  members  of  society;  if  she 
wins,  it  is  the  triumph  of  justice,  her  cause  is  human- 
ity's. But  the  necessary  corollary  of  the  ballot  is  eligi- 
bility to  office,  and  there  would  always  be  voices  to  accuse 
of  interested  motives  the  woman  voter  contending  for 
reform.  It  is  absurd  to  say  that  the  women  on  public 
philanthropical  and  educational  boards  are  in  politics, 
and  that  they  have  therefore  shown  their  political  capa- 
bilities already.  The  struggle  in  Boston  in  1896  to 
separate  politics  from  its  public  charitable,  correctional, 
and  reform  institutions  refutes  any  such  statement. 

If  only  ten  women  in  a  hundred  used  the  suffrage 
wisely,  there  would  be  ninety  in  each  hundred  to  swell 
the  ranks  of  the  indifferent,  which  means  uninstructed, 
voters,  of  whom  we  have  far  too  many  among  men. 
Moreover,  many  of  these  inactive  women  voters  would 
be  more  than  uninstructed  ;  they  would  be  ignorant  and 
and  unconscientious,  some  of  them  vicious. 

Women  would  have  not  only  to  cast  a  vote  but  to 
attend  fand  watch  primaries,  caucuses,  conventions. 
Many  men  do  not  do  this,  but  unless  women  are  to 
improve  matters  it  is  futile  to  double  the  present  vote. 

Our  trouble  lies  in  calling  women  a  distinct  class,  and 
in  regarding  the  question  from  the  point  of  view  of  the 


individual  rather  than  of  the  whole  state  and  nation. 
The  men  and  women  of  a  given  stratum  of  society  form 
one  class  together ;  for  men  and  women  living  together, 
whether  in  tenements  or  palaces,  are  not  antagonistic 
nor  even  indifferent  to  each  other's  welfare.  It  is  only 
in  comparing  the  exceptional  woman  with  the  average 
man,  or  the  educated  and  public- spirited  woman  with 
the  ignorant  laborer  that  we  get  an  apparent  basis  for 
equal  suffrage.  The  whole  agitation  is  founded  upon 
a  misapprehension  of  the  social  unit,  which  is  not  the 
individual  but  the  family,  of  which  each  part  contributes 
its  share  to  the  general  good. 

Those  who  argue  that  women  would  purify  politics 
think  of  women  of  the  higher  type,  more  conscientious 
than  men  of  less  education  and  lower  moral  standards. 
But  the  vote  of  this  kind  of  woman  does  not  replace 
that  of  an  idle,  worthless  man.  If  she  votes,  so  does 
he,  and  the  women  of  his  family.  Where  is  the  gain 
of  doubling  the  vote  without  improving  its  quality  ? 

If  woman's  vote  would  purify  politics,  it  would 
seem  worth  while  to  run  the  risk  of  revolution  and  to 
controvert  the  laws  of  nature.  But  why  should  it  so 
operate?  In  their  eagerness  for  the  suffrage,  women 
have  descended  to  the  arts  of  the  ward  politician.  That 
arch-demagogue  once  governor  of  Massachusetts  was 
supported  by  their  leading  journal  because  he  declared 
in  their  favor.  They  offer  themselves  to  every  party 
convention  promising  adherence  to  whichever  party  will 
gain  them  the  ballot,  and  a  still  darker  feature  is  the 
female  lobby  said  to  be  always  working  with  insidious 
arts  behind  the  scenes  at  Washington  and  at  state  capi- 
tals. Women  are  no  wiser,  purer,  or  more  unselfish, 
politically,  than  men  of  their  own  class.  The  purifica- 
tion of  politics  by  woman  must  come  by  her  constant 
upholding  of  the  highest  standards.  Free  from  the 
confusion  of  political  strife,  anxious  only  for  the  right, 

342  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

"seeing  straight  and  thinking  clear,"  she  has  a  far 
nobler  field  of  power  than  if  she  were  struggling  in  the 
dust  and  smoke  of  the  battle. 

Let  us  now  consider  the  second  great  principle 
governing  the  social  organism, — the  "cooperation  of 
dissimilars,"  which  is  fundamentally  nature's  wise  use 
of  the  first  great  principle, — "the  physiological  divis- 
ion of  labor."  Just  as  that  is  specially  directed  toward 
the  perfection  of  the  individual,  this  is  a  united  effort 
for  the  improvement  of  the  mass.  The  differing  quality 
of  mind  in  the  sexes  makes  their  cooperation  upon  all 
social  and  philanthropic  problems  not  only  important 
but  necessary  for  the  best  results.  We  here  observe 
the  beautiful  law  of  proportion  as  opposed  to  the  waste- 
ful duplication  of  effort. 

On  this  very  ground  it  is  urged  that,  if  men  and 
women  are  mutually  helpful  on  boards  of  reform  and 
education,  they  will  be  equally  so  in  the  ward  room  and 
the  legislature.  The  suffragists  ask:  "What  special 
fitness  is  there  in  the  average  male  voter  that  the  laws 
of  division  of  labor  and  cooperation  of  dissimilars  are 
obeyed  in  excluding  women  from  the  franchise?"  We 
answer:  "Men  rather  than  women  have  always  been 
the  voters  of  a  community,  not  because  of  superior 
judgment  or  higher  moral  sense,  but  because  their  sex 
stands  in  general  for  the  physical  strength  that  can 
enforce  its  decisions." 

Since  women  are  in  many  ways  less  fitted  for  pub- 
lic life  than  men,  here  is  a  satisfactory  division  of  labor 
brought  about  by  sex,  saving  for  women  much  precious 
time  and  many  precious  qualities.  At  the  same  time, 
our  second  great  law  is  observed  through  the  coopera- 
tion of  these  dissimilars  by  different  methods  for  a 
common  end.  As  Dr.  T.  T.  Munger  says,  women  have 
not  what  is  technically  known  as  the  legal  mind,  while 
it  is  equally  true  that  men  lack  the  delicate  and  sensi- 


tive  perceptions  of  women.  Men  are  therefore  more 
fitted  for  public  life,  and  women  for  personal  and 
domestic  relations. 

Much  of  the  alleged  unfitness  of  women  for  public 
life  could  undoubtedly  be  eradicated  by  proper  educa- 
tion during  the  impressible  period  of  youth.  It  will, 
however,  always  be  true  that  women  are  more  delicately 
organized  than  men,  more  quickly  stirred  emotionally 
and  imaginatively.  In  political  life  women  cannot 
acquire  control  of  their  emotions  or  the  necessary  prac- 
tical training  in  public  morals  and  manners;  such 
training  must  be  largely  obtained  before  the  age  of 
twenty- one,  and  the  arena  of  politics  is  plainly  the  last 
place  in  which  to  secure  it. 

Has  political  life  trained  our  men  to  such  lofty 
ideals  of  public  honor,  such  impartial  administration  of 
justice,  such  habits  of  calm  and  fair  discussion  that  we 
wish  to  entrust  to  its  turmoil  the  impetuous  and  ardent 
nature  of  woman?  Secretary  Gage  has  said  by  news- 
paper report:  "The  increasing  emotionalism  which 
characterizes  American  politics  is  one  of  our  greatest 
dangers,  the  tendency  for  great  floods  and  waves  of 
feeling  to  sweep  over  the  community,  and  to  carry 
thousands  and  millions  with  them  into  a  sudden  cur- 
rent. What  we  need  is  less  emotionalism  in  politics, 
not  more;  I  think,"  he  concluded,  "that  the  sudden 
admission  of  women  into  political  life  would  greatly 
aggravate  this  danger." 

Men  admit  that  there  is  no  career  equal  to  politics 
for  tense  feeling  and  nervous  wear.  It  demands  the 
greatest  coolness  and  deliberation,  complete  detach- 
ment from  the  personal  view;  and  it  demands  these 
ready-made,  it  is  not  a  school  for  developing  them. 
Women  do  not  need  politics  to  incite  them  to  cultivate 
their  sense  of  public  duty ;  they  are,  no  less  than  men, 
bound  to  serve  the  state,  and  able  to  serve  it  wisely. 


"  The  end  of  government  is  the  good  of  mankind,"  said 
Locke,  and  that  good  can  be  attained  only  by  convey- 
ing all  the  various  forces  of  the  race  toward  the  common 
end.  The  contribution  of  women  toward  this  end, 
while  equally  essential,  is  necessarily  unlike  that  of 

To  conclude  as  we  began :  If  women  are  eager  to 
do  their  share  in  aiding  the  reform,  development,  prog- 
ress of  the  world  about  them,  they  do  not  need  the 
suffrage.  The  progress  of  nature  herself  has  brought 
us  to  the  present  condition  of  a  ' '  physiological  division 
of  labor;"  we  are  strongest  when  working  in  accord- 
ance with  the  laws  of  our  own  being ;  we  have  every 
opportunity  to  do  all  the  work  that  our  individual  and 
sex  limitations  permit ;  while  our  best  contribution  to 
the  political  welfare  of  our  country  is  not  the  same  as 
that  of  man,  but  the  cooperation  of  our  dissimilar  gifts 
with  his  for  our  mutual  benefit  and  that  of  the  state  of 
which  all  are  members.  ' '  We  are  all  members  of  one 
body,  but  all  the  members  have  not  the  same  office." 


The  prime  object  of  a  protective  tariff  is  to  render 
encouragement  to  the  development  and  prosperity  of 
domestic  industries.  It  is  to  furnish  to  the  capital  and 
labor  of  the  country  the  full  advantages  of  the  home 
market.  This  very  importance  of  a  protective  policy 
to  the  welfare  of  the  nation  carries  with  it  a  correspond- 
ing responsibility  for  its  wise  and  non-offensive  admin- 
istration. This  necessarily  calls  for  a  high  degree  of 
administrative  ability  as  well  as  integrity.  In  the 
hands  of  incompetent  officers,  appointed  for  their 
caucus -packing  and  convention-manipulating  abilities 
instead  of  business  capacity  and  integrity,  a  tariff  law 
may  easily  be  made  an  intolerable  nuisance  alike  to 
business  men  and  the  traveling  public.  In  the  very 
nature  of  things  a  tariff  law  is  inquisitorial :  it  pries 
into  the  private  belongings  of  citizens ;  it  goes  behind 
their  locks  and  even  to  the  inspection  of  their  pockets. 
This  naturally  opens  the  door  for  bribery,  insolence 
and  the  infliction  of  various  kinds  of  inconvenience  and 
indignity  upon  individuals.  Nothing  is  so  well  calcu- 
lated to  bring  a  tariff  policy  into  disrepute  and 
strengthen  the  hands  of  the  advocates  of  free  trade  as 
maladministration  by  a  collector  of  customs  revenue. 

If  the  present  administration  of  the  New  York 
custom  house  had  been  organized  for  the  special  pur- 
pose of  bringing  the  tariff  into  disgrace  and  laying  the 
foundation  for  a  successful  attack  upon  protection  it 
could  hardly  have  been  directed  with  more  success. 
Every  arriving  steamer  from  Europe  seems  to  cause  a 
commotion  which  furnishes  the  press  another  text  on 
the  harassing  of  travelers  and  the  irritating  incon- 
veniences imposed  upon  everybody  having  either 
friends  or  merchandise  coming  into  the  country. 


346  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

A  few  weeks  ago  an  order  was  issued  excluding  all 
friends  of  incoming  passengers  from  the  docks  and 
preventing  them  from  speaking  to  their  friends  until 
after  the  baggage  had  been  examined  and  passed  upon. 
This  has  become  so  scandalously  offensive  to  the  public 
that  the  assistant  secretary  of  the  treasury  has  felt 
called  upon  to  explain.  As  a  reason  for  this  order  he 

"  Evidence  has  reached  the  department  tending  to  show  that  for  a 
considerable  period  of  time  the  government  revenues  have  been  de- 
frauded by  the  failure  on  the  part  of  some  inspectors  at  New  York  to 
perform  their  plain  duty.  Unquestionably  considerable  quantities  of 
millinery,  dress  goods  and  other  merchandise  have  been  brought  into 
this  country  without  payment  of  the  duty  and  have  been  put  into  com- 
petition with  goods  which  have  been  imported  by  honest  merchants  who 
have  paid  the  duties  required  by  law.  The  government  is  doing  its  best 
to  put  a  stop  to  this  practice." 

This  tells  the  whole  story.  Incompetency  or  dis- 
honesty or  both,  in  the  custom-house  administration,  is 
at  the  root  of  the  whole  trouble.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that,  just  before  this  irritating  order  went  into 
force,  some  thirty-one  inspectors  and  other  customs 
officers  in  New  York  were  discharged  from  the  service 
in  a  single  day.  What  did  this  mean?  Were  they  dis- 
honest or  incompetent?  It  would  seem  that  they  were 
one  or  both,  since  the  eight  incoming  steamers  during 
the  first  ten  days  of  March  1900  yielded  only  $1,398.56 
in  revenue,  while  the  same  number  of  incoming  steam- 
ers on  the  same  dates  in  1901  yielded  $19,413.09.  If 
the  service  was  so  rotten  that  it  was  necessary  to  make 
such  wholesale  discharges,  which  were  apparently  justi- 
fied by  the  results,  it  would  seem  as  if  the  cause  was 
deeper  than  the  mere  inspectors.  This  thing  has  been 
going  on  for  four  years.  It  is  pertinent  to  ask  how  this 
sudden  shake-up  and  assertion  of  virtue  came  about. 
It  is  reported  from  trustworthy  sources  that  it  is  all  the 
result  of  a  private  investigation  made  by  the  treasury 

igoi.]       DISCREDITABLE  TARIFF  ENFORCEMENT          347 

department  when  it  was  discovered,  as  Mr.  Spaulding 
says,  that  "for  a  considerable  period  of  time  the  gov- 
erment  revenues  have  been  defrauded  by  the  failure 
on  the  part  of  some  inspectors  at  New  York  to  perform 
their  plain  duty." 

Who  is  responsible  for  this  inefficient  and  de- 
frauding administration?  Surely  not  the  subordi- 
nates. One  might  as  well  charge  the  privates  in  the 
ranks  with  the  inefficiency  and  demoralization  of  the 
army.  Of  course  it  is  the  responsible  head  of  the 
department.  If  this  state  of  affairs  is  found  to 
exist  after  four  years  of  administration,  it  is 
conclusive  evidence  of  inefficiency,  if  nothing 
worse.  Instead  of  discharging  thirty- one  subor- 
dinate inspectors,  obviously  the  proper  remedy 
was  to  remove  the  head  who  was  responsible  for 
the  maladministration  and  put  a  more  competent  per- 
son in  his  place.  This  the  public  would  have  under- 
stood ;  such  a  measure  would  have  shown  that  a  whole- 
some moral  force  was  flowing  through  the  government 
service.  But  instead  of  that  the  responsible  party  is 
retained  and  a  large  bunch  of  subordinates,  who  were 
probably  not  responsible  at  all  but  only  acting  as  do 
Tammany  subordinates,  in  accordance  with  the  "  under- 
standing," are  discharged,  and,  as  if  to  make  a  show  of 
special  virtue,  an  intolerable  amount  of  red  tape  is  sud- 
denly thrown  round  the  entire  customs  service,  to  the 
unnecessary  inconvenience  and  irrepressible  disgust  of 
the  community. 

Yet  all  this  is  rather  natural.  An  official  who 
would  pack  caucuses,  corrupt  primaries  and  coerce  dele- 
gates to  political  conventions  can  hardly  be  expected 
competently  to  administer  so  important  a  public 
office  as  the  collectorship  of  the  port  of  New  York. 
That  office  requires  a  higher  standard  of  ability  and 
moral  perception  and  attention  to  duty  than  could  be 

3 18  G  UN  TON' S  MA  GAZINE 

expected  from  a  mere  ward  politician.  Next  to  the 
presidency  of  the  United  States,  this  is  the  highest- paid 
position  in  the  federal  government.  It  was  intended 
that  it  should  command  the  services  of  a  high- class 
man,  but  alas !  If  we  ask  why  this  is  tolerated,  why 
this  one-penny  method  of  dealing  with  the  creature  in- 
stead of  the  creator  of  the  offence  is  adopted,  the  ob- 
vious answer  is,  because  the  "pull"  of  the  local  boss  is 
stronger  than  the  courage  of  the  president.  When  evi- 
dence was  presented  abundantly  justifying  Collector 
Bidwell's  removal  for  interfering  with  the  rights  of 
citizens,*  Mr.  Platt  said:  "Not  while  I  live." 

There  lies  the  secret  of  the  whole  scandal.  It  is 
this  degrading,  overawing  power  of  personal  dictator- 
ship in  politics  that  is  the  cause  of  the  whole  scandal- 
ous disturbance.  If  the  administration  had  exercised 
the  moral  courage  to  ignore  the  machine  and,  upon  the 
discovery  of  dishonesty  in  the  department,  had  re- 
moved the  Jiead  and  placed  a  strong  hand  there  to  re- 
organize the  force  independently  of  the  local  boss,  the 
public  would  willingly  have  endured  the  inconvenience 
involved,  but  when  it  comes  only  in  the  exhibition  of  a 
new-born  virtue  in  the  very  parties  under  whom  "the 
government  revenues  have  been  defrauded,5'  it  very 
naturally  produces  only  disgust  and  protest.  Thus, 
not  merely  the  integrity  of  our  nominating  and  electing 
machinery  is  undermined  but  the  very  policy  of  the 
nation  is  brought  into  disrepute  by  the  incompetency 
and  dishonesty  born  of  the  degrading  influence  of  ma- 
chine dictatorship  in  party  politics. 

*  See  Lecture  Bulletin,  Feb.  15,  1901 ;  also  New  York  Press,  Feb.  18, 


Mr.  Gunton's  lecture  on  "The  Peril  of  Popular 
Government,"  published  in  the  Lecture  Bulletin  of  the 
Institute  of  Social  Economics,  February  I5th,  has  called 
out  a  flood  of  press  comment  and  a  large  amount  of 
correspondence,  showing  the  widespread  popular  inter- 
est in  a  direct- nomination  system  to  protect  the  people 
in  their  rights  of  self-government  against  the  unscru- 
pulous methods  of  corrupt  political  rings.  We  have 
selected,  and  publish  below,  a  few  of  the  most  interest- 
ing communications  received : 

My  dear  Mr.  Gunton : 

I  have  just  read  "The  Peril  of  Popular  Govern- 
ment," and  want  to  thank  you  heartily  for  it.  It  has 
doubtless  required  some  courage  to  make  this  plain 
statement  and  its  direct  attack  upon  the  machine.  But 
I  am  sure  you  are  fearless  in  the  presence  of  the  con- 
viction that  has  stirred  in  your  heart.  You  have  done 
a  good  piece  of  work  which  ought  to  bear  good  fruit.  I 
am  not  surprised  at  the  tale  you  tell — the  surprise  is 
that  so  many  people  still  believe  in  the  respectability  of 
the  machine.  Cordially  yours, 

(Rev.  Dr.)  R.  HEBER  NEWTON 
(Rector  of  All  Souls  Church,  New  York  City). 

My  dear  Sir: 

Since  reading  your  address  on  "The  Peril  of  Popu- 
lar Government "  I  have  ordered  a  number  of  copies, 
and,  at  the  meeting  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the 
Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Crime,  yesterday,  we 
passed  a  resolution  to  procure  and  distribute  5,000  cop- 
ies of  it.  .  .  .  I  only  preface  in  this  way  in  order 


350  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

that  you  may  understand  the  interest  that  I  feel  in  the 
work  that  you  are  doing  and  in  the  way  in  which  you 
have  put  forward  one  feature  of  our  present  situation. 

Yours  very  sincerely, 

(Rev.  Dr.)  C.  H.  PARKHURST 
(Pastor  of  Madison  Square  Presbyterian 
Church,  New  York  City). 

Dear  Sir : 

I  recently  cancelled  my  subscription  to  your  Maga- 
zine, but  I  now  beg  to  renew  same  for  another  year, 
and  enclose  my  check  in  your  favor  for  $2.50  in  pay- 

I  am  led  to  do  this  through  reading  the  lecture  you 
delivered  February  isth  last,  on  "  The  Peril  of  Popular 
Government,''  and  I  earnestly  beg  of  you  to  deliver 
more  lectures  on  the  same  subject,  and  so  bring  home 
to  all  those  who  love  these  United  States  and  its  form 
of  government  the  necessity  of  fulfilling  their  duties 
towards  that  government  and  so  prevent  its  falling  into 
the  hands  of  such  men  as  Quay  in  Pennsylvania ;  Platt, 
Croker,  et  al.  in  New  York,  who  use  their  power  so 
obtained  for  debauchery  and  corruption.  I  hope  you 
will  not  let  Mr.  Steele's  case  die  in  a  pigeon-hole  of  the 
president's  desk.  Yours  truly, 

(Cashier  First  National  Bank,  Pittsburg,  Pa.) 

Dear  Sir : 

I  desire  to  express  my  gratification  with  your  lec- 
ture of  February  isth  on  "The  Peril  of  Popular  Gov- 
ernment." It  is  most  hopeful  that  you  realize  the  truth 
and  are  in  the  way  of  making  the  public  see  it. 

As  there  is  evidence  that  the  press  is  muzzled  in 
the  same  way,  the  outlook  has  been  a  gloomy  one.  I 


wish  I  had  your  faith  in  the  president's  action  in  the 

Wishing  you  ample  courage  and  persistence,  and 
the  earnest  cooperation  of  your  board  of  counselors, 

Cambridge,  Mass. 

Gentlemen : 

I  believe  you  are  entitled  to  know  by  positive  state- 
ment that  I  fully  appreciate  your  efforts  in  the  direc- 
tion of  good  government  and  clean  politics,  and  wish 
that  it  might  be  possible  to  have  your  articles  on  those 
subjects  put  into  the  hands  of  every  voter  of  the  country. 

Yours  very  truly, 

FRANK  A.  Ross, 

President,  Board  of  Regents  of  Normal  Schools, 
State  of  Wisconsin :   West  Superior,  Wis. 

My  Dear  Professor: 

If  you  succeed  you  will  be  as  great  an  Englishman 
as  Howard  or  Wilberforce.  And  why  not? 

(Rev.)  D.  A.  MERRICK, 
New  York  City. 

Dear  Sir : 

Your  brave  and  intelligent  action,  very  business- 
like in  its  practicality  and  efficient  in  its  seizure  of 
the  opportunity  and  of  the  central,  salient  points  of 
attack,  must  arouse  the  admiration  of  all  citizens  who 
want  an  honest  political  system  and  an  honest  adminis- 
tration of  government  in  all  its  parts. 

Your  one  proposed  step  is  right  and  must  mean 
much.  It  will  make  the  bosses'  work  very  much  harder 
than  now,  at  the  least,  and  at  the  best  may  sharply  clip 
their  wings.  Let  us  not  hope  for  too  much.  The 
people  get  about  what  they  want,  and  surely  what  they 


deserve,  for  the  most  part.  It  perhaps  would  surprise 
the  theoretical,  the  thinkers,  the  academic,  to  know  in 
what  way  the  average,  smart,  successful,  more  or  less 
Christian,  somewhat  church-going  and  certainly  very 
respectable  and  influential  American  business  man 
views  these  identical  matters  that  arouse  in  you  such 
abhorrence.  Let  us  not  forget  in  our  calculations  the 
average  man ;  he  is  in  the  crushing  majority. 

Push  the  good  work  along.  Do  up  the  existent 
primaries,  give  us  the  secret  ballot  for  nominations. 
Let  us  make  the  bosses'  work  just  as  hard  as  possible. 
The  rest  of  us  have  to  earn  our  livings,  don't  let  us 
permit  them  to  get  theirs  any  more  easily  than  we  ours. 
Your  readers  will  await  with  deep  interest  the  result  of 
your  thus-far  moves,  and  when  the  time  comes  to  speak 
up  for  the  nominating  ballot  let  us  hope  that  they  will 
be  found  solidly  by  your  side,  with  many  good  men 
and  true  back  of  them. 

Yours  truly, 

Vice- President  Hall  &  Munson  Company, 

Bay  Mills,  Mich. 


IN  HIS  ultimatum  to  Governor  Odell,  Mr.  Platt  seems 
to  have  done  the  dictator  once  too  often.  If  the 
governor  will  back  up  his  refusal  to  *'  obey  "  by  rational 
leadership,  he  may  prove  to  be  Platt's  complete  undoing, 
to  the  great  advantage  of  the  whole  nation. 

AT  LAST  Mr.  Bryan  has  taken  Mr.  Cleveland  in 
hand.  It  is  done  in  Mr.  Bryan's  best  editorial  style ; 
the  directness,  and  for  the  most  part  the  correctness,  of 
the  treatment  makes  at  least  two  columns  of  the  Com- 
moner very  interesting  reading.  It  really  takes  a  Bryan 
or  a  Dana  to  do  full  justice  to  the  subject. 

IT  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  press  of  Minnesota, 
especially  of  Minneapolis,  is  urging  its  legislature  to 
extend  the  primary  election  law  providing  direct  nomi- 
nations, which  has  been  tried  in  Minneapolis,  to  the 
entire  state.  It  is  admitted  that  there  are  imperfec- 
tions in  the  law,  but  these,  it  is  contended,  can  be 
easily  remedied.  The  trial  in  Minneapolis  appears  to 
have  been  sufficiently  satisfactory  to  prove  the  sound- 
ness of  the  principle  of  direct  nominations.  "The 
world  do  move!" 

SENATOR  QUAY'S  paper,  the  Philadelphia  Inquirer, 
which  is  the  most  conspicuous  advocate  of  the  "Ripper" 
bill  in  Pennsylvania,  defends  the  scheme  of  depriving 
the  cities  of  Scranton,  Alleghany  and  Pittsburg  of  the 
right  to  elect  their  mayors,  on  the  ground  that  the  city 
government  of  Pittsburg  is  very  corrupt.  The  only 
way  to  have  pure  government  in  these  cities  is  to  have 
a  Quay  governor  appoint  the  mayor.  Could  anything 


354  GUN  TON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

more  breath-taking  be  imagined?  With  Croker  sup- 
pressing vice  in  New  York  city,  Platt  purifying  the 
politics  of  New  York  state,  and  Quay  exterminating 
corruption  in  Pennsylvania,  the  millennium  must  surely 
be  near. 

PRESIDENT  HADLEY  of  Yale  explains  that  he  has 
been  badly  misquoted  regarding  the  "  emperor  in 
twenty-five  years  "  statement  that  has  been  going  the 
rounds  of  the  press.  It  appears  he  did  not  say  it  in 
reference  to  trusts  at  all.  What  he  said  was : 

' (  We  must  accept  the  moral  responsibility  com- 
mensurate with  our  new  political  problem,  and  that  if 
any  one  says  that  we  cannot  get  the  people  to  accept 
this  responsibility  the  only  alternative  is  an  emperor  in 
Washington  within  twenty-five  years." 

This  shows  how  much  more  eager  the  press  is  for 
sensation  than  for  truth,  and  warns  public  speakers 
who  would  not  be  misrepresented  to  avoid  saying  start- 
ling things  which  furnish  food  for  demagogues,  for  the 
most  unconscionable  demagogue  abroad  is  the  sensa- 
tional newspaper  reporter. 

IN  OUR  EAGERNESS  to  compliment  the  North  Caro- 
lina manufacturers  on  agreeing  to  adopt  the  sixty- 
hours-a-week  system  we  made  a  mistake.  Their  scheme 
is  for  sixty-six  hours  a  week,  which  is  seventy-five  years 
behind  England.  Our  praise  was  premature  and  un- 
merited. Even  South  Carolina  has  a  sixty-six  hour 
law,  while  in  no  state  outside  of  the  South  is  the 
working  day  more  than  ten  hours  and  in  some  it  is  less. 
Had  they  adopted  the  ten-hour  day  as  we  mistakenly 
supposed,  there  might  have  been  some  reason  in  their 
request  to  defer  legislation  on  the  subject,  but  with  a 
belated  sixty- six-hour  proposition  there  is  none.  Manu- 
facturing industries  which  at  this  late  day  cannot 


succeed  without  working  women  and  children  more 
than  ten  hours  a  day  have  no  right  to  exist  under  a 
protective  system  in  the  United  States. 

AT  LAST  Mr.  Bryan  has  a  rival.  Mr.  H.  Gay  lord 
Wilshire  of  Los  Angeles,  who  also  publishes  a  revolu- 
tionary paper,  challenges  him  to  mortal  combat  thus : 

Hon.  W.  J.  Bryan,  Lincoln,  Neb. 

Dear  Sir: — Your  solution  of  the  trust  problem  is:  "  Let  the  nation 
destroy  the  trust,"  while  my  solution  is:  "Let  the  nation  own  the 
trust."  I  will  pay  all  your  expenses  and  give  you  $1,000  to  debate  with 
me,  you  to  elect  time  and  place.  If  the  audience  decides  you  have  the 
better  of  the  debate,  I  agree  to  increase  the  payment  to  $2,000.  Await- 
ing your  reply,  I  am,  H.  GAYLORD  WILSHIRE. 

The  difference  between  these  two  candidates  for 
leadership  in  the  "coming  revolution"  is  that  in 
demanding  that  the  nation  "  own  the  trusts"  Mr.  Wil- 
shire represents  straight  socialist  doctrine,  while  in 
demanding  the  suppression  of  trusts  Mr.  Bryan  repre- 
sents no  recognized  economic  doctrine  at  all,  but 
simply  advocates  the  destruction  of  industrial  organiza- 
tion, which  is  virtual  anarchy. 

A  BILL  has  been  introduced  in  the  New  York  legis- 
lature by  Assemblyman  John  Hill  Morgan  of  Brooklyn, 
providing  for  the  election  of  delegates  to  state,  national 
and  other  party  conventions  by  direct  vote.  It  is  en- 
couraging to  see  that  the  idea  of  direct  nominations  has 
at  last  reached  the  New  York  legislature.  But  really 
it  is  little  less  than  a  waste  of  time  and  opportunity  to 
pass  a  law  for  direct  nominations  merely  for  delegates 
to  conventions.  The  mischief  of  the  party  dictator  is 
worked  with  the  delegates  to  conventions.  It  is  upon 
them  that  the  rewards  and  punishments  are  meted  out. 
It  is  there  that  the  deals  are  made  and  the  source  of 
popular  elections  corrupted.  To  be  of  real  service  Mr. 
Morgan's  bill  should  apply  to  the  nomination  of  candi- 

356  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

dates  for  office  instead  of  to  delegates  to  conventions. 
He  would  then  strike  at  the  real  evil,  and  besides  great- 
ly simplifying  the  nominating  machinery  would  really 
put  the  selection  as  well  as  election  of  public  officers  in 
the  hands  of  the  people. 

THE  SOCIALIST  propaganda  is  showing  great  and 
apparently  increased  energy.  New  socialists  papers  are 
coming  into  existence,  and  now  a  socialist  college  is 
announced.  This  current  is  augmented  by  many  who 
are  not  definitely  identified  with  it.  President  Had- 
ley  's  recent  prediction  that :  ' '  We  shall  have  an  emperor 
in  twenty-five  years,"  unintentionally  furnished  a  sweet 
morsel  for  advocates  of  "the  revolution."  By  thus 
sweeping  in  its  current  all  forms  and  phases  of  social 
pessimism,  socialism  threatens  to  become  a  veritable 
crusade  against  society.  It  is  useless  to  scold ;  censure 
and  ridicule  do  but  stimulate  the  leaders  and  augment 
the  ranks  of  the  crusading  army.  Enlightenment, 
intelligent  understanding  of  the  nature  of  progressive 
society  and  the  relation  of  industrial  classes  to  each 
other  and  to  the  natural  order  of  social  progress,  can 
alone  save  society  from  a  disastrously  disrupting  exper- 
iment. This  is  the  field  where  industrial  and  political 
education  will  tell  most  quickly  and  effectively  upon 
the  safety  of  our  institutions  and  the  security  for  the 
future  progress  of  society. 

THE  CONTEST  between  the  party  boss  and  the  pres- 
ident in  the  Sanger  case  is  in  reality  a  victory  for  the 
boss.  To  be  sure  Colonel  Sanger  is  appointed,  but  at 
the  sacrifice  of  the  dignity  of  the  president  and  his 
right  to  appoint  his  official  family.  Mr.  Sanger  was 
charged  with  not  being  on  good  terms  with  the  ' '  organ- 
ization," and  before  he  was  appointed  he  had  to  call  at 
49  Broadway  and  explain  to  Mr.  Platt  ' '  that  he  not 

1 9oi.]  EDITORIAL  CRUCIBLE  357 

only  is  now  an  organization  man  but  also  he  intends  in 
future  to  work  in  perfect  harmony  and  accord  with  the 
state  organization,"  and  that  when  nominating  Mr. 
Choate  for  United  States  senator  he  only  • '  eulogized 
Choate  without  traducing  me  "  (Platt).  The  mere  fact 
that  Colonel  Sanger  had  to  go  through  this  humiliating 
process  is  a  moral  defeat  for  the  president.  Had  Mr. 
McKinley  the  proper  moral  courage  becoming  a  presi- 
dent, he  would  have  protected  the  dignity  of  his  office 
by  appointing  Colonel  Sanger  regardless  of  whether  he 
was  an  organization  man  or  had  criticized  Mr.  Platt 
when  in  the  legislature.  Mr.  Platt  appears  to  be  dem- 
onstrating the  truth  of  his  diagnosis  of  Mr.  McKinley 
in  1896,  that  "he  is  too  impressionable  a  gentleman." 

THE  JACKSONVILLE  (Fla.)  TIMES,  one  of  the  very 
bright,  good-natured  southern  papers,  pointedly  asks : 

"If  we  have  no  right  to  impose  a  government  without  the  consent 
of  the  governed  shall  we  go  behind  Appomattox?  If  it  be  suicidal  to  in- 
corporate unfit  groups  into  our  body  politic,  what  shall  we  do  with  the 
negro?  ....  Does  Professor  Gunton  hold  the  Africo-American 
fit?  ....  Was  Cleveland  right  when  he  refused  Hawaii?  .  .  . 
Shall  we  repudiate  McKinley  ism  utterly?  Is  it  a  proof  of  progress  that 
our  financial  system  is  so  far  behind  that  of  the  other  great  powers? 
Should  the  treasury  remain  a  bank?" 

These  are  fair  questions  and  we  will  answer  them 
in  the  order  asked. 

(1)  No,  we  should  not  go  behind  Appomattox  be- 
cause that  has  become  an  inseparable  part  of  our  history. 
The  mistake  of  Appomattox  was  made  at  Fort  Sumter. 
Statesmanship  cannot  unmake  history,  it  can  only  avoid 
future  mistakes. 

(2)  As  a   group  "the   Africo-American"  is  not  fit 
and  the  policy  which  followed  Appomattox  in  giving  the 
negro  the  franchise  was  a  mistake.    It  was  "incorpora- 
ting the  unfit,"  and  has  cost  the  nation  dear. 

(3)  To  the  question  "what  shall  we   do   with   the 


negro?"  there  is  but  one  rational  answer:  treat  him 
like  other  people.  If  he  is  not  fit  for  the  suffrage  his 
unfitness  is  due  to  some  personal  or  social  qualification ; 
it  is  not  his  color.  If  it  is  his  ignorance,  or  his  inabili- 
ty intelligently  to  exercise  the  franchise,  deal  with  these 
shortcomings,  but  deal  fairly.  If  you  want  to  make  edu- 
cation, or  the  ownership  of  property,  or  both,  the  test 
of  fitness,  do  so,  but  make  them  the  test  for  everybody 
— white  as  well  as  black.  Raise  the  standard  of  fitness 
as  high  as  you  please  but  make  it  the  same  for  all. 

(4)  "Was    Cleveland     right     when     he     refused 
Hawaii?'*     Yes,  but  he  was  wrong  in  using  the  power 
of  this  government  in  trying  to  put  Queen  Lil  back  on 
the  throne. 

(5)  "Shall   we   repudiate    McKinleyism   utterly?" 
Not  utterly,  because  McKinleyism  is  not   utterly  bad. 
McKinleyism  stands  for   protection,  for   the   develop- 
ment of  manufactures,  for  using  the   influence  of  gov- 
ernment to   promote  domestic   prosperity,    for   sound 
money  and  national  development,  but  we  should  repu- 
diate the  "Philippine-ism"  and  the  "bowing  to  bossism" 
of  McKinley,  even   if  it   involves  rejecting   McKinley 

(6)  "Should   the  treasury   remain  a  bank?"     The 
treasury  is  not  a  bank.  As  Lincoln  said,  it  is  a  "miser's 
iron  box/'     It  is  not  McKinleyism  but   pure  Jackson- 
ism.     The  sub-treasury  system  should  be  abolished  and 
the  funds  of  the  government  kept  on  deposit  in  a  bank 
or  banks  properly  organized,    so  that   the  government 
revenues  will  not   create  fluctuations  of   the  currency. 
Some  day  the  sub- treasury  system  will  have  to  go. 



Professor  W.  E.  B.  DuBois,  who  is  recognized  as  an 
authority  upon  statistics  pertaining  to  inquiries  into 
the  economic  and  educational  conditions  of  the  negro 
race  in  America,  estimated  as  a  result  of  a  study  which 
he  made  of  the  Tuskegee  negro  conference  this  year, 
that  one  session  of  the  conference  represented  fully  six 
thousand  persons  upon  whom  it  would  have  a  direct 
influence.  The  effect  of  the  entire  conference,  then, 
would  be  felt,  directly  or  indirectly,  by  a  very  much 
larger  number. 

The  Tuskegee  negro  conference  was  established 
ten  years  ago  by  Booker  T.  Washington,  principal  of 
Tuskegee  Normal  and  Industrial  Institute.  Mr.  Wash- 
ington sent  out  an  invitation  to  the  negro  farmers 
living  near  Tuskegee  to  come  to  the  Institute  upon  a 
certain  day  to  spend  a  few  hours  in  "  talking  over"  the 
things  which  most  interested  them.  Mr.  Washington 
has  said  that  he  thought  perhaps  twenty-five  or  thirty 
might  respond  to  the  invitation.  Somewhat  to  his  sur- 
prise four  hundred  negro  men  and  women,  representing 
all  classes  and  conditions,  gathered  at  the  Institute  at 
the  appointed  day,  and  this  number  has  increased  with 
each  successive  year's  sessions. 

Mr.  Washington  has  explained  the  reasons  which 
led  him  to  think  of  the  possibility  of  such  a  gathering 
as  this  in  these  words :  ' '  Soon  after  the  school  at 
Tuskegee  was  established  I  became  impressed  with  the 
idea  that  much  good  might  be  accomplished  by  some 
movement  which  would  interest  the  older  people  and  in- 
spire them  to  work  for  their  own  elevation.  I  think  I 


860  G  UN  TON' S  MA  GAZINE  [April, 

first  came  to  think  of  this  when  I  had  occasion  to  notice 
again  and  again  the  unusual  amount  of  common  sense 
displayed  by  what  is  termed  the  ignorant  colored  man 
of  the  South.  In  my  opinion  the  uneducated  black  man 
in  the  South,  especially  the  one  living  in  the  country 
districts,  has  more  natural  sense  than  the  uneducated 
ignorant  class  of  almost  any  race.  This  led  me  to  the 
conclusion  that  any  people  who  could  see  so  clearly  into 
their  own  condition,  and  could  describe  it  so  vividly  as 
the  common  farming  class  of  colored  people  in  the  South 
can,  could  be  led  to  do  a  good  deal  to  help  themselves. 
As  a  result  I  called  the  first  session  of  what  has  since 
come  to  be  known  as  the  Tuskegee  negro  conference." 

The  first  sessions  of  the  conference  were  held  in 
what  was  then  the  school's  chapel,  the  largest  hall 
which  any  of  the  school  buildings  then  afforded.  Both 
school  and  conference  soon  outgrew  this  room,  and  a 
rude  temporary  structure  was  put  up  for  their  accom- 
modation. This  building  was  of  rough  boards,  with  no 
windows  but  wooden  shutters.  Its  floor  was  the  earth, 
and  the  seats  were  backless  benches  made  by  spiking 
planks  on  to  posts  driven  into  the  ground.  The  bareness 
of  the  inside  walls  was  somewhat  softened  by  draping 
them  with  Spanish  moss,  over  which  flags  were  caught 
back  here  and  there  with  palmetto  leaves.  The  light 
in  this  broad  low  room  was  dull  at  best,  and  when  the 
late-comers  who  could  not  get  inside  the  building 
clustered  around  the  doors  and  windows  like  bees 
around  the  mouth  of  a  hive  they  made  the  dusky 
interior  look  still  more  dim.  I  saw  the  conference  for 
the  first  time  in  this  building  five  years  ago,  and  I  have 
seen  every  session  since  then.  Now,  the  meetings  are 
held  in  the  institute  chapel,  a  handsome  brick  building 
which  will  seat  two  thousand  persons,  and  in  which,  at 
this  year's  session,  many  had  to  stand. 

This  chapel   is   the  building  in  which   President 


McKinley  spoke  to  the  students  when  he  visited 
Tuskegee  two  years  ago  with  his  cabinet.  Like  nearly 
all  the  buildings  at  the  school,  it  was  built  by  the 
students  as  a  part  of  their  industrial  education.  Classes 
of  young  men  who  expect  to  earn  their  living  as  brick- 
makers  made  the  bricks  of  which  it  is  constructed — 
1,200,000  in  number — in  the  school's  brick  yard. 
Other  young  men  who  are  learning  brick-masonry  laid 
the  walls.  The  men  in  the  carpentry  classes  did  the 
wood  work.  The  tinsmiths  covered  the  roof.  The 
electric  lighting  fixtures  and  the  steam  heating  ap- 
paratus were  put  in  by  students.  The  pews  were  made 
in  the  school's  joiner  shop  after  a  model  designed  by 
one  of  the  students.  I  mention  these  facts  here  not  to 
show  what  the  methods  of  the  school  are,  and  how 
practical  its  results,  but  to  call  attention  to  one  of  the 
many  object-lessons  which  the  men  and  women  who 
come  here  to  attend  the  conference  get.  They  may 
not  realize  that  they  are  coming  to  Tuskegee  for  any- 
thing but  a  "meeting,"  at  which  they  are  to  hear 
speaking,  and  perhaps  speak  themselves ;  but  from  the 
minute  they  come  in  sight  of  the  school  grounds  they 
are  learning,  even  if  unconsciously,  by  being  obliged 
to  see  what  people  of  their  own  race  have  done,  what 
they  and  their  sons  and  daughters  may  do  if  they  will 
but  try. 

I  speak  of  "women"  and  "daughters"  in  the  pre- 
ceding paragraph,  and  perhaps  some  one  may  say  that 
the  women  who  would  attend  the  conference  would  not 
get  the  same  benefit  as  the  men  from  these  object- 
lessons  because  they  would  not  be  engaged  in  the  trades 
represented  in  the  erection  of  the  buildings.  About 
one-third  of  the  eleven  hundred  students  at  Tuskegee 
are  young  women.  At  each  year's  meeting  of  the  con- 
ference the  spacious  vestibule  of  the  chapel  is  trans- 
formed— under  the  direction  of  Mrs.  Washington  into 

362  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  \ April, 

a  suite  of  model  living  rooms,  in  which  the  teachers  of 
industries  for  girls,  with  the  help  of  some  of  their 
pupils,  show  how  the  students  are  taught  housekeeping, 
sewing,  dressmaking,  millinery,  cooking,  laundry  work, 
mattrass  making  and  upholstery,  and  dairying.  In  the 
yards  outside  they  also  see  the  young  women  learning 
poultry  raising,  bee-keeping,  market  gardening,  and 
the  care  of  lawns  and  flower  beds.  In  all  these  ways, 
and  in  the  school's  barns  and  dairy,  on  its  farm  and  in 
its  gardens,  in  the  shops,  and,  not  least  by  any' means, 
in  the  homes  of  its  teachers  and  officers,  the  visitors  to 
Tuskegee  at  conference  time  get  instruction  and  inspi- 

An  Alabama  negro  farmer  who  was  born  a  slave 
and  who  cannot  read  or  write  recently  gave  $10 
towards  the  support  of  a  newly-established  school  for 
white  students  in  his  state.  At  this  year's  session  of 
the  conference  he  gave  the  same  sum  towards  the  sup- 
port of  Tuskegee  Institute  for  colored  students.  This 
man  owns  several  hundred  acres  of  land,  and  good  live 
stock,  all  acquired  by  his  own  exertion  and  that  of  his 
wife.  They  ascribe  all  their  thrift  and  prosperity  to 
the  inspiration  and  teachings  of  the  Tuskegee  confer- 
ence, at  which  they  have  been  regular  attendants  ever 
since  it  was  established. 

Mr.  Washington  presides  at  all  of  the  sessions. 
The  speakers  at  the  first  day's  session  are  the  farmers 
themselves  and  their  wives.  There  are  no  officers  and 
rules.  The  only  formal  feature  is  the  adoption  each 
year  of  a  series  of  declarations  setting  forth  the  pur- 
poses and  sentiment  of  the  gathering.  Nothing  which 
I  could  write  would  give  so  good  an  idea  of  the  practi- 
cal nature  of  the  subjects  discussed  as  for  me  to  quote 
this  year's  declarations : 

i.  We  have  reached  the  tenth  annual  session  of  the  Tuskegee  Negro 
Conference.     During  all  the  years  since  the  conference  was  started,  we 


have  clung  steadily  to  its  original  purpose,  viz. ,  to  encourage  the  buy- 
ing of  land,  getting  rid  of  the  one- room  cabin  and  the  abuse  of  the  mort- 
gage system,  the  raising  of  food  supplies,  building  better  school  houses, 
the  lengthening  of  the  school  term  and  the  securing  of  better  teachers 
and  preachers,  the  doing  away  with  sectarian  prejudice,  the  improve- 
ment of  the  moral  condition  of  the  masses  and  the  encouragement  of 
friendly  relations  between  the  races.  In  all  these  particulars  we  are 
convinced  from  careful  investigation,  that  substantial  progress  is  con- 
stantly being  made  by  the  masses  throughout  the  South. 

2.  We  would  urge  our  people  not  to  become  discouraged  while  the 
race  is  passing  from  what  was  largely  a  political  basis  to  an  economic 
one,  as  a  foundation  for  citizenship. 

3.  We  urge,  since  the  country  school  is  the  backbone  of  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  masses,  that  no  effort  be  spared  to  increase  its  efficiency. 
Any  injury  to  the  country  schools  brings  discontent  to  the  people  and 
leads  them  to  move  to  the  cities. 

4.  Statistics  show  that  crime,  as  a  rule,  is  not  committed   by  those 
who  have  received  literary,  moral  and  industrial  training. 

5.  Regardless  of   how  others  may  act,  we  urge  upon  our  race  a 
rigid  observance  of  the  law  of  the  land,  and  that  we  bear  in  mind  that 
lawlessness  begets  crime  and  hardens  and  deadens  not  only  the  con- 
science of  the  law-breaker,  but  also  the  conscience  of  the  community. 

6.  The  rapid  rise  in  the  price  of  land  throughout  the  South  makes 
it  doubly  important  that  we  do  not  delay  in   buying   homes,  and  the 
increased  demand  for   skilled  workmen   of    every  kind  makes  it  nec- 
essary that  a  larger  proportion  of  our  young  people  prepare  them  selves 
for  trades  and  domestic  employment  before   they  are  crowded  out  of 
these  occupations. 

7.  Community  and  county  fairs,  as  well  as  local  conferences  and 
farmers'  institutes,  should  be  organized  as  rapidly  and  widely  as  pos- 

8.  We  call  the  attention  of  our  women,    especially,  to  the  wealth 
there  is  for  them  in   the  garden,   the  cow,  the  pig   and   the   poultry 

9.  We   note   with    pleasure   that  landlords    are   building    better 
houses  for  their  tenants.     We  feel  sure  that  all  such  improvements  are 
a  paying  investment  from  every  point  of  view. 

These  declarations  are  plainly  printed  at  the  In- 
stitute's printing  office  before  the  conference  adjourns, 
and  copies  are  given  to  all  of  the  delegates  to  take 
home,  with  the  injunction  that  if  they  cannot  read  them 
themselves  they  find  some  one  who  can  read  them  to 
them.  On  the  back  side  of  the  same  sheet,  this  year, 
was  printed  a  suggestion  that  during  the  coming  year 

364  G UNTO WS  MAGAZINE  [April, 

the  people  get  some  one  to  give  simple  talks  before 
their  local  conferences  upon  the  following  named  topics, 
or,  if  no  local  conference  exists  in  their  community, 
talk  these  matters  over  among  themselves : 

(i)  How  to  raise  pigs .  (2)  What  crops  pay  best.  (3)  How  to  raise 
poultry.  (4)  How  to  plant  a  garden.  (5)  How  to  begin  buying  a  home. 
(6)  The  value  of  a  diversified  crop.  (7)  How  the  wife  can  assist  the 
husband.  (8)  How  the  husband  can  assist  the  wife.  (9)  The  right  kind 
of  minister  and  teacher.  (10)  How  to  make  the  house  and  yard  beauti- 
ful, (n)  How  to  live  at  home  instead  of  out  of  the  store.  (12)  The  im- 
portance of  keeping  the  children  busy  in  school  and  out  of  school. 

The  influence  of  the  conference  has  been  steadily 
broadening.  Similar  meetings  are  now  held  in  nearly 
every  southern  state,  and  usually  every  southern  state 
is  represented  at  this  central  meeting  here.  This  year 
there  were  representatives  here  from  twenty  states,  and 
from  Indian  Territory  and  Oklahoma.  For  the  last 
four  years  Tuskegee  Institute  has  employed  a  man  as 
conference  agent,  to  extend  the  influence  of  the  confer- 
ence, primarily  in  the  state  of  Alabama.  There  are 
now  two  hundred  and  fifty  local  conferences  organized 
in  this  state.  Most  of  these  hold  regular  meetings — 
usually  once  a  month — and  report  here.  One  of  the 
most  interesting  and  valuable  features  of  this  year's 
meeting  was  arranged  by  the  conference  agent.  Dur- 
ing his  going  about  in  the  state  he  has  collected  photo- 
graphs showing  the  wretched  one-room  cabins  in  which 
many  of  the  farmers  lived  a  few  years  ago.  He  has 
also  secured  photographs  of  the  comfortable  houses  and 
fine  live  stock  which  some  of  these  same  men  now  own, 
very  largely  as  a  result  of  the  teachings  of  the  confer- 
ence. A  stereopticon  exhibition  was  given  of  views 
made  from  these  photographs,  and  the  lessons  which 
the  contrasting  pictures  taught  were  more  emphatic 
than  any  mere  words  would  have  been. 

At  times  unfavorable  reports  were  made,  or  un- 
favorable features  brought  out  in  a  report  which  other- 


wise  was  encouraging,  but  in  general  the  tone  of  the 
gathering  was  hopeful  and  quite  in  contrast  to  the  pes- 
simistic opinions  in  regard  to  the  negro's  future  which 
have  been  put  forth  in  some  quarters.  Mr.  Washing- 
ton himself,  in  speaking  to  the  delegates  of  the  ten 
years'  existence  of  the  conference  said  that  he  thought 
the  greatest  good  which  had  come  from  it  had  been  the 
creation  of  a  feeling  of  hopefulness  among  those  who 
had  attended— a  spirit  of  faith  in  the  future  of  the  race. 
The  gathering  of  so  many  negro  men  and  women 
here,  and  the  frank  discussion  of  their  conditions,  the 
difficulties  which  beset  them  and  the  ways  in  which 
some  of  these  difficulties  have  been  overcome,  soon  be- 
gan to  attract  the  attention  of  people  of  both  races  who 
are  engaged  in  educational  or  philanthropic  work,  and 
they  began  to  come  to  Tuskegee  in  large  numbers  each 
year  for  the  purpose  of  watching  and  studying  the  con- 
ference in  session.  Observation  led  to  discussion  of 
what  they  saw,  and  to  plans  for  future  work,  until  there 
has  been  developed  a  second  day's  session,  called  the 
"workers'  conference,"  attended  by  two  or  three  hun- 
dred men  and  women  of  both  races,  many  of  them  of 
national  reputation.  Among  those  present  this  year 
was  Mr.  Charles  W.  Chesnutt,  who  one  evening  in  the 
chapel  read  aloud  his  Southern  story,  "  Hot-foot  Han- 
nibal;" Professor  DuBois,  Bishop  Turner,  Bishop 
Grant,  Bishop  Tyree,  Dr.  I.  B.  Scott,  at  least  ten  col- 
lege presidents,  several  well-known  philanthropic 
workers,  professional  men,  and  a  great  number  of 
teachers.  The  topic  for  this  year's  "workers'  confer- 
ence," around  which  the  discussions  centered,  was: 
"  The  negro's  part  in  the  upbuilding  of  the  South:  as 
a  farmer  and  a  mechanic ;  as  a  professional  man ;  as  a 
moral  and  religious  factor."  Last  year  the  topic  was : 
"What  have  thirty-five  years  of  freedom  done  for  the 
negro? " 



It  was  at  the  "workers'  conference"  that  Professor 
DuBois  made  the  report  to  which  I  have  referred  in  the 
first  paragraph  of  this  article.  Professor  DuBois  had 
prepared  a  series  of  questions  which  he  asked  of  about 
two  hundred  farmers  taken  at  random  from  the  dele- 
gates to  the  first  session  of  the  conference.  The  199 
men  whom  the  professor  saw  represent  real  estate  as 
follows : 

Own  land 57 

Number  of  acres  owned.   .   .  7048^ 
Average 123^ 

Rent  land 142 

Number  of  acres  rented.  .   .  666o£ 
Average 59 


Number  of  rooms. 


















In  comparison  with  the  average  number  of  negro 
farmers  in  the  South  who  own  land,  and  of  those  who 
still  live  in  one-room  cabins,  this  report  is  significant 
and  encouraging  to  those  who  have  founded  and  pro- 
moted the  Tuskegee  negro  conference. 


The  more  that  comes  to  light  about  the 
Dismissal  of  dismissal  of  Prof.  Ross  from  Stanford 

Professor  Ross 

University  the  more  indefensible  does 
the  proceeding  appear.  A  committee  of  well-known 
economists,  including  Prof.  Seligman  of  Columbia, 
Prof.  Farnam  of  Yale  and  Prof.  Gardner  of  Brown,  has 
made  a  careful  investigation  of  the  case,  and  finds,  as 
is  admitted  by  President  Jordan  himself,  that  Prof. 
Ross  was  not  dismissed  because  of  any  reflection  on  his 
private  character  or  on  the  ability  and  success  of  his 
work  as  a  professor  in  the  university.  The  fact  L, 
other  matters  aside,  the  dismissal  seems  to  have  been 
chiefly  due  to  Professor  Ross'  criticisms  of  coolie  im- 
migration from  the  Orient.  The  committee  finds  that 
"not  until  immediately  after  delivery  of  the  coolie  im- 
migration speech  did  Mrs.  Stanford  force  Prof.  Ross' 
resignation  ....  In  a  letter  of  June,  1900, 
President  Jordan  stated  :  '  The  matter  of  immigration 
she  (Mrs.  Stanford)  takes  most  seriously.'  In  the  same 
letter,  while  Mrs.  Stanford's  objection  is  declared  to  be 
due  to  the  fact  that  the  reputation  of  the  university  for 
serious  conservatism  is  impaired  by  the  hasty  accept- 
ance of  social  and  political  fads,  it  is  added,  that  these 
'local  criticisms'  which  weighed  with  Mrs.  Stanford 
'unfortunately  are  based  on  chance  matters  and  obiter 
dicta,  and  not  at  all  upon  your  serious  work.'  " 

We  have  steadily  maintained  in  these  pages  that 
the  management  of  a  university  must  have  the  final 
right  to  decide  the  general  character  of  the  instruction 
to  be  given  in  its  name,  and  to  maintain  the  educational 
standards  it  considers  necessary  to  keep  the  institution 
in  its  proper  place  in  the  community.  There  is  no 


368  G  UN  TON'S  MA  GA  ZINE  [April , 

other  source  of  authority  by  which  such  standards  can 
be  maintained.  To  insist  that  no  control  shall  be  exer- 
cised over  the  professors  is  to  convert  a  university  into 
a  mouthpiece  for  the  propagation  of  whatever  fads  or 
vagaries  may  happen  to  appeal  to  any  of  the  individuals 
who  have  been  included  in  its  faculty.  A  university 
should  no  more  permit  professors  of  economics  to  teach 
any  rash,  untried,  undigested  notion  that  may  have 
chanced  to  attract  them  than  it  should  allow,  for  exam- 
ple, a  professor  of  natural  science  to  make  the  institu- 
tion ridiculous  by  advocating  the  claims  of  the  Keely 
motor  as  scientific  proof  of  perpetual  motion.  If  a 
professor  wishes  to  propagate  new  and  peculiar  views 
he  should  do  so  outside  of  university  walls,  and  not  ex- 
pect to  utilize  for  that  purpose  the  funds  and  prestige 
of  an  institution  which  is  intended  and  expected  to  rep- 
resent only  the  best  consensus  of  well-developed  opinion 
and  thoroughly  sustained  data  in  each  of  its  various  de- 

At  the  same  time,  it  is  highly  important  that  the 
control  of  a  university  be  such  that  it  does  accurately 
reflect  the  best  generally  accepted  sentiment  of  the 
time  and  not  the  prejudices  or  opinions  of  individuals 
who  may  have  helped  endow  it.  The  latter  unfortu- 
nately seems  to  be  the  case  with  Leland  Stanford  Uni- 
versity. The  offence  seems  all  the  more  glaring  be- 
cause of  the  fact  that  Prof.  Ross  was  unquestionably 
right  in  his  position  on  coolie  immigration,  and  that  the 
only  real  objection  to  his  attitude  on  that  subject  was 
the  fact  that  Mrs.  Stanford's  husband  made  a  portion 
of  his  fortune  by  importing  Asiatics  to  work  on  his 
railroads.  It  is  impossible  for  a  university  to  be  under 
the  personal  control  of  one  or  two  individuals  who  have 
endowed  it,  and  still  maintain  its  standing  as  an  inde- 
pendent educational  force  in  the  community.  The 
management  should  be  exercised  by  boards  of  trustees 


— groups  of  men  of  broad  general  culture,  sensible,  con- 
servative, and  yet  open-minded  mentality,  and  a  local 
interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  institution.  This  at  least 
makes  it  reasonably  certain  that  whatever  control  is 
exercised  over  the  policy  of  the  university  will  be  the 
result  of  free  discussion  of  the  subject  on  its  merits, 
by  the  trustees ;  and  not  the  mere  reflection  of  the  per- 
sonal feelings  or  grudges  of  some  individual  who  may 
regard  the  institution  as  his  or  her  personal  property. 

The  Chicago  Times-Herald,  in  citing  some 
Education  and          .    ,  ,.  .•   .'          r  ,1       1  \ 

"Menial"  Labor     interesting  statistics  of  the  large  number 
of   pupils     in    American    colleges    and 
universities,  says  in  comment : 

"  Aside  from  all  other  considerations  this  general  tendency  toward 
education  means  one  thing — labor  in  this  country  must  be  dignified 
socially.  It  is  going  to  be  impossible  for  all  the  boys  and  young  men 
who  are  now  in  the  schools  and  colleges  to  go  into  professions.  Many 
of  them  will  have  to  work  with  their  hands.  Manual  labor  will  still 
have  to  be  done  even  after  everybody  is  educated. 

4 '  Perhaps  the  condition  forecast  by  Bellamy — when  those  who  work 
as  laborers  shall  receive  just  as  much  consideration  as  men  who  get 
into  the  professions  and  shall  be  compensated  for  the  sacrifices  they 
make  in  taking  what  we  now  consider  inferior  places  in  society — is  not 
so  far  away. " 

This  hits  the  right  nail  and  hits  it  squarely  on  the 
head.  Regardless,  for  the  time  being,  of  the  defects  in 
Bellamy's  plan  for  reaching  a  social  condition  where 
no  labor  shall  be  unhealthful  or  degrading,  the  idea 
itself  is  perfectty  reasonable  and  will  some  day  be 
realized.  If  the  Times-Herald  had  been  wandering  in 
the  medieval  gloom  that  surrounds  many  eminent 
journals  and  economists  who  mistake  cynical  pessimism 
for  profound  wisdom,  it  would  have  followed  up  these 
quoted  statistics  by  just  the  opposite  conclusion.  It 
would  have  solemnly  pointed  out  that,  since  certain 
kinds  of  labor  are  degrading  and  exhausting,  they 
must  always  remain  so  and  hence  that  education  be- 

370  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

yond  certain  limits  is  a  mistake.  It  would  have  pic- 
tured the  misery  of  the  masses  who  must  forever  be 
doomed  to  toil  at  these  inferior  tasks  under  the  burden 
of  an  increasing  repulsion  due  to  the  education  and 
ambition  and  social  desires  thrust  upon  them  by  a  mis- 
taken public  policy.  Then  it  would  have  drawn  a 
number  of  sage  conclusions  about  the  blessedness  of 
contented  ignorance  for  those  to  whom  knowledge  can 
never  be  anything  but  a  curse.  If  it  had  happened  to 
think  of  immigration,  it  would  assuredly  have  finished 
up  by  pointing  out  the  folly  of  excluding  foreign 
peasant  labor,  and  asked  who  could  be  expected  to  do 
the  work  these  people  perform  if  they  are  not  allowed 
to  come?  Of  course,  since  so  much  of  the  world's  work 
must  forever  be  unfit  for  civilized  laborers,  there  is  no 
way  to  get  it  done  in  an  advanced  country  like  ours 
except  by  importing  people  who  have  been  properly 
prepared  for  it  by  wearing  the  yoke  and  doing  the 
work  of  oxen  and  mules  on  the  agricultural  lands  of 
southern  and  eastern  Europe. 

Fortunately,  however,  this  is  a  phase  of  old- school 
economic  teaching  which  is  rapidly  passing  away,  to- 
gether with  many  other  of  its  disheartening  and  utterly 
mistaken  dogmas.  What  science  and  invention  and 
humanitarian  legislation  have  done  for  scores  of  other 
industrial  pursuits,  can  and  will  be  done  for  practically 
all  departments  of  productive  effort  necessary  in  a 
civilized  community.  Indeed,  from  one  point  of  view, 
industrial  experience  might  be  called  the  record  of  the 
transformation  of  degrading  menial  labor  into  healthful 
and  agreeable  occupations.  A  large  part  of  the  ancient 
drudgery  of  farm  labor,  for  example,  has  been  overcome 
in  advanced  industrial  communities  by  the  widespread 
introduction  of  labor-saving  machinery  in  almost  every 
department  of  agriculture.  Mining  has  been  robbed 
of  its  chief  terrors  and  much  of  its  excessive  toil  by  the 


use  of  safety  appliances  and  large  introduction  of  ma- 
chinery. Factory  labor,  which  less  than  a  century  ago 
involved  fourteen  to  sixteen  hours'  work  per  day,  with 
dangerous  and  unprotected  machinery,  brutal  over- 
seers, and  criminally  unsanitary  conditions  both  of 
working  and  living,  has  now  been  brought  within 
reasonable  time  limits,  machinery  protected,  sanitary 
conditions  secured,  the  labor  of  small  children  pro- 
hibited, and  the  whole  occupation  for  the  most  part  made 
decent,  respectable  and  ordinarily  healthful. 

It  is  possible  for  this  same  movement  to  continue 
with  reference  to  occupations  which  are  now  regarded 
as  always  and  necessarily  menial.  The  false  notion 
that  these  tasks  cannot  be  made  decent  is  used  as  an 
argument,  not  only  against  universal  higher  education, 
but  against  a  whole  series  of  wholesale  labor  reforms 
such  as  shortening  the  hours  of  labor,  improving  the 
sanitary  surroundings  and  broadening  the  general 
social  opportunities;  whereas,  in  reality,  it  is  by 
stimulating  these  very  sources  of  broader  personal  de- 
velopment that  the  proper  economic  forces  will  in  turn 
be  set  in  motion  to  abolish  the  exhausting  and  degrad- 
ing features  of  tasks  now  reserved  for  imported  peas- 
ants and  coolies.  The  very  discontent  which  educa- 
tion and  improved  social  surroundings  are  certain  to 
stimulate  will  show  itself  in  demands  for  improved 
conditions  and  higher  wages.  This,  of  course,  will 
mean  a  constantly  increasing  cost  of  labor,  the  certain 
result  of  which,  as  all  industrial  experience  shows,  will 
be  to  stimulate  invention  to  furnish  labor-saving  de- 
vices which  will  economize  some  of  this  increased  labor 
cost.  Where  there  is  nothing  to  provoke  discontent 
with  stultifying  conditions  of  toil,  as  in  China,  there  is 
no  motive  to  develop  any  scientific  methods  of  econo- 
mizing human  muscle. 

The  economic  truth  of  the  whole  matter  in  a  nut- 


shell  is  that  in  the  encouragement  of  education,  increase 
of  leisure  to  the  workers,  and  extension  of  their  social 
opportunities,  lie  the  very  forces  necessary  to  raise  the 
lower  order  of  industries  to  a  higher  plane  of  economic 
efficiency  which  shall  permit  them  to  be  decent,  respect- 
able and  healthful.  The  harder  it  becomes  to  hire 
cheap  and  contented  laborers  for  menial  tasks,  the  faster 
will  invention  furnish  means  of  abolishing  the  worst 
features  of  such  employments  by  machinery  and  natural 

We  are  perfectly  safe,  therefore,  in  lending  the 
most  enthusiastic  encouragement  to  general  higher 
education  and  to  every  stimulating,  inspiring  and 
refining  influence  in  the  community,  in  the  certainty 
that  the  economic  consequences  of  all  this  can  be  relied 
upon  to  take  care  of  themselves,  and  provide  the  means 
of  elevating  all  industries  by  summoning  nature  to 
carry  more  and  more  of  the  burdens  that  men  have 
heretofore  carried  on  their  own  shoulders. 


This  department  belongs  to  our  readers,  and  offers  them  full  oppor- 
tunity to  "talk  back"  to  the  editor,  give  information,  discuss  topics  or 
ask  questions  on  subjects  within  the  field  covered  by  GUNTON'S  MAGA- 
ZINE. All  communications,  whether  letters  for  publication  or  inquiries 
for  the  "  Question  Box,"  must  be  accompanied  by  the  full  name  and  ad- 
dress of  the  writer.  This  is  not  required  for  publication,  if  the  writer 
objects,  but  as  evidence  of  good  faith.  Anonymous  correspondents  are 


Conciseness  Appreciated 


Dear  Sir: — If  the  standard  of  your  magazine  is  kept 
up  to  the  sample,  no  one  need  complain  of  the  price. 
The  concise  manner  in  which  you  present  history  now 
being  made  in  the  world,  especially  in  connection  with 
the  United  States,  will  be  appreciated  by  those  with 
little  time  to  spend  in  reading.  I  am  one  of  them. 
J.  M.  ORVIS,  Des  Moines,  Iowa. 

Organized  Labor's  Needs 


Dear  Sir: — I  am  glad  to  see  Editor  Cease's  letter  and 
article  on  the  Brotherhood  of  Railroad  Trainmen  in  the 
March  magazine,  which  shows  us  that  among  the  rail- 
road organizations  there  are  those  who  appreciate 
sound  logic  and  take  a  non-perverted  view  of  economics 
as  well  as  appreciate  and  understand  the  philosophy  of 
GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE,  recognizing  its  position  as  a  factor 
in  the  capital- labor  world  as  a  publication  which  views 
matters  in  the  light  of  truth  and  wisdom  and  under- 
stands that  citizens  have  an  equal  right  to  organize  for 
any  legitimate  purpose. 


374  G  UNTON  'S  MA  GAZINE 

There  are  many  sound,  long  and  level  heads  in  the 
railroad  organizations  who  by  their  logic  keep  down  the 
disposition  and  spirit  of  "  vandalism  "  which  destroys 
all  that  is  good  when  it  once  gets  the  lead.  But  there 
is  still  a  vast  amount  of  educational  work  to  be  done  in 
order  to  bring  all  good  people  around  to  the  point  of 
positive  wisdom,  when  they  will  cease  to  advocate  such 
abnormalties  as :  "  All  the  products  belong  to  labor," 
or,  ' '  Loss  of  opportunity  to  work  is  not  an  important 
factor ;  we  want  products  rather  than  work  "  ;  or,  "  We 
find  that  there  is  no  such  a  law  of  nature  as  that  of  no 
gain  without  loss." 

Should  thedefamers  of  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  (of  which 
there  are  a  few  in  the  woods)  have  the  courage  to  over- 
come their  repugnance  or  prejudices  with  reference  to 
capital  and  have  less  needless  sentiment  with  reference 
to  humanity,  they  could  see  that  GUNTON'S  has  no  "  cor- 
ner" or  " column''  for  the  express  purpose  of  catching 
the  labor  subscription,  or  that  it  does  not  advocate  cap- 
italistic methods  out  of  deference  for  capitalistic  pat- 

"  Knowledge  is  power,'5  and  we  find  it  out  when  we 
run  up  against  the  hard-headed  and  hard-fisted  officials 
who  will  sit  down  and  count  the  cost  and  bring  for- 
ward economic  arguments.  The  employee  does  not 
want  to  permit  himself  to  be  lassoed,  but  wants  to  be 
educated,  so  that  when  a  committee  goes  for  a  confer- 
ence they  can  talk  business,  and  avoid  being  patted  on 
the  back,  agreeing  that  the  relations  of  both  parties 
have  always  been  amicable,  and  sent  back  empty- 
handed,  not  realizing  how  it  was  all  done  until  they 
have  slept  and  dreamed.  Education,  age,  experience, 
and  a  clear  head  will  gain  more  points  than  wild  argu- 
ment based  on  sentiment  backed  by  a  pugnacious 

S.  W.  KILLER,  Railroad  Telegrapher, 

Philadelphia,  Pa. 


English  Borough  and  County  Franchise 


Dear  Sir: — In  the  article  on  Queen  Victoria's 
reign,  in  your  March  number,  you  stated  near  the  bot- 
tom of  page  233  that  the  "second  reform  bill  only  ex- 
tended the  suffrage  to  householders  in  boroughs  and 
established  a  ten-pound  qualification  for  voting  outside 
of  counties."  An  American  reader  does  not  understand 
the  political  sub-divisions  in  England  unless  he  has 
especially  studied  the  subject,  and  your  statement 
seems  confusing.  G.  R.  P. 

The  statement  about  a  ' '  ten-pound  qualification 
for  voting  outside  of  counties,"  may  well  be  confusing, 
because  it  is  not  correct.  It  was  a  typographical  error, 
and  should  have  read  "outside  of  boroughs,in  counties." 

The  political  divisions  in  England  are  boroughs 
and  counties.  For  parliamentary  purposes,  a  town  is  a 
borough  if  its  population  is  large  enough  to  entitle  it 
to  one  member  of  parliament.  Some  boroughs  have 
two  members  and  there  are  a  few  that  have  three.  The 
counties  are  very  similar  to  counties  in  this  country. 
They  are  simply  larger  political  divisions,  taking  in 
the  rural  population.  Mr.  Gladstone,  for  instance,  was 
elected  once  for  northeast  Lancashire  and  once  for 
southeast  Lancashire;  those  were  county  constituen- 
cies. Down  to  the  third  reform  bill  the  franchise  was 
always  higher  in  the  counties  than  in  the  boroughs, 
hence  the  counties  had  a  more  conservative  voting 
population.  Counties  in  the  political  sense  include  all 
the  population  outside  of  boroughs. 

The  second  reform  bill  (1867)  gave  a  vote  to  every 


376  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

householder  in  the  boroughs,  that  is,  to  every  person 
who  rented  a  house  or  housekeeping  quarters,  and  a 
special  provision  was  made  for  single  men  by  inserting 
a  lodger- franchise  clause. 

The  third  reform  bill  (1874)  extended  the  house- 
hold suffrage,  previously  limited  to  boroughs,  to  the 
counties,  making  the  qualification  for  suffrage  uniform 
throughout  the  country. 

The  Case  of  Professor  Ross 


DEAR  SIR: — I  suppose  you  have  noticed  the  logical 
outcome  of  your  views  in  regard  to  limiting  the  free- 
dom of  college  professors,  as  illustrated  in  the  case  of 
Professor  Ross  of  Leland  Stanford  University.  Mrs. 
Stanford  owns  the  institution  and,  as  I  interpret  your 
position,  has  therefore  an  absolute  right  to  employ 
professors  who  will  teach  what  she  orders.  Professor 
Ross  is  sacrificed,  therefore,  because  he  opposes  Chinese 
immigration,  and  Mrs.  Stanford  thinks  this  is  a  reflec- 
tion on  her  husband,  who  made  money  by  hiring  these 
coolies.  If  this  sort  of  thing  only  goes  far  enough  our 
young  men  will  lose  all  respect  whatever  for  anything 
that  is  taught  them  on  economic  questions  in  American 
universities.  W.  D.  P. 

In  universities,  as  in  everything  else,  the  law  of 
evolution  tends  to  promote  the  "survival  of  the  fittest." 
Universities,  like  most  other  institutions,  represent  the 
consensus  of  opinion  on  the  vital  subjects  affecting 
social  life.  When  they  cease  to  do  that  they  are  very 
likely  to  cease  to  receive  the  support  either  of  those 
who  furnish  the  financial  maintenance  or  those  who 
furnish  the  students.  With  reference  to  socialism  and 
other  theories  directed  to  the  perversion  or  overthrow 

igoi.]  QUESTION  BOX  377 

of  the  existing  order  of  society,  it  may  be  said  they  are 
not  desired  either  by  those  who  furnish  the  money  or 
those  who  furnish  the  students  for  our  universities. 
When  there  is  a  demand  for  such  teachings  among 
either  those  who  endow  or  those  who  attend  universi- 
ties, new  institutions  will  come  into  existence  or  else 
existing  ones  will  come  to  teach  those  doctrines. 

The  case  of  Stanford  University  is  nearly  opposite. 
The  importation  of  Chinese  coolies,  especially  under 
the  conditions  established  by  the  six  Chinese  compa- 
nies, is  opposed  by  the  best  sentiment  of  the  best  people 
in  all  classes  throughout  the  country.  It  is  supported 
by  no  principle  of  fair  business,  public  policy  or  polit- 
ical science.  That  was  an  experience  which  would  not 
again  be  tolerated  by  any  state  or  by  the  United  States. 
It  is  as  obnoxious  to  the  principles  of  free  labor  and 
modern  economic  conditions  as  is  the  system  of  slavery 
itself.  If  Mrs.  Stanford  really  removed  Professor  Ross 
from  the  Leland  Stanford  Jr.  University  because  he 
opposed  Chinese  immigration  she  placed  herself  in 
antagonism  to  the  best  thought  of  the  nation,  and  her 
act  will  find  no  defence  in  any  quarter.  It  is  very  much 
as  if  she  had  removed  Professor  Ross  because  he  taught 
that  slavery  was  wrong  and  should  nowhere  be  toler- 
ated. In  short,  if  this  be  true,  she  has  brought  dis- 
credit upon  herself  and  to  that  extent  upon  Stanford 
University,  and  if  she  continues  in  this  course,  insisting 
that  the  doctrine  of  cheap-labor  and  importation  of 
degraded  Asiatics  should  be  encouraged  in  this  country, 
she  will  soon  create  effective  ostracism  of  her  university 
and  destroy  the  public  appreciation  of  her  husband's 
generosity  in  giving  his  millions  to  establish  that 
educational  institution. 


ondary Schools.  By  Henry  W.  Thurston.  Scott, 
Foresman  &  Company,  Chicago,  Cloth,  300  pp. 

It  has  long  been  a  question  of  growing  importance 
how  to  introduce  the  study  of  economics  in  secondary 
schools.  Mr.  Thurston  has  endeavored  to  solve  the 
problem  in  the  present  volume.  Perhaps  the  most 
distinctive  feature  of  the  book  is  the  effort  to  make  the 
student  study  the  subject  from  his  own  experience  or 
that  of  his  neighbor;  as,  for  instance,  taking  some 
industry,  large  or  small,  that  is  being  conducted  in  his 
own  neighborhood.  Part  I.  is  devoted  exclusively  to 
this.  The  author's  claim  for  originality  in  this  par- 
ticular may  be  granted,  so  far  as  text-books  are  con- 
cerned ;  yet  the  work  laid  out  and  the  manner  of  the 
laying  out  would  seem  to  be  more  fitted  for  post- 
graduate students  than  for  students  in  secondary 

Part  II.  is  given  to  "Outlines  of  the  Industrial 
History  of  England  and  the  United  States."  In  many 
respects  this  is  excellently  done.  The  description  of 
the  manor  and  other  medieval  institutions  and  condi- 
tions is  very  lucid  and  suggestive,  but  frequently  too 
meager,  it  would  seem,  for  the  unread  student.  The 
accounts  of  the  domestic  period  of  industry  and  of  the 
factory  period  are  excellent.  There  is  enough  citation 
of  fact  to  make  it  interesting  as  well  as  instructive.  In 
the  opening  of  his  chapter  on  the  factory  period,  he 
gives  a  nearly  complete  list  of  the  inventions  covering 
the  factory  system  in  textile  manufacture.  Keferences 
to  other  authors  are  ample  but  altogether  beyond  the 
capacity  of  under-graduate  students  to  pursue. 


BOOK  RE  VIE  WS  379 

The  third  part  is  devoted  to  the  elements  of  eco- 
nomic theory,  and  even  this  is  composed  nearly  as 
much  of  questions  as  of  statement.  Certainly  the 
author  cannot  be  charged  with  representing  too  strongly 
any  school  of  economic  theory,  for  he  hardly  dwells 
long  enough  on  any  point  to  deliver  a  constructive 
idea.  On  wages,  for  instance,  it  would  be  difficult  to 
ascertain  what  the  author's  ideas  are,  and,  for  that 
matter,  the  ideas  of  anybody  else.  On  the  question  of 
rent  the  chief  point  is  the  explanation  of  Henry 
George's  idea  of  "unearned  increment,'5  and  the  author 

"  From  this  point  of  view,  then,  there  is  one  direct  line  of  study  and 
thinking  which  will  lead  toward  a  knowledge  of  what  single-taxers  and 
socialists  think  ought  to  be  done." 

He  then  quotes  a  long  extract  from  the  report  of 
the  Illinois  Labor  Bureau  (1894)  showing  how  a  quarter 
of  an  acre  of  land  in  Chicago  rose  in  value  from  twenty 
dollars  in  1830  to  a  million  and  a  quarter  in  1894.  He 
touches  questions  like  "the  eight-hour  day"  and  the 
tariff  with  an  evident  ix\tent  of  impartiality.  On  the 
eight-hour  day,  for  instance,  the  author  suggests  the 
importance  of  leisure  to  the  laborers,  the  social  signifi- 
cance of  opportunity  for  seeing  new  things,  studying 
art,  visiting  public  libraries,  acquiring  better  tastes  and 
so  broadening  the  social  life  of  the  laborer,  but  the 
feasibility  of  the  eight-hour  day  he  presents  only  from 
the  side  of  production.  Can  the  laborer  "  produce  as 
much  in  eight  hours  as  in  ten  or  twelve,"  is  the  ques- 
tion. The  suggested  answer  given  to  this  is  that  where 
the  laborers  cannot  for  any  reason  produce  as  much  in 
the  shorter  as  in  the  longer  day,  the  workman  must 
determine  whether  he  is  willing  to  sacrifice  something 
in  wages  for  the  sake  of  greater  leisure  and  social  satis- 
faction. This  is  purely  the  employer's  answer,  not  the 
answer  of  the  statesman  or  social  philosopher.  If  that 

380  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE  [April, 

were  to  be  the  determining  reason,  the  hours  of  labor 
would  almost  never  be  shortened  in  the  crude  hand- 
labor  industries,  because  in  all  such  industries  the 
shortening  of  the  day  below  a  certain  point  will  for  a 
time  at  least  lessen  the  output,  and  unless  it  propor- 
tionately reduces  the  wages  it  will  increase  the  cost  of 
production,  and,  if  no  reduction  in  the  hours  of  labor 
can  come  economically  without  lessening  the  output  or 
even  increasing  the  price,  then  in  all  these  industries 
the  working  day  can  never  be  shortened. 

Practice  based  on  such  reasoning  would  doom  the 
laborers  in  that  group  of  industries  to  be  excluded  from 
most  of  the  benefits  of  invention  and  civilization.  In 
the  broad  sociological  point  of  view,  the  laborer  is  more 
important  than  the  product,  and  if  a  shorter  working 
day  would  add  to  his  social  opportunities  and  the  de- 
velopment of  a  broader  character  and  higher  standard 
of  life  and  citizenship,  that  is  eminently  the  thing  to 
be  done,  even  though  it  lessens  the  output  and  increases 
the  cost  of  the  product.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  that  is 
what  has  taken  place  during  the  entire  century  as  a 
part  of  the  economic  progress.  The  public  policy  in 
this  matter  cannot  be  tested  by  its  effect  upon  the 
product  of  each  particular  industry,  but  rather  upon  the 
product  of  industries  in  general. 

For  instance,  in  the  progress  of  invention,  machinery 
has  been  applied  to  a  very  large  number  of  industries, 
so  that  the  output  has  been  multiplied  many  fold  and 
the  cost  greatly  reduced.  In  certain  other  industries 
machinery  has  not  been,  and  in  the  nature  of  things 
cannot  be,  applied  but  to  a  limited  extent.  In  these 
industries  the  hand-labor  or  slow  methods  must  needs 
prevail.  With  the  increased  wages  and  reduced  hours 
commensurate  with  the  general  growth  of  civilization, 
the  cost  of  production  has  actually  been  increased  and 
in  those  industries  the  prices  of  the  products  have 


risen,  but,  taking  all  industries  together,  the  economy 
where  machinery  has  been  used  has  more  than  offset 
the  increased  cost  where  machinery  could  not  be  used, 
and  consequently  the  whole  community  is  benefited. 
If  this  were  not  the  case,  only  those  laborers  would  get 
the  benefit  of  civilization  who  happened  to  work  in 
industries  where  machinery  could  be  applied.  That  is 
why  the  laborers  who  work  with  highly  improved 
machinery  do  not  get  increased  wages  proportionate  to 
the  increased  output.  The  benefit  of  that  increased 
output  and  machinery  should  in  equity,  and  does,  go  to 
the  whole  community,  so  that  those  laborers  who  work 
in  non-machine  using  industries  are  given  a  share  in  the 
gain  as  well  as  those  who  work  with  the  new  machines. 
And,  conversely,  the  community  must  pay  a  little 
more  for  the  product  of  the  laborers  working  in  non- 
machine  using  industries  in  order  that  they  may  have 
the  benefit  of  the  advancing  wages  and  shortened  hours 
demanded  by  the  general  progress  of  society. 

Mr.  Thurston's  presentation  of  the  tariff  question, 
while  not  at  all  partisan,  lacks  philosophic  suggestion. 
The  idea  that  the  character  of  a  nation  largely  depends 
on  the  nature  of  its  industrial  occupations,  and  that 
diversified  and  urbanizing  industries  have  an  altogether 
different  social  effect  upon  the  people  than  rural  ex- 
tractive industries,  has  no  recognition ;  yet  this  is  the 
basic  principle  by  which  protective  legislation  should 
be  determined.  Although  the  author  brings  out  no 
suggestion  of  constructive  principle,  he  is  entirely  free 
from  that  cynical  sneering  at  the  tariff  that  is  charac- 
teristic of  many  text-books.  The  book  is  well  written 
and  bears  the  evidence  of  painstaking  effort  throughout. 
Whether  it  is  adapted  for  secondary  schools  must  be 
tested  by  experience,  but  it  is  a  book  that  may  be  read 
with  interest  by  advanced  students.  It  contains  a  great 
deal  of  valuable  data,  a  good  index,  and  a  brief  but 


excellent  general  introduction  by  Professor   Small  of 
Chicago  University. 


The  Story  of  Rome.  By  Norwood  Young.  Illus- 
trated by  Nelly  Erichsen.  Cloth  extra,  gilt  top,  16  mo. 
403  pp.,  $1.75.  The  Macmillan  Company,  New  York. 

Cornell  Studies  in  Philosophy.  The  Philosophy  of 
Friedrich  Nietzsche.  By  Grace  Neal  Dolson,  A.  B. 
Paper,  8  vo,  1 10  pp.,  75  cents  net.  The  Macmillan  Com- 
pany, New  York. 

The  History  of  South  Carolina  in  the  Revolution  1775- 
1780.  By  Edward  McCrady,  LL.D.,  author  of  "The 
History  of  South  Carolina  under  the  Proprietary 
Government, "etc.  Cloth,  gilt  top,  8vo,  899  pp.,  $3.50, 
net.  The  Macmillan  Company,  New  York. 

Reflections  on  the  Origin  and  Destiny  of  Imperial  Brit- 
ain. By  J.  A.  Cramb,  M.  A.,  professor  of  modern  his- 
tory, Queens  College,  London.  Cloth,  gilt  top,  crown 
8vo,  315  pp.,  $2.50.  The  Macmillan  Company,  New 

The  Government  of  Minnesota.  Its  History  and  Ad- 
ministration. By  Frank  L.  McVey,  Ph.  D.,  professor 
of  economics  in  the  University  of  Minnesota.  Cloth, 
236  pp.,  75  cents.  The  Macmillan  Company,  New 

Introductory  Lessons  in  Rnglish  Literature.  By  I.  C. 
McNeill,  president  of  the  seventh  Wisconsin  state  nor- 
mal school,  and  S.  A.  Lynch,  teacher  of  English  in  the 
central  high  school,  Superior,  Wisconsin.  Cloth,  I2mo, 
376  pp.,  $i.  American  Book  Company,  New  York. 

Australasia  the  Commonwealth  and  New  Zealand.  By 
Arthur  W.  Jose.  Cloth,  i8mo,  164  pp.,  40  cents,  net. 
The  Macmillan  Company,  New  York. 


"In  the  case  of  the  Irish  and  the  Germans,  their 
roots  have  struck  deep  into  the  soil ;  what  New  York 
might  have  become  without  them  it  were  idle  to  guess. 
They  cannot  be  absolved  from  their  share  of  responsi- 
bility for  the  evils  that  have  grown  upon  us.  In  par- 
ticular, the  Irish  have  written  a  chapter  of  corruption 
and  misrule  upon  the  city's  records.  In  other  cities,  it 
is  only  fair  to  say,  native  Americans  have  done  the 
same.  But  in  New  York  the  Irishman's  superiority  in 
the  domain  of  ward  politics  has  been  unquestioningly 
accepted  by  the  other  populations,  and  the  fabric  that 
has  arisen  is  his  own  handiwork.  Beauty  and  refine- 
ment have  not  entered  very  largely  into  its  composi- 
tion ;  where  is  the  political  machine  that  can  show  us 
beauty  or  refinement?  But  before  condemning  it  utter- 
ly, let  us  remember  one  essential  fact  which,  if  not  in 
its  present  favor,  at  least  holds  out  a  hope  for  the 
future, — namely,  that  it  springs  from  the  people." — J. 
K.  PAULDING,  in  "A  Plea  for  New  York;"  Atlantic 
Monthly  (February). 

' '  Nearly  four  months  have  elapsed  since  election 
and  there  has  been  not  only  no  appreciable  progress  in 
establishing  civil  government  in  the  Philippines,  but 
no  indication  that  the  majority  in  congress  realize  that 
the  country  has  a  right  to  expect  from  them  a  definite 
Philippine  programme.  While  the  lives  of  volunteer 
American  soldiers  have  been  in  deadly  peril,  congress 
has  been  debating  the  details  of  a  shipping  subsidy  bill. 
What  is  still  worse,  the  country  has  been  deceived  as 
to  the  plain  facts  of  the  Philippine  situation.  The 
reports  of  generals  in  the  field,  the  finding  of  the  two 
commissions,  the  messages  of  the  president,  the  speeches 
of  recognized  leaders  of  the  party,  contain  absolutely 



irreconcilable  statements.  Ours  is  a  government  by 
opinion.  But  how  is  the  public-spirited  citizen  to  learn 
the  truth  about  the  most  elementary  facts  concerning 
the  Filipinos,  such  as  their  tribal  relations,  the  extent 
to  which  they  use  a  common  language,  the  state  of  pop- 
ular education  and  political  intelligence,  and  the  terri- 
torial limits  of  their  present  rebellion  against  the  United 
States?  Even  upon  fundamental  questions  like  these, 
our  newspapers  and  magazines  are  as  confused  and  con- 
tradictory as  any  intelligence  given  out  by  the  admin- 
istration. Are  the  revolutionists  'a  few  disaffected 
Tagalogs,'  or  are  we  encountering  the  patriotic  resist- 
ance of  a  practically  united  people?  Every  American 
voter  has  a  right  to  the  possession  of  these  facts,  pro- 
vided the  facts  are  known  at  Washington.  If  they  are 
not  known  at  Washington,  they  ought  to  be." — The 
Atlantic  Monthly. 

In  Great  Britain  ...  an  agricultural  implement 
works  makes  road  engines,  threshers,  mowers  and 
reapers,  cultivators,  and  a  variety  of  small  farm  tools. 
But  when  they  put  any  one  of  their  machines  into  the 
field,  they  meet  a  Chicago  made  article  which  is  laid 
down  on  the  spot  at  a  less  price  than  that  for  which  the 
British  firm  can  hope  to  simply  produce  it.  The  Chi- 
cago manufacturer  builds  a  vast  works  to  make  nothing 
but  mowers  and  binders.  One  concern  employs  thou- 
sands of  men  on  threshing  machines  and  road  engines 
to  haul  them,  while  still  other  large  factories  make  the 
cultivators,  drills,  etc.  Machines  turned  out  by  tens  of 
thousands,  instead  of  thousands,  can  be  made  in  greater 
perfection  and  at  materially  lower  cost,  even  if  all  other 
factors  are  uniform.  But  if  cheaper  raw  materials, 
more  efficient  labour,  better  management,  and  more 
up-to-date  works  be  added,  the  transatlantic  competitor 
of  America  is,  indeed,  facing  a  difficult  proposition." — 
ARCHER  BROWN,  in  "American  Competition  in  the 
World's  Engineering  Trades;"  Gassier  s  Magazine. 


President  of  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation 
(Courtesy  of  "The  World's  Work") 

See  page  421 



The  larger  and  more  widespread  indus- 
tr*a^  concentration  becomes,  the  more 
important  it  is  that  organized  labor 
should  develop  correspondingly  in  strength,  influence 
and  high  quality  of  leadership.  It  is  not  one  whit  less 
essential  that  a  "stable  equilibrium"  of  economic 
power  be  maintained  among  the  various  factors  that 
share  in  the  distribution  of  wealth  than  that  these  same 
factors  be  organized  to  the  point  of  greatest  efficiency 
in  the  production  of  this  wealth.  Indeed,  from  the 
broad  social  standpoint,  there  is  no  justification  for  the 
concentration  of  capital  unless  the  resulting  benefits 
extend  to  the  community  in  general,  which  means  chiefly 
the  wage-earners,  because  more  than  three-quarters  of 
the  population  is  in  the  wage-  or  salary-receiving  class. 
This  sharing  with  the  community  of  the  advan- 
tages of  combination  comes  through  several  channels. 
Of  course  the  more  important  are  lower  prices,  higher 
wages,  shorter  hours  and  improved  working  conditions 
of  the  laborers.  The  lower  prices  come  about  either 
through  the  normal  force  of  competition  or  as  a  result 
of  the  profit-  making  superiority  of  a  large  market  over 
a  small  one.  But  the  higher  wages  depend  chiefly, 
and  at  bottom  almost  entirely,  upon  the  pressure  that 
can  be  exerted  by  the  workers,  —  the  success  with  which 
they  can  insist  upon  increased  remuneration  to  main- 
tain higher  standards  of  living  along  with  the  enlarging 



production  of  wealth.  This  ability  to  compel  a  just 
distribution  of  wealth  is  even  more  a  matter  of  organ- 
ization among  the  laborers  than  ability  to  produce 
cheaply  is  a  matter  of  organization  among  the  capital- 
ists. Therefore,  if  those  who  are  wasting  time  and 
strength  in  denouncing  ''trusts'5  as  the  great  menace  to 
American  workingmen,  would  exert  themselves  to  en- 
courage, advise  and  secure  recognition  for  organized 
labor,  they  would  really  do  something  practical  for 
economic  justice,  industrial  peace  and  stability. 

Just  at  this  moment,  when  the  greatest  industrial 
consolidation  in  the  world's  history  has  been  consum- 
mated, it  is  of  crucial  importance  that  no  point  be  lost 
in  maintaining  and  advancing  the  proper  status  of 
organized  labor.  If  a  serious  effort  were  to  be  made  to 
break  down  labor  organization  or  restrict  the  freedom 
of  laborers  to  unite  for  mutual  advantage  and  protec- 
tion, by  discharging  men  for  belonging  to  unions,  the 
whole  American  people  would  have  an  interest  in 
seeing  that  any  such  undertaking  met  with  the  most 
determined  and  widespread  resistance. 

Coal  Strike 

Fortunately  all   signs   at   present   point 
away  from  any  such  disastrous  tendency. 


In  three  very  important  instances  lately, 
serious  strikes  have  been  averted  by  a  mutual  attitude 
of  conciliation  and  conference,  indicating  a  reasonable 
disposition  on  the  part  of  the  corporations  and  a  spirit 
of  willingness  to  "make  haste  slowly"  on  the  part  of 
the  employees.  Late  in  March  there  were  prospects  of 
a  great  strike  in  the  anthracite  coal  region  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, over  the  wage  scale  for  the  coming  year,  and 
other  matters.  A  party  of  labor  leaders,  headed  by 
Father  Phillips  who  was  instrumental  in  settling  the 
strike  last  fall,  came  to  New  York  to  confer  with  Mr. 
J.  Pierpont  Morgan  as  the  representative  of  the  con- 

igoi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  387 

trolling  financial  interests  in  the  coal  corporations  and 
coal-carrying  railroads.  Mr.  Morgan  met  and  conferred 
with  Father  Phillips,  and  it  is  believed  that  a  private 
conference  was  held  with  some  of  the  labor  men  them- 
selves, including  Mr.  John  Mitchell,  president  of  the 
United  Mine  Workers'  Association.  Whether  this 
latter  meeting  actually  took  place  or  not,  the  result  of 
the  negotiations  was  practically  equivalent  to  recogni- 
tion of  the  mine  workers'  association.  Assurances  were 
given  that  the  present  advanced  wage  rates  would  be 
continued  another  year  at  least,  and  the  executive  com 
mittee  of  the  miners'  association  has  since  given  out  a 
statement  showing  that,  if  the  unions  can  prove  their 
ability  to  control  their  men  and  abstain  from  engaging 
in  local  strikes  during  the  present  year,  they  are  prac- 
tically assured  of  "full  and  complete  recognition/ 
The  committee  adds  that,  while  ' '  we  were  unable  to 
secure  all  the  concessions  we  hoped  for  and  believe  we 
are  justly  entitled  to,  we  are  of  the  opinion  that  the 
willingness  of  the  various  coal  companies  to  receive 
committees  representing  mine  workers  for  the  adjudi- 
cation of  grievances  records  an  important  advance  step 
in  the  right  direction  and  presages  more  harmonious 
and  equitable  relations  between  employers  and  em- 
ployees than  have  prevailed  in  the  anthracite  region 

Important  Another  threatened  labor  dispute  of  still 

Railroad  Strike  more  recent  origin  has  just  reached 
Averted  equally  satisfactory  settlement.  This 

was  on  the  Central  Railroad  of  New  Jersey,  and  the 
demands  of  the  men  were  for  increased  wages,  limita- 
tion of  the  length  of  a  day's  "run,"  etc.  As  in  almost 
every  other  labor  dispute  where  the  company  does  not 
recognize  the  labor  union,  the  trouble  soon  centered 
round  the  issue  of  whether  the  railroad  officials  would 


treat  with  committees  representing  the  men  or  insist 
upon  dealing  with  the  employees  individually.  The 
efforts  of  the  men  to  get  a  hearing  for  their  committee 
were  at  first  unsuccessful,  but  when  a  strike  seemed 
imminent  the  vice-president  of  the  company  instructed 
the  general  superintendent  and  division  superintendent 
to  meet  and  confer  with  the  committee  and  if  possible 
adjust  the  grievances.  This  concession  to  reasonable- 
ness did  what  it  always  may  be  counted  upon  to  do  in 
similar  cases, — brought  out  the  quality  of  reasonable- 
ness likewise  in  the  other  party,  and  in  the  resulting 
conference  points  were  yielded  on  both  sides  and  a 
strike  averted.  Some  of  the  demands  of  the  men  were 
granted  and  others  postponed  for  further  discussion. 
Recognition  of  the  employees'  committee  cost  the  com- 
pany nothing,  saved  it  a  costly  strike,  and  will  un- 
doubtedly gain  it  much  in  renewed  harmony  of  relations 
and  more  faithful  service  from  its  men.  Here,  once 
more,  the  psychological  influence  of  a  just  and  friendly 
attitude  counted  for  more  than  a  full  concession  of  the 
wage  and  other  demands  would  have  done,  if  coupled 
with  refusal  to  recognize  the  employees'  committee. 

Of  still  greater  concern,  with  respect  to 

Reinstatement  .-  .,        n         1  -  .,-          ... 

Ends  Steel  Strike  Posslble  developments,  than  either  the 
coal  or  the  railroad  controversies  was  the 
strike  in  one  of  the  plants  of  the  American  Sheet  Steel 
Company  at  McKeesport,  Pennsylvania.  No  question 
of  wages  or  hours  seems  to  have  been  involved  in  this 
contest,  but  solely  the  issue  of  the  men's  right  to  join 
a  union.  Seven  men  were  discharged  from  the  Mc- 
Keesport works,  presumably  because  they  had  joined 
a  newly  formed  lodge  of  the  Amalgamated  Association 
of  Iron,  Steel  and  Tin  Workers,  and,  on  April  i$th, 
about  half  the  employees  went  on  strike.  It  was  de- 
clared by  President  Shaffer,  of  the  association,  that 

i9oi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  389 

unless  these  men  were  reinstated  a  strike  would  be  or- 
dered in  every  plant  of  the  United  States  Steel  Corpo- 
ration, of  which  the  American  Sheet  Steel  Company  is 
a  part.  The  controversy  lasted  several  days,  and  the 
company,  while  refusing  to  recognize  the  union,  never- 
theless did  what  amounted  to  the  same  thing  in  sending 
Mr.  John  Jarrett  as  a  special  representative  to  the 
meetings  of  the  amalgamated  association  to  argue  the 
company's  case  and  make  propositions.  Another  im- 
portant conciliatory  influence  entered  the  contest  in  the 
person  of  Colonel  G.  W.  French,  vice-president  of  the 
Republic  Iron  and  Steel  Company,  who  volunteered  to 
act  somewhat  in  the  capacity  of  mediator  between  the 
sheet  steel  company  and  the  union.  Finally,  on  April 
1 8th,  Mr.  Jarrett  appeared  before  the  executive  board 
of  the  amalgamated  association  in  Pittsburg  and  offered 
to  reinstate  all  the  discharged  men  except  one,  who  was 
to  be  suspended  ten  days,  which  was  afterward  reduced 
by  agreement  to  three  days.  The  following  agreement 
was  drawn  up  and  signed  by  President  Shaffer  and 
Secretary  Williams  of  the  amalgamated  association, 
and  Mr.  Jarrett  for  the  skeet  steel  company : 

"  We  have  discovered,  after  a  careful  examination  of  the  points  at 
issue  that,  as  usual,  mistakes  and  misunderstandings  underlie  the  trouble 
at  McKeesport,  and  we  reach  the  conclusion  that  it  will  be  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  all  parties  concerned  to  start  the  Wood  mill  with  the  old  em- 
ployees on  next  Monday,  April  22,  1901. 

1 '  And  it  is  further  agreed  that  the  contract  with  reference  to 
working  conditions  in  the  mill  and  scale  matters  shall  be  observed  until 
July  i,  1901,  and  in  the  mean  time  Mr.  Smith  and  Mr.  Holloway  shall 
have  a  meeting  to  adjust  any  difficulty  which  may  exist  between  them." 

We  quote  this  agreement  merely  to  show  that,  al- 
though the  company  refused  to  recognize  the  local 
union  at  McKeesport,  it  practically  recognized  organ- 
ized labor  by  treating  with  the  amalgamated  associa- 
tion and  submitting  propositions  to  it.  Indeed,  this  is 
even  more  significant  than  a  conference  with  the  local 


union  would  have  been,  since  the  latter  included  some 
of  the  company's  own  employees,  while  the  general 
association  only  indirectly  represented  them. 

The  outcome  of  these  controversies  is  most  encour- 
aging. It  gives  evidence  that  the  increasing  organiza- 
tion of  capital,  instead  of  "  crushing  out"  labor,  is 
actually  tending  to  make  the  pathway  of  industrial 
peace  smoother.  The  fact  is,  these  giant  consolidations 
cannot  afford  to  engage  in  costly  labor  contests.  The 
number  of  employees  is  so  large  that  if  they  should  all 
go  on  strike  it  would  be  almost  impossible  to  replace 
them,  at  least  not  until  after  enormous  losses.  This 
fact  has  already  shown  itself  in  practical  experience  to 
such  an  extent  that  prominent  labor  leaders  frequently 
declare  that  they  prefer  to  treat  with  these  large  estab- 
lishments than  with  petty  corporations  or  small  busi- 
ness firms.  The  normal  progress  of  industrial  organ- 
ization, both  of  capital  and  labor,  will  do  away  with  the 
black  list  and  hounding  of  labor  unions,  while  pre- 
serving the  economic  advantages  of  competition,  con- 
centration and  expert  specialization  in  productive  meth- 
ods ;  thus  accomplishing  by  the  natural  economic  process 
the  very  thing  that  radical  "reformers  "  would  have  us 
believe  can  come  only  by  arbitrary  legislation,  de- 
signed to  revolutionize  our  industrial  and  social  insti- 

It  is  always  a  pleasure  to  commend  good 

Ramapo  Charter  ,  .    _  -  c        ~,    . 

Repealed        conduct,  and  especially  when  found  in 
unexpected  quarters.     The  action  of  the 
New  York  legislature  on  the  Ramapo  scandal  is  one  of 
these  exceptional  occasions  for  unqualified  praise. 

On  March  i2th  and  i4th,  respectively,  the  assem- 
bly and  senate  passed  the  bill  repealing  the  Ramapo 
Water  Company's  charter,  and  on  the  igth  Governor 
Odell  signed  the  measure.  Except  for  a  possible  con- 

igoi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  891 

test  in  the  courts  over  the  constitutionality  of  the  re- 
peal, this  ends  the  long  struggle  of  New  York  city  to 
regain  the  extraordinary  privileges  granted  to  the 
Ramapo  Company  six  years  ago.  The  good  work  is 
made  more  complete  by  the  passage  of  laws  enabling 
New  York  city  to  condemn  lands  for  watersheds  and  to 
increase  its  debt  limit  for  the  purposes  of  additional 
water  supply.  The  debt-limit  law,  however,  is  in  re- 
ality an  amendment  to  the  constitution  and  will  have 
to  be  repassed  by  another  legislature  and  submitted  to 
the  people  before  it  can  go  into  effect. 

Excess  of  virtue  sometimes  brings  reac- 

New  York  Cfty  ,  , 

Charter  Revision  tlon  to  the  opposite  extreme.  Appar- 
ently the  legislature  believed  that  by  re- 
pealing the  Ramapo  charter  it  would  get  a  reputation 
sufficient  to  cover  many  sins ;  at  least,  this  is  a  reason- 
able deduction  from  its  handling  of  the  New  York 
charter  revision  problem.  The  bill  embodying  the 
recommendations  of  the  charter-revision  commission, 
appointed  last  year,  was  passed,  with  numerous  amend- 
ments, early  in  April,  and  sent  to  the  mayor  of  New 
York  city  for  approval  or  disapproval,  according  to  the 
routine  required  by  law.  The  intent  of  the  revision 
measure  was  to  remedy  the  defects  in  the  greater  New 
York  charter  as  brought  out  by  experience,  and  in  gen- 
eral to  simplify  and  concentrate  authority  in  both  the 
legislative  and  executive  departments  of  the  city  gov- 
ernment. It  was  proposed  among  other  things  to  abol- 
ish the  two  houses  of  the  municipal  assembly  (28  coun- 
cilmen  and  61  aldermen),  and  substitute  a  board  of 
aldermen  of  120  members;  give  the  mayor  the  power 
to  remove  heads  of  departments  throughout  his  entire 
term  instead  of  for  only  a  limited  period  at  the  begin- 
ning, as  now;  abolish  the  board  of  public  improve- 
ments, department  of  sewers,  department  of  highways, 


department  of  buildings,  department  of  public  build- 
ings, lighting  and  supplies ;  and  transfer  the  functions 
of  these  boards  chiefly  to  the  respective  borough  presi- 
dents; increase  the  powers  of  the  board  of  estimate 
and  apportionment  and  give  it  eight  members  instead 
of  five  as  now,  the  members  to  have  graded  voting 
power  as  follows :  the  mayor,  controller,  and  president 
of  the  board  of  aldermen,  three  votes  each ;  presidents 
of  the  boroughs  of  Manhattan  and  Brooklyn,  two  votes 
each ;  presidents  of  the  boroughs  of  the  Bronx,  Queens 
and  Richmond,  one  vote  each;  abolish  the  bi- partisan 
police  commission  and  substitute  a  single  police  com- 
missioner ;  establish  a  board  of  elections  of  four  mem- 
bers, appointed  by  the  mayor ;  and  take  away  from  the 
heads  of  departments  the  power  to  fix  salaries. 

Most  of  these  changes  were  real  improvements,  but 
by  the  time  the  revised  charter  had  gone  through  the 
legislature  it  was  loaded  down  with  ''job  "  amendments 
designed  to  make  the  distribution  of  political  spoils 
easy  and  prolong  the  grip  of  the  "bosses"  on  the  city 
government.  Such,  for  example,  was  the  provision  that 
city  magistrates  shall  be  appointed  by  the  mayor  in 
Manhattan  borough  but  elected  (and  their  number  in- 
creased) from  specially  arranged  districts  in  Brooklyn 
borough,  while  only  in  Manhattan  need  these  magis- 
trates be  lawyers ;  the  provision  authorizing  the  board 
of  education  to  appropriate  school  funds  for  the  sup- 
port of  private  schools ;  the  provision  appropriating 
§160,000  a  year  for  printing  official  notices,  etc.,  in 
daily  newspapers  of  the  two  leading  political  parties  in 
the  boroughs  of  the  Bronx,  Queens  and  Richmond, — 
papers  which  could  be  brought  into  existence  solely  on 
the  strength  of  this  booty  and  officially  "designated" 
to  receive  it  by  the  party  committees  in  the  boroughs 

Mayor  Van  Wyck  vetoed  the  revision  measure  but 

i  QOI.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  393 

it  has  been  repassed  by  the  legislature  by  almost  a  strict 
party  vote, — the  republicans  for  and  the  democrats 
against  it ;  and  signed  by  the  governor.  Just  before  the 
adjournment  of  the  legislature,  additional  measures 
were  passed,  weeding  out  some  of  the  offensive  amend- 
ments referred  to,  especially  the  printing  appropriation 
and  "private  school  "  schemes.  But  the  people  cannot 
and  will  not  forget  that  the  attempt  was  made,  at  first 
successfully,  and  only  defeated  by  a  storm  of  public  in- 
dignation, to  foist  this  series  of  offensive  jobs  on  the 
municipality.  Already,  the  moral  effect  has  injured 
the  prospects  of  a  good-government  victory  in  the 
coming  municipal  election,  because  it  has  been  made 
clear  that,  once  given  power  and  a  sufficient  temptation, 
the  republican  organization  in  this  state  and  city  is 
quite  as  capable  of  corruption  as  Tammany  itself. 

The  taking  prisoner  of  Emilio  Agui- 
Captureof  naldo  on  March  23rd  is  the  most  notable 


occurrence  in  the  Philippine  warfare, 
since  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  in  February,  1899. 
Undoubtedly  the  power  of  the  Filipino  leader  had 
declined  during  the  last  year,  but  he  was  still  the  most 
conspicuous  personage  among  the  hostile  natives  and 
wielded  a  considerable  influence  even  where  his 
authority  was  no  longer  recognized.  He  was  not  taken 
in  open  conflict,  but  as  the  result  of  a  rather  dubious 
exploit  planned  and  executed  by  General  Funston,  who 
has  since  been  made  a  brigadier  general  in  the  regular 
army  in  special  recognition  of  this  service.  Funston's 
success  was  made  possible  by  the  treachery  of  four  of 
Aguinaldo's  former  officers,  who  guided  the  party  to 
the  Filipino  camp  at  Palanan,  near  the  east  coast  of 
Luzon  and  north  of  Manila.  Funston  took  with  him 
four  American  officers  and  a  party  of  about  eighty 
Macabebes,  the  latter  dressed  as  Filipino  soldiers  and 


laborers.  Word  was  sent  to  Aguinaldo,  by  the  help  of 
insurgents  who  were  deceived  by  the  uniforms,  that  a 
body  of  Filipino  soldiers  had  captured  five  Americans 
and  were  now  bringing  them  to  his  headquarters. 
Along  with  this  information,  and  to  assist  in  the  de- 
ception, Funston  sent  two  forged  letters  addressed  to 
Aguinaldo  and  purporting  to  come  from  the  Filipino 
general  Lacuna,  whose  camp  with  official  papers,  seals, 
etc.,  had  been  captured  by  our  troops  some  time 

Aguinaldo  was  completely  deceived  and  even  sent 
out  supplies  to  the  approaching  party,  with  orders  to 
treat  the  American  prisoners  kindly.  When  the  Maca- 
bebes,  led  by  the  four  Filipino  traitors  and  ostensibly 
conveying  the  five  Americans  as  prisoners,  got  within 
Aguinaldo's  camp,  they  suddenly  opened  fire  and  took 
the  Filipino  leader  prisoner.  The  party  then  marched 
to  Palanan  Bay  and  were  brought  back  to  Manila  on  the 
Vicksburg.  Aguinaldo,  recognizing  the  hopelessness  of 
the  Filipino  cause,  has  since  taken  the  oath  of  allegi- 
ance to  the  United  States  and  prepared  an  address  to 
his  people,  advising  them  to  give  up  the  struggle  and 
incidentally  trying  to  justify  his  own  recantation  by 
declaring  that  the  policy  of  peace  through  surrender 
has  already  been  "joyfully"  accepted  by  the  majority 
of  his  countrymen. 

The   method    by    which    this    ' '  master- 
Moral  Aspect  of      stroke»    was    accomplished     has     been 

Funston's  Exploit  / 

fiercely   assailed   and   stoutly  defended, 

and  of  the  controversy  as  a  whole  it  may  be  said  that 
while  the  criticisms  have  been  made  on  moral  grounds 
the  defence  has  been  almost  uniformly  upon  technical 
grounds.  The  old  cynicism:  "All  is  fair  in  war"  has 
been  made  to  do  such  noisy  duty  in  this  case  that  in  the 
din  one  might  almost  forget  that  with  the  moral  progress 

i9oi.J  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  395 

of  civilization  it  was  long  ago  established  that  all  is  not 
fair  in  war.  Some  of  the  more  intolerable  things  have 
even  found  their  way  into  codes  of  international  agree- 
ment, and  among  them  is  the  prohibition  of  the  use  of 
an  enemy's  uniform  to  deceive  him.  Professor  Theo- 
dore S.  Woolsey,  of  Yale  University,  in  a  recent  con- 
tribution to  the  Outlook,  speaks  of  this  practice  as  pro- 
hibited not  only  by  the  Hague  Conference  of  1899,  but 
by  the  Oxford  Code  of  the  Institute  of  International 
Law,  and  by  the  Brussels  Code  of  1875.  Prof.  Wool- 
sey's  justification  of  Funston's  act  is  that  Aguinaldo's 
army  and  government  were  not  recognized  by  any  civ- 
ilized power  and  hence  not  entitled  to  the  rights  of 
belligerents.  In  fighting  them, "he  says,  "  in  turn  the 
United  States  is  not  bound  by  rules  which  are  only 
binding  reciprocally  when  the  other  party  observes 
them  also."  In  other  words,  my  neighbor  and  I  may 
agree  not  to  cheat  each  other,  but  remain  perfectly  free 
to  cheat  a  third  party  if  we  do  not  choose  to  give  that 
third  party  the  opportunity  to  pledge  himself  not  to 
cheat  us. 

The  importance  of  discussing  the  moral  bearing  of 
Funston's  exploit,  confessedly  a  daring  and  clever  one  in 
itself,  lies  in  its  effect  upon  our  standards  of  justice  and 
quality  of  ethical  thinking  here  at  home.  To  us,  Prof. 
Woolsey's  argument  seems  wonderfully  like  the  old 
Hebrew  notion  of  morality,  which  required  a  Jew  to 
observe  strict  justice  towards  other  Jews  but  permitted 
him  to  "  spoil "  the  stranger  whenever  he  could  lay 
hands  upon  him.  The  international  code  of  warfare 
was  adopted  upon  the  broadest  moral  and  humanitarian 
considerations,  but  it  would  seem  now  that  civilization 
is  not  even  morally  obligated  to  observe  it  towards 
others  who  would  gladly  accept  it  and  actually  do  ob- 
serve it,  but  only  towards  those  whom  it  chooses  to 
"recognize"  as  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  moral  law. 


Logically  carried  out,  this  interpretation  would  permit 
a  civilized  country  to  practice  against  "  unrecognized  " 
enemies  any  of  the  gross  offenses  forbidden  by  the  code. 
Prof.  Woolsey  says:  No,  the  rules  of  humanity  must 
still  govern.  But  why?  Certainly  not  because  the 
code  makes  any  distinction  between  the  different  kinds 
of  outrage  or  perfidy  it  forbids.  If  "humanity"  must 
govern  our  relations,  what  are  the  things  humanity 
enforces  upon  us  ?  Who  is  to  decide  ?  As  we  have  said,  it 
was  upon  principles  of  humanity  and  morality  that 
every  provision  of  the  international  code  was  based, 
and  if  any  of  them  apply  to  unrecognized  governments 
they  ought  all  so  to  apply.  Warfare  at  best  is  a  carni- 
val of  barbarities  and  immoralities,  and  the  code  only 
pretends  to  cover  the  more  glaring  and  despicable  out- 
rages against  common  humanity  and  fairness.  If  these 
are  too  bad  to  be  tolerated  against  recognized  belliger- 
ents they  are  too  bad  to  be  tolerated  against  any  mili- 
tary body  which  is  willing  to  and  does  refrain  from 
these  acts  on  its  own  part. 

Even  Prof.  Woolsey  admits  that  the  rules  of  the 
international  code  should  be  binding  upon  one  party 
"  when  the  other  party  observes  them  also,"  whether 
that  other  party  is  a  recognized  belligerent  or  not.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  the  Filipinos  have  been  less  obser- 
vant of  these  rules  than  our  own  forces ;  on  the  con- 
trary, it  is  matter  of  record  that  they  have  conducted 
an  orderly  warfare,  and  shown  a  degree  of  considera- 
tion and  humanity  in  the  treatment  of  American  pris- 
oners which  might  have  been  copied  with  considerable 
profit  by  some  of  the  "civilized  "  powers  in  their  deal- 
ings with  the  Chinese  during  the  last  few  months. 
General  Funston's  method  cannot  be  justified  on  the 
ground  of  Filipino  perfidy,  and  therefore,  if  Prof. 
Woolsey  is  right,  it  is  not  clear  how  it  can  be  justified 
at  all. 


Moreover,  our  own  general,  MacArthur,  as  recently 
as  December  2oth  last,  issued  a  proclamation  to  all  in- 
habitants of  the  islands,  whether  in  arms  or  not,  com- 
manding them  to  observe  all  the  "laws  of  war"  and 
quoting  several  provisions  from  the  international  code. 
As  the  Springfield  Republican  observes : 

"  What  of  the  legality — after  all  a  mere  husk — of  setting  up  a  code 
of  laws  for  your  enemy  to  follow  and  then  violating  them  yourself,  in 
the  most  deliberate  style,  at  the  first  opportunity? 

Of  course,  indefensible  and  even  dishon- 
our Philippine  orable  acts  must  be  expected  occasionally 
Policy  Henceforth 

under  conditions  so  peculiar,  but  when 

we  begin  seriously  to  justify  all  this  and  accept  it  as  a 
part  of  our  customary  and  excusable  way  of  doing 
things  it  is  a  grave  misfortune  and  points  to  a  relaxa- 
tion of  moral  backbone  and  gradual  drift  towards  the 
cynical  spirit  of:  "Whatever  succeeds  is  right."  If  this 
republic  should  lose  its  grip  on  the  high  principles 
wrought  into  its  very  foundations,  it  will  decline  from 
its  long-maintained  position  of  moral  leadership  and 
come  to  be  reckoned  with  simply  as  one  more  commer- 
cialized factor.  Its  influence,  if  that  time  arrives,  will 
be  estimated  in  advance  according  to  its  probable  inter- 
est or  share  in  new  fields  of  trade  or  conquest  rather 
than  by  its  disinterested  love  of  fairness  or  devotion  to 
the  rights  of  man. 

Much  as  our  public  opinion  ought  to  deplore  the  fact 
that  Aguinaldo  was  not  taken  in  an  open,  straightfor- 
ward way,  it  is  far  better  for  all  concerned  that  the 
Filipino  resistance  is  finally  brought  so  near  its  end. 
The  administration  was  determined  not  to  offer  any 
hope  of  future  independence,  and  therefore  peace 
could  not  have  been  restored  except  by  some  such  con- 
clusive stroke  as  this.  Probably  the  road  will  soon  be 
clear  for  determining  our  future  political  relations  to 
the  islands,  free  from  the  distracting  effects  of  an  ac- 


tive  military  problem.  Neither  the  capture  of  Agui- 
naldo,  nor  the  possible  ending  of  hostilities  which  may 
soon  follow,  will  alter  the  fact  that  our  highest  duty 
toward  these  people  and  toward  ourselves  is  to  prepare 
them  for  independent  self-government  at  some  future 
time  and  not  make  them  an  integral  part  of  the  United 
States.  The  Filipinos,  whether  in  rebellion  or  in  sub- 
mission, are  equally  unsuited  to  become  governing  units 
in  a  free  democracy  of  Anglo-Saxon  people  of  the 
highest  social  and  intellectual  status  in  the  world. 
They  may,  however,  attain  capacity  for  independent 
self-government  fitted  to  their  own  needs  and  peculiari- 
ties, and  it  is  to  this  end  that  our  policy  ought  to  be 
directed,  with  them  no  less  than  with  the  Cubans,  whom 
Admiral  Dewey  emphatically  declared  inferior  to  the 
Filipinos  in  several  important  respects. 

However    well- deserved     General     Kit- 

Chener's  military  «putation  may  be,  he 
is  earning  no  fresh  laurels  of  conse- 
quence in  the  South  African  campaign.  DeWet  is  not 
only  still  at  large  but  continues  to  raid  the  British  in 
unexpected  quarters,  capture  occasional  squads  of  men 
and  carry  off  supplies.  Nevertheless,  it  has  been  re- 
ported frequently  of  late  that  the  hopelessness  of  his 
cause  has  driven  DeWet  to  the  verge  of  insanity,  so 
that  he  is  mentally  irresponsible  for  his  acts.  Possibly 
on  account  of  this,  General  Botha,  commanding  the 
remnants  of  the  Transvaal  army,  has  been  growing 
more  and  more  anxious  for  peace,  and  on  February 
2/th  he  met  General  Kitchener  in  conference.  The 
terms  offered  to  the  Boers  included  amnesty  for  all 
bona  fide  acts  of  war,  return  of  Boer  prisoners  from  St. 
Helena  and  Ceylon,  establishment  of  civil  administra- 
tion and  later  of  a  representative  government,  estab 
lishment  of  a  high  court  independent  of  the  executive, 

igoi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  399 

non- molestation  of  land,  church  property,  trusts  and 
orphan  funds,  teaching  of  the  English  and  Dutch  lan- 
guages, payment  of  Boer  debts  to  the  amount  of 
•£1,000,000  even  if  contracted  during  the  war,  and  lim- 
itation of  the  franchise  rights  of  the  Kaffirs  when  such 
rights  are  extended  to  them  under  the  future  represen- 
tative government.  To  this  was  added  subsequently  an 
offer  to  lend  money  to  the  Boers  for  rebuilding  houses 
and  restocking  farms,  and  a  proposition  that  in  the  new 
government  to  be  established  there  would  be  a  council 
including  some  of  the  prominent  Boer  leaders. 

General  Botha  rejected  these  terms,  for  just  what 
reasons  is  not  clearly  known,  but  the  chief  is  believed 
to  have  been  his  determined  opposition  to  having  Sir 
Alfred  Milner  made  governor  of  the  Transvaal,  which 
was  understood  to  be  a  part  of  the  British  program. 
If  there  is  really  nothing  more  serious  than  this  in  the 
way,  a  common  basis  for  peace  will  probably  be  found 
before  many  weeks,  covering  at  least  the  Transvaal 
situation,  whether  DeWet  can  be  persuaded  to  surrender 
or  not. 

Early  in  April  the  Chinese  government 

Manchuria  Saved     .  „•,•-, 

to  China         formally   declined   to   accept   the  treaty 

proposed  by  Russia  regarding  Manchuria. 
The  expressed  opposition  of  England,  the  United  States 
and  Japan  to  the  signing  of  any  such  treaty  is  undoubt- 
edly what  encouraged  China  to  take  this  action,  and  on 
the  other  hand  prevented  Russia  from  trying  to  force  it 
upon  China  by  threats  of  punishment.  At  the  time  the 
three  protests  referred  to  were  made  it  was  not  clearly 
understood  just  what  the  Manchuria  treaty  contained, 
and,  even  though  Russia  has  since  explained  that  it  was 
simply  to  provide  for  maintaining  peace  in  the  province 
until  Russian  troops  could  be  withdrawn,  the  net  effect 
would  probably  have  been  prolonged  Russian  occupa- 


tion  and  steady  growth  of  Russian  influence,  leading 
towards  a  protectorate  if  not  annexation  at  some  future 
date.  It  is  gratifying  to  note  that  our  own  government 
did  not  heed  the  clamor  against  taking  any  further 
action  in  the  Chinese  negotiations,  but  consistently 
acted  on  the  theory  that,  having  shared  the  responsi- 
bility of  invading  China,  we  could  not  properly  with- 
draw until  we  had  fully  discharged  our  share  of  the 
obligations  growing  out  of  that  action.  We  have  defi- 
nitely taken  a  stand  for  the  "open  door''  in  China,  have 
so  declared  ourselves  to  the  powers,  and  could  not  with 
self-respect  withdraw  from  that  position  at  the  first  sign 
of  a  dispute  over  it.  The  "open  door,"  as  opposed  to 
dismemberment,  is  the  cause  not  only  of  civilization 
but  of  justice  to  China.  To  stand  firmly  for  this  cause 
is  one  of  the  most  creditable  things,  in  foreign  policy, 
•that  our  government  has  an  opportunity  of  doing,  at 
present,  anywhere. 

Another  and  no  less  creditable  thing  is 
The  Question  of     f  or  Qur  gOvernment  to  stand  out  against 
Indemnities  * 

the  efforts  of  some  of  the  powers  to  ex- 
tort absurd  indemnities  (fully  $500,000,000)  from  China 
for  the  Boxer  outrages  of  last  year.  Payment  should 
be  made,  and  ample  payment,  sufficient  to  serve  as  a 
lasting  warning  against  any  more  such  offenses,  but  to 
demand  more  than  five  times  as  much  as  a  liberal  esti- 
mate of  all  the  damages  and  expenses  would  amount 
to,  including  the  losses  of  the  missionaries,  simply 
because  China  is  helpless  and  cannot  resist,  is  unworthy 
of  Christendom,  and  is  the  more  offensive  because  the 
burden  will  fall  in  the  shape  of  heavy  additional  taxa- 
tion on  the  whole  poverty-stricken  Chinese  population, 
the  great  majority  of  whom  had  nothing  whatever  to  do 
with  the  Boxer  uprisings.  The  total  revenues  of  the 
empire  are  estimated  to  amount  to  only  about  $65,000,- 

igoi.]  REVIEW  OF  THE  MONTH  401 

ooo  per  year.  Of  course,  the  innocent  members  of  a 
community  always  have  to  share  in  the  payment  of  just 
penalties  for  offences  committed  by  any  portion  of  it, 
but,  when  the  penalty  demanded  is  exorbitant  and  op- 
pressive, the  misfortune  of  the  innocent  majority  becomes 
a  moral  problem  which  the  claimants  cannot  dodge 
merely  by  appealing  to  the  technicalities  of  "national 

It  may  be  urged  that  no  sum  is  too  large  for  the 
human  lives  lost  in  China,  but  it  is  a  recognized  prin- 
ciple of  equity  that  when  damages  are  being  collected 
from  a  community  or  organization  for  offences  commit- 
ted by  some  of  its  members  the  penalty,  which  is  to  fall 
alike  upon  the  innocent  and  guilty,  must  be  within  rea- 
sonable limits.  It  is  upon  this  manifestly  just  principle 
that  the  limit  of  damages  which  may  be  collected  from 
a  railroad  company  in  many  of  our  states,  for  the  kill- 
ing of  a  human  being,  is  fixed  at  $5,000,  although  from 
the  standpoint  of  the  relatives  and  friends  no  conceiva- 
ble sum  of  money  would  have  been  accepted  in  exchange 
for  that  person's  life.  If  there  was  criminal  careless- 
ness, the  full  penalty  for  manslaughter  may  be  visited 
only  upon  the  one  directly  guilty.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
no  money  indemnity  is  adequate  reparation  for  the 
taking  of  a  human  life,  and,  in  the  case  of  China,  the 
chief  reparation  exacted  might  much  better  take  the 
form  of  such  measures  and  concessions  as  will  guarantee 
future  peace  with  freedom  of  industry  and  protection 
of  individual  rights. 

Russia  demands  §90,000,000,  France  $65,000,000, 
and  Germany  $60,000,000,  for  military  expenses  alone, 
exclusive  of  penalties  quite  as  large  or  larger  for  the 
losses  of  life  and  property  suffered  by  missionaries  aud 
others  in  China.  The  fact  that  England  demands  only 
$22,500,000,  and  the  United  States  $25,000,000  with  an 
offer  to  reduce  this  one-half  if  the  others  will  do  the 


same,  throws  some  light  on  the  probable  reasonable- 
ness of  the  Russian,  French  and  German  claims.  It 
should  be  remembered  that  these  demands  are  not  of 
the  character  of  war  indemnities,  such  as  Germany  ex- 
acted from  France  in  1870.  There  has  been  no  "war" 
between  the  powers  and  the  Chinese  government ;  no 
declarations  of  war  were  made  and  no  ministers  re- 
called. Although  the  circumstances  were  extraordi- 
nary and  aggravated,  these  claims  for  indemnity  are 
really  of  the  same  sort  that  governments  frequently 
present  to  each  other  for  outrages  committed  against 
the  citizens  or  property  of  the  one  within  the  borders 
of  the  other.  Such  claims  are  always  supposed  to  be 
reckoned  on  some  reasonable  estimate  of  the  actual 
losses  incurred .  In  the  present  case  the  powers  must  also 
be  remunerated  for  having  had  to  take  the  place  of  the 
Chinese  government  in  protecting  foreign  interests  in 
China  and  restoring  order,  but  this  does  not  alter  the 
principle  of  the  case ;  and,  if  the  dispute  were  between 
two  European  countries  instead  of  between  Christendom 
and  China,  no  other  basis  of  settlement  would  be  toler- 
ated. It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  United  States  at  least 
will  take  no  part  in  a  policy  which  can  only  convince 
the  "heathen"  Chinaman  that  the  Christianity  long 
preached  to  him  by  western  missionaries  simmers  itself 
down  in  practical  experience  to  the  doctrine  of :  "Might 
makes  right." 




I  was  in  Europe  some  six  months  of  last  year,  and 
as  my  interest  in  labor  questions  is  deep  I  improved 
as  many  opportunities  as  were  open  to  me  to  observe 
cooperation  as  it  is.  Without  making  an  exhaustive 
study,  which  was  out  of  the  question,  I  saw  a  number 
of  men  and  institutions  that  are  doubtless  attractive  to 
the  readers  of  GUNTON'S  MAGAZINE,  and  I  will  therefore 
report  of  them  briefly. 

An  American  advocate  of  profit-sharing  naturally 
makes  his  way  in  London,  first  of  all,  perhaps,  to  the 
headquarters  of  the  Labour  Association  *  'for  promoting 
cooperative  production  based  on  the  copartnership  of 
the  workers,"  at  No.  15  Southampton  Row,  Holborn,  not 
far  from  the  British  Museum.  Needless  to  say,  he  will 
meet  there  a  cordial  reception  from  Mr.  Henry  Vivian, 
the  energetic  secretary  of  the  association.  Mr.  Vivian  is 
a  self-made  man,  as  we  say  here,  but  not  one  of  those 
who  worship  their  maker  with  too  profound  an  adoration. 
A  graduate  of  the  factory,  he  has  a  mind  of  much  natu- 
ral force  and  speaks  with  a  simplicity  and  directness 
that  commend  his  well-reasoned  addresses  on  his  favor- 
ite subject  to  a  working-class  audience  as  well  as  to  per- 
sons who  have  had  what  is  called  a  liberal  education. 
He  has  a  thorough  command  of  the  logic  and  the  facts 
of  profit-sharing,  and  is  a  persuasive  apostle  of  its  gos- 
pel. Labour  Copartnership,  the  excellent  monthly  organ 
of  the  association,  keeps  standing  at  the  head  of  each 
number  a  short  statement,  "To  New  Readers,"  of  the 
principle  in  industry  for  which  it  contends,  '  'and  of  the 


404  G  UNTON*  S  MA  GAZINE  [May, 

progress  which  has  been  made  in  the  application  of  it 
.  .  .  we  advocate  the  copartnership,  that  is,  the 
equal  partnership,  of  labour  with  capital,  the  system 
under  which,  in  the  first  place,  a  substantial  and  known 
share  of  the  profit  of  a  business  belongs  to  the  workers 
in  it,  not  by  right  of  any  shares  they  may  hold,  or  any 
other  title,  but  simply  by  right  of  the  labour  they  have 
contributed  to  make  the  profit;  and  .  .  .  every 
worker  is  at  liberty  to  invest  his  profit,  or  savings,  in 
shares  of  the  society  or  company,  and  so  become  a 
member  entitled  to  vote  on  the  affairs  of  the  body 
which  employs  him.  This  system  is  no  mere  dream. 
It  is  already  carried  out  by  British  productive  busi- 
nesses which  at  the  end  of  1 899  (statistics  for  Ireland 
are  given  separately)  numbered  102,  had  a  capital  of 
£1,285,339;  sold  in  the  year  £2,476,216  worth  of  goods; 
made  a  net  profit  of  £135,100  (after  deducting  losses); 
and  paid  to  labour,  in  addition  to  provident  funds,  a  sum 
not  easily  ascertained, but  exceeding  £19,000,  as  labour's 
share  of  the  results  over  and  above  standard  wages.  In 
some  the  part  of  labour,  whether  in  profit  or  in  manage- 
ment, is  smaller,  and  in  some  larger,  but  in  all  there  is 
copartnership."  * 

This  brief  statement  will  suffice  to  denote  the  po- 
sition, both  logical  and  self-consistent,  it  appears  to  me, 

*These  figures  of  capital  and  sales  refer,  it  should  be  remembered 
by  readers  of  cooperative  literature,  to  productive  cooperation  in  which 
the  principle  of  profit-sharing  is  recognized.  In  the  last  report  of  the 
Central  Board  of  the  Cooperative  Union,  made  at  Cardiff,  June  4,  1900, 
the  "returns  relating  to  cooperative  production"  give  the  total  capital 
employed  in  Great  Britain  for  1899  as  £2, 539, 013, the  sales  during  the  year 
as  £5,729,349,  the  profit  as  £307,725  and  the  loss  as  ^4, 842.  But  these 
figures  include  the  large  factories  and  flour  mills  of  the  English  Whole- 
sale Society  and  some  other  minor  productive  enterprises,  which  do  not 
give  a  bonus  to  labor,  but  only  to  the  shareholder  and  the  consumer. 
The  figures  of  the  Labour  Association,  on  the  other  hand,  include  the 
Scottish  Wholesale  Society,  which  recognizes  the  copartnership  princi- 

i  goi.  ]  COO  PER  A  TION  IN  ENGLAND  405 

of  those  Englishmen  and  Scotchmen  who  are  co- 
operators  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name,  if  the  name  means 
"working  together"  on  the  principle  of  equality  and 
sharing  the  results.  The  membership  of  the  labour 
association  includes,  as  the  observer  from  abroad  will 
quickly  see  from  running  over  the  list,  the  vast  ma- 
jority (if  it  is  not  almost  a  monopoly)  of  those  who 
claim  to  be  the  « 'thinkers"  in  the  general  cooperative 
movement  in  Great  Britain.  The  authorities  of  the 
English  Wholesale  Society  and  their  sympathizers  on 
this  point  (of  refusing  a  bonus  in  wages  to  their  actual 
workers  in  the  so-called  cooperative  stores  and  factories) 
are  men  whose  great  ability  in  business  is  very  evident, 
whose  devotion  to  cooperation  as  they  understand  it  is 
unquestionable,  but  whose  methods  of  reasoning  and 
whose  prejudices  are  typically  those  of  business  men 
in  the  world  outside  of  the  cooperative  movement.  It 
was  their  fathers  or  grandfathers  who  did  the  thinking  re  - 
quired  to  make  the  cooperative  stores  the  great  success 
they  have  become.  This  generation  has  the  usual 
business-man's  pride  in  the  imposing  figures  of  the 
sales  and  profits  of  the  stores  and  the  English  whole- 
sale. Its  chief  maxim  (or  sub-conscious  principle)  is 
"  Let  well  enough  alone,"  one  always  brought  forward 
when  men  who  reason  out  principles  ask  them  to  take 
the  worker  into  full  cooperation  as  the  natural  next 
step  in  the  application  of  true  cooperative  ideas. 
"Philistine"  is  perhaps  a. much  overworked  epithet 
since  Matthew  Arnold  first  employed  it,  but  surely  it 
has  few  applications  more  just  than  to  the  English  co- 
operators  who  here  reject  the  logic  of  Neale  and 
Hughes  and  Holyoake,  and  all  the  economists  of  Eng- 
land with  scarcely  an  exception.  I  met  at  Cardiff,  last 
June,  the  business  leaders  of  the  Wholesale  Society, 
and  endeavored  to  realize  the  state  of  mind  which  leads 
them  to  part  company  with  men  whose  ability  and  sin- 

406  G  UN  TON'S  MA  GA  ZINE  [May, 

cerity  in  the  cause  of  cooperation  they  never  incline  to 
dispute — the  "  children  of  light  "  preeminently  in  their 
body.  But  I  could  perceive  no  specific  difference  (so 
far  as  my  opportunities  of  conversation  and  attending 
meetings  went)  between  what  I  may  call,  for  conven- 
ience' sake,  "the  English  Wholesale  mind"  and  the 
mind,  familiar  to  all  of  us,  of  the  ordinary  business 
man,  averse  to  any  change  in  his  relations  with  his 
employees,  and  impatient  to  a  degree  with  reformers 
or  "  theorists  ''  of  any  description.  *'  The  Labour  As- 
sociation mind  "  appeared  to  me  to  be  really  a  mind, 
i.  e.,  a  power  of  thinking  over  new  ideas  and  following 
out  principles  to  their  natural  conclusions  and  proper 
results.  The  Labour  Association  people  have  ideas  and 
are  willing  to  move  with  them ;  the  Philistines  have  a 
set  of  prejudices  to  which  they  adhere  with  that  virtue 
we  are  so  wont  to  call  "  firmness  " — in  ourselves. 

For  an  outsider  it  is  difficult  to  see  what  serious 
danger  could  threaten  such  a  great  concern  as  the 
"  Wheatsheaf  "  shoe  works  at  Leicester  for  instance, 
making  a  million  and  a  half  pairs  of  boots  and  shoes 
annually,  if  they  gave  their  thousand  employees  a 
modest  bonus  on  wages,  such  as  much  smaller  coopera- 
tive concerns  in  the  same  town  give  and  still  prosper — 
or  rather,  one  might  well  say,  are  more  prosperous 
because  they  do  pay  a  bonus.  Nevertheless,  the  long 
contest  in  the  cooperative  movement  between  the  con- 
servatives and  the  liberals  on  this  matter  seems  to  have 
resulted  in  a  virtual  victory  for  the  conservative  ele- 
ment. The  subject  is  now  avoided  at  the  congresses 
and  the  liberals  express  little  hope  of  a  change  of  heart 
or  a  change  of  program  on  the  part  of  their  more 
numerous  opponents.  An  American  may  be  excused 
for  having  faith  that  the  very  evident  logic  of  coopera- 
tion will  work  itself  clear  in  time,  if  not  with  the  help 
of  this  sincere  but  intellectually  limited  majority,  then 

igoi.]  COOPERA  TION  IN  ENGLAND  407 

without  them,  or  against  them.  That  cooperation  is  to 
stop  with  consumption  is  a  supposition  quite  too  dim- 
cult  for  a  far-seeing  mind  to  entertain.  English  coop- 
erators  even  now  are  not  allowed  to  enjoy  the  complete 
pleasure  of  their  prejudices ;  sometimes  it  is  a  trade- 
unionist  like  Mr.  Steadman,  the  East  London  M.P., 
speaking  at  Cardiff,  who  reminds  them  of  their  incon- 
sistencies;* sometimes  it  is  an  economist  like  Prof. 
Marshall  or  Prof.  Nicholson;  sometimes  it  is  the 
Spectator  or  the  Speaker,  that  points  out  with  more  or  less 
mildness  the  better  way;  their  feet  will  not  know 
lasting  peace  until  they  tend  in  that  direction ! 

It  was  my  good  fortune  to  attend  the  first  day's 
session  of  the  Cooperative  Union  at  Cardiff  (a  body  too 
few  Americans  see),  and  two  or  three  preliminary 
meetings.  Other  unions  produce  as  big  pamphlets  as 
this  union  every  year  (the  report  is  a  formidable  docu- 
ment), or  even  bigger,  but  I  doubt  if  the  American 
traveler  in  England  can  find  a  convention  of  a  thousand 
men  that  will  impress  him  more  favorably  than  such 
a  congress.  We  Americans  have  so  many  compliments 

*Mr.  Steadman  said  that  "he  had  been  a  trade-unionist  for  over 
twenty-six  years,  and  he  was  proud  to  stand  upor  that  or  any  other 
platform  as  a  representative  of  the  organized  labor  of  the  country.  He 
had  never  been  a  keen  sympathizer  with  the  cooperative  movement  for 
this  reason.  If  he  purchased  some  goods  at  the  stores,  and  if,  after 
spending  a  sovereign,  his  only  object  was  to  secure  a  five  per  cent, 
dividend,  he  might  just  as  well  spend  his  money  with  a  private  capital- 
ist as  with  the  stores  which  are  run  upon  the  lines  of  dividend  hunters. 
He  might  be  mistaken  (cries  of  '  You  are ! ') — but,  if  he  were,  so  much 
the  better.  He  did  know  a  small  productive  society  in  his  own  con- 
stituency that  not  only  paid  trade  union  wages,  but  also  gave  the  workers 
a  share  in  the  profits.  If  that  was  cooperation,  if  all  other  cooperative 
organizations  were  run  on  similar  lines,  then  he  was  a  cooperator." 

This  quotation  from  the  official  report  of  the  Cardiff  congress,  re- 
lating to  a  most  interesting  incident  of  the  first  day's  proceedings,  shows 
the  feeling  entertained  by  many  trade-unionists,  and  the  ill  grace  with 
which  the  criticism  was  received  witnesses  the  sensitiveness  which 
people  in  the  wrong  usually  feel  toward  comment  which  they  have  voted 
down  in  their  own  body  by  force  of  numbers. 


paid  us  by  foreigners  on  our  readiness  of  speech  on 
the  platform  or  the  floor  of  a  convention"  that  we 
have  gotten  into  a  way  of  expecting  painful  slowness 
or  hesitancy  from  the  average  Briton  on  his  feet  in 
the  agony  of  making  "a  few  remarks."  But  we  are 
Quickly  undeceived  by  such  steadily  good  speaking  as 
the  cooperative  congress  affords — ready,  consecutive, 
unrhetorical,  preeminently  sane  and  sober  discussion 
of  the  matter  in  hand.  The  verbosity  and  superficial- 
ity of  too  many  American  speakers  on  such  an  occa- 
sion would  be  painful  to  one  who  attends  in  order  to 
get  facts  and  truth,  not  to  be  drenched  with  "  words, 
words."  The  solid,  concrete  English  mind  was  here 
to  be  seen  at  its  best,  exemplifying  the  finest  tradi- 
tions of  respect  for  free  speech  and  demand  for 
sound  speech,  and  obedience  to  the  laws  of  parlia- 
mentary discourse.  It  was  a  congress  of  labor  with 
the  demagogue  silent  and  the  usual  "flea  of  con- 
ventions" absent! 

The  most  attractive  figure  at  the  congress  was,  of 
course,  the  "old  man  eloquent  "  who  is  now  the  veteran 
par  Eminence  of  these  gatherings.  A  congress  without 
the  fine  presence  and  the  vigorous  word  of  Mr.  George 
Jacob  Holyoake  would  be  sadly  lacking.  Eighty-three 
years  young  on  this  occasion,  he  obeyed  the  voice  at 
eve,  obeyed  at  prime,  and  did  not  omit,  in  season  or 
out  of  season,  to  remind  cooperators  to  be  faithful  to 
the  whole  body  of  doctrine  as  delivered  by  such 
apostles  as  Neale  and  Hughes.  When  Mr.  Holyoake 
has  gone  over  like  them  to  the  vast  and  increasing 
majority,  the  leadership  of  the  liberal  wing  will  proba- 
bly be  accredited  generally  to  Mr.  William  Maxwell, 
the  chairman  of  the  Scottish  Wholesale  Society,  whose 
great  business  abilities  are  not  separate  from  a  profound 
attachment  to  the  principle  of  fraternity  in  industry  to 
its  fullest  extent.  His  position  gives  him  great  ad- 


vantage  in  championing  the  cause  of  labor  copartner- 
ship, and  if  he  should  be  elected  to  the  next  parliament 
(his  candidacy  this  last  fall  was  unsuccessful  on  account 
of  the  war  feeling)  he  will  take  the  prominent  position 
before  the  general  public  to  which  his  unusual  powers 
as  a  thinker  and  as  an  orator  entitle  him.  Mr.  F.  Mad- 
isson,  lately  M.  P.  for  a  Sheffield  constituency,  takes 
in  these  days  a  notable  part  in  the  cooperative  move- 
ment, and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  his  voice  may  again  be 
heard  in  St.  Stephen's,  where  his  sincerity  and  his  sanity 
won  the  respect  of  the  house  for  a  self-made  man  well 

Mr.  Aneurin  Williams,  treasurer  of  the  Labour  As- 
sociation, is  one  of  the  last  persons  whom  an  American 
friendly  to  cooperation  should  leave  unvisited ;  in  more 
ways  than  one  he  has  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  Mr.  E. 
V.  Neale,  and  he  aids  the  association  with  a  personality 
of  unusual  attraction.  Mr.  George  Thomson,  the 
woolen  manufacturer  of  Huddersfield  who  applies  the 
Ruskinian  doctrines  of  truth  and  sincerity  to  that  busi- 
ness, is  another  man  who  should  be  better  known  to 
us.  This  industrial  partnership  is  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant cooperating  enterprises  in  England,  not  so 
much  for  its  size  or  its  success,  thus  far,  as  for  its  con- 
sistency and  courage  in  adherence  to  principles.  The 
American  who  visits  Huddersfield  to  see  the  unique 
establishment  should  also  see  at  Hebden  Bridge,  near 
by,  the  oldest  and  most  successful  of  profit-sharing  co- 
operative manufactories  in  Great  Britain.  Here  Mr. 
Joseph  Greenwood,  a  cheerful  veteran  of  the  cause, 
.and  his  associates  frankly  make  fustian  and  sell  it  as  such 
to  a  cooperative  world  not  yet  educated  up  as  a  whole 
to  Mr.  Thomson's  standard  of  perfection  in  woolen 
goods.  The  esteem  which  these  two  men  feel  for  each 
other  reminds  us  how  necessary  it  is  in  a  varied  world 
to  meet  different  demands.  Mr.  Greenwood  is  one  of 


the  first  to  say  that  Mr.  Thomson's  way  is  best,  if  only 
cooperators  could  be  made  to  see  it,  and  wear,  as  he 
himself  does,  the  product  of  the  Huddersfield  mill. 

While  I  am  speaking  of  persons,  let  me  advise  visit- 
ors to  cooperative  England  in  the  near  years  before 
us  to  make,  if  possible  and  proper,  the  acquaintance  of 
Mr.  J.  M.  Ludlow,  the  associate  of  Maurice  and  Kings- 
ley.  If  he  is  able  to  see  them,  they  will  converse  with 
a  beautiful  spirit,  and  see  a  man  with  a  wonderful  pair 
of  eyes  for  eighty.  Mr.  George  Livesey,  the  chief 
director  of  the  South  Metropolitan  Gas  Works  in  Lon- 
don, is  carrying  profit-sharing  on  to  what  he  considers 
its  natural  and  desirable  development  in  the  workman- 
stockholder  and  the  workman- director,  and  he  is  sure  to 
have  a  great  influence  on  the  future  of  English  labor, 
if  his  measures  succeed,  as  they  have  so  far  succeeded. 
Mr.  Walter  Hazell,  lately  M.  P.  for  Leicester  (an  in- 
stance of  the  excellent  English  custom  of  allowing  a 
constituency  to  choose  its  representatives  from  any 
part  of  the  land),  is  another  of  the  employers  of  labor 
on  a  large  scale  who  put  conscience  into  their  work, 
and  are  always  desirous  to  "become  better  employers." 
Mr.  Hazell's  plans  of  "industrial  betterment"  for  his 
large  printing  establishment  deserve  study. 

At  Manchester  and  London  one  may  see  the  im- 
mense warehouses  of  the  English  Wholesale  Society, 
and  come  into  pleasant  contact  with  the  sturdy  Britons 
like  Messrs.  Shillito  (the  present  chairman,)  Ben  Jones 
and  F.  Hardern,  who  indeed  reject  profit-sharing  as  an 
error  of  the  doctrinaire,  but  show  an  amount  of  good 
"horse- sense"  and  solid  English  manliness  that  can 
but  win  the  respect  of  any  one  not  in  fact  a  doctrinaire 
himself.  Mr.  J.  C.  Gray,  the  efficient  secretary  of  the 
cooperative  board,  will  be  sure  to  extend  every  cour- 
tesy to  an  American  sympathizer  with  distributive 


The  important  thing,  however,  for  one  to  do  who 
would  know  how  cooperative  production  stands  to-day 
in  England  is  to  visit  Leicester  or  Kettering,  or  better, 
as  they  are  only  twenty  miles  apart,  Leicester  and 
Kettering.  For  the  ordinary  tourist  Leicester  (which 
he  is  too  little  apt  to  see)  has  the  attraction  of  great 
antiquity,  running  back  to  Caesar's  time,  of  which  nu- 
merous relics  have  been  preserved ;  on  the  lines  of  en- 
larged municipal  activity  it  is  one  of  the  most  advanced 
towns  in  England:  and  Kettering  is  an  admirable 
instance  showing  how  neat  a  manufacturing  place 
may  be  which  has  grown  up  out  of  an  old  village.  In 
these  two  places,  (Leicester  a  "  city  ''  as  we  should  say, 
of  150,000  people,  and  Kettering  one  of  25,000),  co- 
operation of  all  kinds  has  flourished  greatly,  and 
especially  has  cooperative  production  done  exceedingly 
well  of  late  years.  I  will  not  go  into  details,  as  Mr. 
H.  D.  Lloyd's  very  readable  book  on  "Labour  Co- 
partnership "  is  easily  accessible  with  its  chapters 
on  these  two  places;  but  I  will  quote  from  the  "Co- 
operative Year  Book"  for  1900  this  brief  table  giving 
the  progress  of  working-class  copartnership  in  these 
two  midland  towns. 


Profit,  after  pay- 
No,  of  ing  5  per  cent. 
Year.           Societies.        Capital.                     Trade.  on  capital. 

1888  2  £6,800  £ll,28o  £260 

1898  7  81,300  130,000  5,694 


1889  i  £1,032  £3,588  £328 
1898            5            28,010              85,086  5,411 

A  point  to  which  Mr.  Lloyd  does  not  call  especial 
attention  interested  me  as  a  student  of  economics  not  a 
little.  I  "wanted  to  know"  how  the  managers  of 

412  G  UN  TON 'S  MA  GAZINE  [May, 

these  cooperative  productive  concerns  think  and  feel 
about  their  "  wages  of  superintendence,"  which  are 
usually  very  low  from  an  American  standpoint,  being 
oftentimes  not  much  more  than  the  wages  of  a  skilled 
workman.  Of  course  one  must  be  mindful,  in  estimat- 
ing the  work  such  a  manager  is  called  upon  to  do,  that 
most,  if  not  all,  of  his  trade  comes  from  the  Wholesale 
Society,  his  product  going  into  the  distributive  stores 
through  this  agency,  and  that  a  business  connection 
thus  made  is  easily  kept  up  by  maintaining  the  excel- 
lence of  the  product.  Much  anxiety  is  thus  taken  off 
from  the  manager's  mind,  and  he  can  devote  himself 
more  freely  to  the  direct  superintendence  of  the  manu- 
facture. But,  often,  these  managers,  who  have  usually 
risen  from  the  ranks,  are  men  who  would  receive  at 
least  twice  or  three  times  as  much  salary  if  at  the  head 
of  factories  of  the  same  kind,  conducted  on  the  common 
lines.  I  questioned  some  seven  or  eight  such  managers 
in  Leicester  and  Kettering  on  this  point.  With  one 
exception,  they  agreed  that,  from  the  economic  stand- 
point, it  is  a  mistake  for  the  societies  to  pay  such 
small  salaries,  inasmuch  as  the  ability  shown  is  not 
sufficiently  rewarded.  Cooperators  are  properly  anxious 
that  the  various  grades  of  hand  labor  shall  be  fully 
recompensed ;  but  they  do  not  rate  brain  labor  suffi- 
ciently high  in  comparison.  The  managers  who  thus 
expressed  themselves  were  not  complaining ;  they  were 
accepting,  as  we  all  have  to  do  in  one  way  or  another, 
a  condition  of  things  which  can  change  only  gradually. 
The  one  manager  who  was  the  exception  had  had 
but  a  few  months'  experience  in  his  place,  in  the  shop 
where  he  had  been  a  foreman,  and  he  emphasized  the 
fact  that  the  Wholesale  is  their  only  customer.  He 
seemed  to  me  too  modest,  and  the  others  as  not  at 
all  irrational  in  thinking  that  their  salaries  should  be 
higher.  But  they  are  all  true  "  cooperative  men"  in 

igoi.]  COOPERA  TION  IN  ENGLAND  413 

the  sense  that  they  believe  in  cooperation  to  the  extent 
of  making  it  practically  a  religious  faith  for  which  they 
are  willing  to  sacrifice  or  to  suffer.  (I  am  not  saying 
that  this  is  their  only  religion ;  on  the  point  of  their 
conventional  religiousness  I  am  not  well  informed.) 
They  are  loyal  to  their  fellow  laboring  men  and  are 
willing  to  work  for  half-pay,  so  to  speak,  for  the  good 
of  the  cause.  Such  a  sacrifice  should  not  be  perman- 
ently demanded  of  them  by  the  rank  and  file  of  work- 
ingmen ;  in  time  the  mistake  will  probably  be  cor- 
rected. But  we  see  here  an  example  of  the  cooperative 
spirit,  which  it  would  be  vain  to  expect  in  the  United 
States  where  the  cooperative  man  is  not  so  thoroughly 
or  so  frequently  developed.  But  with  such  earnest  and 
capable  men  abounding  in  England,  one  of  the  chief 
difficulties  in  the  way  of  cooperative  production  here 
is  absent.  The  "cooperative  man,"  able  to  lead,  will 
work  for  a  small  salary,  and  he  will  stay  with  his  so- 
ciety as  a  rule,  when  offered  higher  pay  in  the  outside, 
competitive  world.  Judging  from  the  progress  made 
in  the  last  ten  years  in  England,  we  may  wisely  expect 
to  see  cooperative  production  become  a  much  larger 
factor  in  the  national  life  than  it  has  been,  or  now  is. 


Political  parties  come  into  existence  for  the  pur- 
pose of  incorporating  certain  ideas  into  the  public  policy 
of  the  nation.  They  are  born  with  a  program  which 
generally  rests  on  some  moral  idea,  economic  or  polit- 
ical policy.  To  the  extent  that  these  ideas  represent 
the  consensus  of  the  community  and  are  honestly  lived 
up  to,  the  party  grows  in  strength  and  influence  and 
exercises  a  wholesome  moral  as  well  as  political  influ- 
ence upon  the  nation.  So  long  as  a  party  is  vitalized 
by  an  idea,  whether  in  the  majority  or  not,  it  is  usually 
clean  and  aggressive. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  as  natural  as  for  the  sea- 
sons to  follow  each  other  that  political  parties  will 
sterilize  and  decline  in  character  and  influence  in  pro- 
portion as  moral  ideas  and  vital  principles  cease  to  be 
their  controlling  motives.  A  party  is  born  with  a  pro- 
gram and  dies  when  the  program  is  exhausted,  unless 
a  new  program  is  evolved.  Success  tends  to  beget 
self-confidence,  which  grows  into  conceit,  and  is  fol- 
lowed by  indifference  to  principle  and  high  standards 
of  public  policy.  Leadership  through  ideas  is  gradually 
converted  into  dictatorship  through  the  distribution  of 
rewards  and  punishments  from  the  " flesh-pots"  of 

The  republican  party  appears  to  be  nearing,  if  it 
has  not  already  reached,  this  stage.  When  it  was  born, 
in  1856,  it  came  with  a  mission.  Its  program  was 
national  unity,  human  freedom  and  equal  rights.  It 
led  the  forces  of  civilization  against  the  last  remnants 
of  the  slave  system  in  Christendom.  It  placed  itself 
upon  the  basis  of  moral  ideas  and  human  rights,  first  in 
the  form  of  resisting  the  extension  of  the  iniquitous 


PA  R  TY  D  EG  EN  ERA  CY  415 

system  of  human  slavery.  This  soon  involved  the  fur- 
ther step  of  defending  the  principle  of  national  unity, 
which  made  the  United  States  a  nation  instead  of  a 
federation  of  petty  sovereignties. 

Inspired  with  the  moral  and  political  righteousness 
of  its  policy,  it  neither  wavered  nor  weakened,  but  rose 
to  the  occasion  with  every  increase  of  responsibility. 
It  then  commanded  the  endorsement  and  admiration  of 
the  best  minds  of  every  race  and  nation,  and  earned 
the  title  of  "the  party  of  moral  ideas."  Then  it  was 
progressive  and  inspiring,  pure  and  elevating,  a  leader 
in  progress,  patriotism  and  civilization.  It  saved  the 
union,  blotted  out  slavery,  and  made  the  United  States 
a  nation.  Under  its  leadership  for  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury the  nation  experienced  unparalleled  industrial 
development  and  prosperity.  New  states  were  added 
in  the  West  and  new  industries  in  the  East.  During 
this  period  we  passed  from  a  comparatively  insignificant 
agricultural  country  to  the  foremost  industrial  nation  of 
the  world;  showing  greater  progress  in  wealth,  popu- 
lation, intelligence  and  popular  welfare  than  ever 
marked  the  history  of  any  other  people  in  double  the 
length  of  time. 

Here  the  republican  party  reached  the  end  of  its 
program,  and  instead  of  developing  in  ideas  and  states- 
manship commensurate  with  the  progress  of  the  country 
it  began  to  fossilize.  It  became  self-satisfied  and  indif- 
ferent to  the  high  principles  it  had  made  historic,  and 
began  to  bask  in  the  sunshine  of  office  and  to  rely  on 
the  favor  of  patronage  for  success. 

Thus,  instead  of  entering  upon  a  new  era  of  high 
statesmanship,  the  republican  party  entered  upon  the 
stage  of  degeneracy  and  sterility.  Already  great  lead- 
ership has  practically  disappeared  from  its  ranks,  and 
in  the  place  of  leaders  are  now  mere  "boss"  dictators, 
deriving  their  power  from  the  control  of  patronage. 


This  substitution  of  dictators  for  leaders  lias  practically 
obliterated  political  principle  from  the  policy  of  the  re- 
publican party.  It  is  no  longer  "the  party  of  moral 
ideas."  The  Monroe  doctrine,  which  was  the  guiding 
principle  in  our  international  relations,  has  been  prac- 
tically forgotten,  and  under  the  rudderless  policy  of 
"  drift "  a  republican  administration  has  committed  the 
nation  to  a  colonial  system  utterly  foreign  to  our  tra- 
ditions, habits,  experience  and  interests,  and  justified 
on  neither  economic,  moral  nor  political  grounds.  It 
has  saddled  us  with  the  government  of  several  groups 
of  semi-barbaric  peoples,  which  will  be  a  permanent 
burden  upon  the  nation,  creating  new  sources  of  patron- 
age and  corruption,  leading  to  fraud,  maladministra- 
tion and  political  degeneracy,  to  the  distraction  and 
discredit  of  the  nation.  Moreover,  the  national  admin- 
istration is  so  encompassed  by  the  degenerate  dictator- 
ship of  local  bosses  that  dishonesty  and  corruption  by 
federal  officers  cannot  be  suppressed.  The  threats  of  the 
local  "boss"  paralyze  the  hands  of  the  president  himself. 
During  the  last  few  years  this  deadening  process  has 
grown  apace.  In  Pennsylvania,  where  the  republican 
party  is  securely  in  power,  the  organization  manager 
dictates,  not  merely  public  policies  but  the  details  of 
scandalous,  vindictive  legislation,  even  to  taking  away 
the  elective  rights  of  cities  as  a  punishment  for  diso- 
bedience to  the  boss.  Perhaps  the  most  surprising  fea- 
ture of  this  is  that  Quay's  ability  to  order  his  legisla- 
ture to  abolish  the  office  of  mayor  in  three  cities  and 
substitute  a  recorder  to  be  appointed  by  his  governor 
has  created  almost  no  indignation  throughout  the 
country.  There  is  some  rebellion  in  the  cities  thus 
decapitated,  but  the  great  republican  journals  of  the 
country  are  practically  "mum."  The  ruthless  tramp- 
ling on  representative  institutions  is  practically  so  com- 
monplace that  it  passes  without  serious  protest. 

igoi.}  PARTY  DEGENERACY  417 

On  every  hand  the  evidence  is  apparent  that  the  re- 
publican party  has  practically  outlived  its  reputation  as 
"the  party  of  moral  ideas"  and  is  deteriorating  into  a 
party  of  moral  indifference,  political  drift  and  "boss'' 
manipulation.  It  is  rapidly  losing  the  confidence  of 
the  nation.  Republican  cities  have  already  begun  to 
elect  anti-republican  and  even  revolutionary  adminis- 
trations. It  may  with  truth  be  said  that  the  democratic 
party  is  not  any  better,  but  this  will  not  serve  to  stem 
the  tide.  The  national  administration  is  becoming  less 
popular  every  day ;  criticisms  of  its  policy  are  increas- 
ing in  frankness  and  fierceness  on  every  hand.  Evi- 
dence is  not  wanting  that  the  deadening  spell  of 
"boss"  rule  has  nearly  reached  its  limit  and  that  a 
breakup  is  imminent.  Whether  this  will  result  in  a 
new  party  with  radically  different  objects,  or  a  reorgan- 
ization of  the  best  elements  of  the  old  parties,  will 
largely  depend  on  how  soon  the  reorganization  comes. 
If  it  is  postponed  long  enough,  the  very  rottenness  of 
the  existing  systems  and  methods  may  bring  a  revolu- 
tionary party  with  a  radical  socialistic  platform.  The 
bold  dictation  of  Quay  in  Pennsylvania  and  Platt  in 
New  York,  which  has  reduced  the  legislatures  of  the 
two  greatest  states  in  the  union  to  mere  instruments  of 
personal  caprice,  is  well  calculated  to  hasten  the 
breakup.  If  Platt  and  Croker  were  conspiring  to  force 
a  revolt  they  could  hardly  work  more  successfully  to 
the  point,  for  never  was  the  hand  of  the  dictator  more 
wantonly  and  unscrupulously  shown  anywhere  than  in 
the  New  York  city  hall  and  the  Albany  legislature. 

Of  course,  Tammany  does  not  represent  the  de- 
mocracy of  Greater  New  York.  It  represents  only  an 
organized  body  which  is  directly  benefited  by  patronage 
and  protection  to  office-holders  and  law-breakers. 
These  do  not  constitute  the  democratic  party,  but  they 
furnish  a  compact,  active,  organized  element  in  every 


election  district  of  the  metropolis.  The  decent  citizens 
are  more  numerous  than  these,  but  they  are  neither  so 
well  organized  nor  so  active. 

The  natural  opposition  to  this  should  be  the  re- 
publican party.  In  most  cases  the  opposition  party, 
especially  if  it  has  been  out  of  office  a  long  time,  is  the 
reform  party,  the  clean  party,  the  party  of  ideas  and 
high  public  standard.  The  very  incentive  for  success 
usually  creates  this.  New  York  city  is  the  one  great 
exception  to  this  rule.  Although  the  republican  party 
is  almost  never  in  power  in  New  York  city,  yet  it  has 
utterly  failed  to  rise  to  the  plane  of  political  morals 
which  would  command  public  confidence ;  it  is,  in  fact, 
distrusted  about  as  much  as  Tammany.  The  reason  is 
that  the  republican  organization  is  a  Tammany  in 
everything  but  the  name.  It  has  the  same  characteris- 
tics, almost  the  same  lack  of  honor,  integrity  and  pub- 
lic spirit,  much  the  same  style  of  political  crookedness, 
and  stands  equally  ready  upon  occasion  to  practice 
scandalous  methods.  In  fact,  it  is  the  political  twin  of 
Tammany  Hall  and  therefore  naturally  prefers  to  con- 
duct deals  with  the  Tammany  management,  for  a  share 
in  the  spoils,  to  honestly  leading  a  movement  for  high- 
minded,  clean  municipal  policy. 

But  this  organization  does  not  represent  the  repub- 
licans of  New  York  city.  Fully  seventy-five  per  cent, 
of  the  republican  voters  desire  clean  politics  and  honest 
government  and  would  regard  it  as  an  invaluable  bene- 
faction to  be  emancipated  from  this  band  of  political 
pirates  which  disgraces  the  name  of  the  republican 
party.  But,  like  the  decent  element  in  the  democratic 
party,  they  are  not  organized,  they  are  not  attracted  by 
the  odors  of  the  flesh-pots,  and,  like  the  unorganized  in 
every  sphere  of  life,  they  patiently  endure  the  evil. 
This  is  partly  due,  no  doubt,  to  the  fact  that  they  be- 
lieve in  the  general  policy  of  the  republican  party  in 

i9oi.]  PARTY  DEGENERACY  419 

national  affairs  and  hence  are  more  or  less  timid  about 
breaking  up  the  organization  which  assumes  the  lead  of 
the  republican  forces  whenever  state  and  national  poli- 
cies are  under  consideration.  The  same  is  true  of  the 
democratic  party.  It  is  true  everywhere  that  a  small 
number  organized  is  more  powerful  in  any  public 
movement  than  a  many  times  larger  body  unorganized. 
That  is  because  the  great  mass  always  follows  and  the 
very  few  lead.  In  the  labor  movement  this  is  true.  It 
is  constantly  repeated  that  the  organized  laborers  do 
not  constitute  ten  per  cent,  of  the  workingmen,  yet 
they  can  always  lead  the  other  ninety,  and  solely  be- 
cause they  are  organized,  have  a  specific  purpose  and 
follow  certain  recognized  and  trusted  leaders. 

But  there  is  a  degree  of  incompetence  and  depth 
of  depravity  beyond  which  organized  "bossism"  can- 
not go  without  sacrificing  progress  and  endangering 
free  government.  That  point  has  obviously  been 
reached  in  New  York  at  least.  The  salvation  of  de- 
cency and  ordinary  integrity  in  public  life  now  demands 
a  reorganization  of  political  forces.  Experience  has 
already  demonstrated  that  the  republican  party  cannot 
be  trusted.  Its  depravity  is  being  demonstrated  at 
Albany,  where  it  has  control.  It  is  equally  clear  that 
Tammany  can  neither  be  ousted  nor  reformed  under 
present  lines  of  organization.  The  next  step,  and  the 
only  feasible  one,  is  for  all  the  decent  elements  of  the 
city  which  are  tired  and  disgusted  with  both  organiza- 
tions to  meet  in  the  open  and  form  a  new  integration 
of  political  forces.  The  preservation  of  neither  the 
democratic  nor  the  republican  party  in  the  nation  is  to- 
day of  sufficient  importance  to  prevent  this  movement 
for  municipal  regeneration.  The  national  democratic 
party  is  on  the  rack,  it  stands  for  nothing  of  pressing 
importance,  it  has  been  led  astray  into  the  fields  of  va- 
gary verging  on  revolution.  The  republican  party, 


while  safer  along  the  line  of  established  policies,  rep- 
resents no  really  vital  new  principle  in  the  national 
life.  It  has  broken  from  its  moorings  in  many  impor- 
tant respects  and  represents  nothing  important  for  the 
immediate  future.  It  is  practically  in  a  state  of  polit- 
ical drift,  heading  for  no  particular  port,  guided  by  no 
definite  chart,  and  floats  aimlessly  along  like  a  ship 
without  compass  or  rudder. 

Indeed,  there  are  many  signs  indicating  a  strong 
necessity  for  and  probable  tendency  towards  reorgani- 
zation of  political  forces  in  both  parties,  for  national 
as  well  as  municipal  purposes.  There  is,  therefore, 
no  reason  why  the  clean  and  progressive  elements 
in  both  the  democratic  and  republican  parties  should 
hesitate  to  organize  for  a  higher  type  of  municipal 
government.  If  this  should  be  successfully  done  in 
New  York  city,  it  might  and  probably  would  be  the  be- 
ginning of  a  similar  movement  in  other  large  cities  and 
ultimately  extend  to  state  and  national  politics  as  well. 
It  might,  indeed,  be  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  in  po- 
litical organization  and  leadership  in  American  politics. 
The  movement  of  the  Carnegie-Hall  democrats  under 
the  leadership  of  Mr.  Crimmins,  and  of  the  republicans 
under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Brookfield,  and  the  non- 
partisan  movement  of  the  citizens'  union,  all  show 
that  this  wholesome  work  has  already  made  a  good  be- 
ginning. If  crankiness  can  be  suppressed,  and  the 
single  purpose  of  clean,  honest  administration,  with 
some  specific  lines  of  reform,  be  made  the  platform, 
1901  may  prove  the  great  year  of  opportunity  for  the 
successful  breaking-up  of  the  hide-bound,  corrupt  po- 
litical organizations,  and  a  new  integration  of  political 
parties  which  shall  give  new  life,  strength  and  virtue 
to  the  political  methods  and  public  spirit  in  New  York, 
and  elevate  the  tone  and  broaden  the  character  of  the 
public  policy  of  the  nation. 


The  industrial  billionaire  has  arrived;  if  not  in 
the  person  of  a  single  individual,  he  is  here  quite  as 
definitely  in  the  form  of  a  single  corporation.  The 
United  States  Steel  Corporation  is  more  than  a  billion  - 
dollar  concern ;  it  is  about  a  billion  and  a  half.  Noth- 
ing approaching  it  has  hitherto  been  attempted.  Its 
magnitude  and  far-reaching  purposes  are  bewildering 
to  the  ordinary  observer.  It  is  too  stupendous  for 
intelligent  criticism  at  this  juncture.  It  is  an  experi- 
ment which  will  demonstrate  the  wisdom  or  danger  of 
the  modern  tendency  of  industrial  integration. 

If  it  succeeds  it  may  be  the  beginning  of  a  new  era 
of  industrial  organization  which  shall  have  a  world  influ- 
ence on  business  conditions.  The  rewards  of  success  are 
great,  and  the  responsibility  of  failure  is  tremendous. 
Undertaken  in  good  faith  as  an  industrial  enterprise, 
the  United  States  Steel  Corporation  may  prove  an 
invaluable  contribution  to  the  industrial  development 
of  the  twentieth  century,  but,  if  organized  as  a  scheme 
for  speculation  to  convert  watered  stock  into  cash  for 
promoters,  it  may  prove  a  disaster  to  the  nation  and  a 
crime  against  civilization. 

The  responsibility  of  deciding  the  course  and  char- 
acter of  this  epoch-making  enterprise  is  with  a  few  men. 
If  we  consider  the  character  of  the  men,  the  nature  of 
the  enterprise,  and  the  interdependent  relations  of  the 
concerns  integrated,  everything  seems  to  warrant  the 
hope  and  faith  that  this  mammoth  integration  is  a 
legitimate  economic  business  reorganization.  Its  direc- 
tion and  character  practically  rest  with  three  men, — 
J.  Pierpont  Morgan,  John  D.  Rockefeller  and  Andrew 
Carnegie.  These  are  conspicuously  the  three  greatest 



minds  in  the  world  in  their  respective  fields.  As  a 
financier  of  industrial  enterprises  Mr.  Morgan  has  no 
equal.  He  may  not  be  the  richest  financier  in  the 
world  but  he  is  the  most  successful  financial  promoter 
of  great  concerns.  He  has  made  no  important  mistakes 
and  no  failures.  In  1894  he  promptly  and  successfully 
negotiated  an  important  loan  for  the  United  States 
government  at  a  critical  moment,  heading  off  a  disas- 
trous panic  almost  without  a  ripple.  In  his  promoting 
experience  with  railroads  and  industrial  concerns  he 
has  never  been  a  wrecker  but  always  conducted  the 
financiering  on  the  lines  of  ultimate  profitable  invest- 

Mr,  Rockefeller  is  the  world's  greatest  industrial 
organizer.  He  has,  through  the  steady  application  of 
more  than  thirty  years'  experience,  developed  the 
greatest,  most  extensive  and  successful  industry  ever 
organized.  His  enterprise  represents  investment  which 
would  permit  a  legitimate  capitalization  of  three-quarters 
of  a  billion,  and  its  products  reach  the  most  backward 
of  the  settled  portions  of  the  human  race.  He  brings 
to  the  new  steel  enterprise  the  widest  experience  in 
complex  industrial  integration  of  any  living  man. 

Mr.  Carnegie  is  the  greatest  iron  and  steel  manu- 
facturer the  world  has  produced.  As  a  developer  of 
methods,  together  with  the  organization  of  productive 
facilities  and  efficient  marketing  of  iron  and  steel  prod- 
ucts, he  is  preeminently  at  the  head  of  his  class. 
Moreover,  he  has  never  indulged  in  stock  speculation ; 
his  enterprise  was  not  even  a  corporation  until  about  a 
year  ago.  This  is  the  more  important  as  the  new  con- 
cern is  dealing  with  the  whole  field  of  iron  and  steel 
production.  Moreover,  these  three  men,  supported  by 
others  of  similar  type,  though  of  less  magnitude,  are 
on  the  board  of  managers.  Mr.  Morgan  and  Mr.  Rock- 
efeller are  there  personally,  and  Mr.  Carnegie  is  there 

i  goi.  ]  THE  BILLION-DOLL  A  R  COR  FOR  .4  TION  423 

by  proxy  through  Mr.  Charles  M.  Schwab.  Mr.  Schwab, 
whose  photograph  we  publish  in  this  issue,  is  in  many 
respects  the  most  remarkable  industrial  manager  in  his 
line  that  this  wonderful  age  has  produced.  He  is  prac- 
tically the  industrial  child  of  Mr.  Carnegie,  and,  though 
less  than  forty  years  of  age,  he  was  at  the  head  of  the 
Carnegie  concern.  And  it  was  only  on  condition  that 
Mr.  Schwab  should  be  president  that  Mr.  Carnegie  con- 
sented to  merge  his  plant  in  the  great  steel  company. 
A  dozen  such  men  as  these,  equipped  by  temperament 
and  successful  experience  for  such  an  undertaking, 
probably  could  not  be  found.  All  this  augurs  genuine 
industrial  enterprise,  not  Wall  Street  and  Lombard 
Street  speculation. 

The  character  of  the  industries  integrated  and  the 
field  of  operation  is  equally  reassuring.  This  new  con- 
cern has  not  collected  an  indefinite  assortment  of  enter- 
prises but  has  limited  itself  to  the  iron  and  steel 
industries.  In  this  it  has  reached  out  into  all  the 
important  branches,  from  mining  the  ore  to  marketing 
the  finished  product,  including  the  facilities  for  trans- 
portation. Thus  it  is  in  reality  a  consolidation  of  the 
facilities  and  processes  of  one  of  the  greatest  industrial 
fields  in  the  country,  with  its  multitude  of  interdepend- 
ent branches.  If  this  enterprise  is  conducted  on  a 
strictly  economic  basis  under  the  present  management, 
several  important  results  may  be  expected. 

(i)  It  ought  to  exercise  a  steadying  influence  over 
the  market  conditions  of  the  whole  iron  industry,  and 
if  wisdom  prevails  it  will  do  this  without  any  rise  in 
prices  but  ultimately  with  a  lowering  of  prices.  No  great 
economies  in  the  cost  of  production  can  be  expected  at 
the  outset.  It  would  be  difficult  to  conceive  any  imme- 
diate improvement  of  methods  in  such  concerns  as  the 
Carnegie  works.  But  the  best  processes  employed  by 


the  most  successful  concerns  can  be  extended  to  the 

(2)  Great  advantages  and  ultimate  economies  may 
be  expected  from  a  better  distribution  of  managing  and 
administrative  ability.     Where   special   ability  shows 
itself,  and  the  opportunity  for  its  development  and  pro- 
motion does  not  exist  in  the  given  concern,  the  man 
can  be  transferred  to   others  where   improvement  is 
needed,  and  thus  the  very  highest  managing  skill  can 
be   placed  where   it  will  render   the   greatest   service 
throughout  the  entire  working  field. 

(3)  It  will  check  the  tendency  to  wasteful  duplica- 
tion of  processes  in  times  of  boom  inflation,  and  the 
consequent  ruinous  competition,   thus  giving   perma- 
nence and  stability  to  the  entire  industry  and  prevent- 
ing business-disturbing  fluctuation.    In  this  way  it  may 
and  under  present  management  probably  will  become 
the  great  steadier  of  the  iron  and  steel  industries  of  the 
whole  country.     This  would  be  the  first  great  step  to- 
wards  the   elimination   of   industrial   depressions.     If 
this   policy,   so   characteristic  of  the   Rockefeller  and 
Carnegie  concerns,  is  pursued  by  the  new  company,  it 
will  not  only  justify  its  existence  but  it  will  do  much  to 
remove  from  the  public  mind  the  apprehension  and  dis- 
trust of  large  corporations  as  enemies  of  public  welfare. 
That   would   do   more   to   establish   public  confidence 
in  the  normal  and  rational  development  of  modern  in- 
dustry than  anything  that  has  occurred  in  half  a  cen- 
tury.    On  the  other  hand,  if  these  men  should  for  any 
reason  convert  their  holdings  into  cash,  or  use  their 
stock  for  the  purposes  of  speculation,  and  let  the  man- 
agement pass  into  inferior  hands,  it  might  result  in  one 
of  the  most  disastrous  calamities  this  country  has  ever 
experienced.     The    reward   and   honor    of   success   is 
theirs,  and  also  the  responsibility  of  failure. 


The  United  States  entered  upon  its  national  career 
with  the  theory  that  the  essential  principle  in  democ- 
racy is  local  sovereignty.  Jefferson  thought  that  the 
only  safety  for  democratic  government  is  to  keep  po- 
litical power  in  the  hands  of  the  smallest  workable 
groups.  This  is  good  doctrine  but,  like  all  general 
principles,  must  be  intelligently  interpreted.  The  idea 
of  local  sovereignty  is  not  opposed  to  national  sover- 
eignty, but  merely  implies  that  authority  should  only 
be  transferred  from  the  smaller  to  the  larger  political 
units  when  the  smaller  become  inadequate  to  the  prop- 
er performance  of  the  task.  That  is  to  say,  no  function 
should  be  transferred  to  the  community  which  can  be 
properly  performed  by  the  individual ;  no  local  function 
should  be  transferred  to  the  state  which  can  be  ade- 
quately performed  by  the  municipality ;  and,  similarly, 
no  function  should  be  transferred  to  the  national  gov- 
ernment which  can  be  adequately  performed  by  the 

This  doctrine  implies  with  equal  force  that  authority 
should  pass  to  the  larger  group  whenever  the  interest 
involved  transcends  the  sphere  of  the  smaller  group. 
Thus  all  interests  which  extend  beyond  the  realm  of 
individual  authority  should  pass  to  the  local  authority, 
and  those  reaching  beyond  the  local  should  go  to  the 
state,  and  those  going  beyond  state  lines  should  pass 
under  national  jurisdiction.  The  principle  of  local 
sovereignty  is  eminently  democratic ;  but  it  is  in  the 
nature  of  a  working  principle  and  not  a  fixed  state  or 
condition.  It  is  just  as  much  a  violation  of  the  prin- 
ciple involved,  however,  to  retain  state  control  of  inter- 
state interests  as  it  is  to  transfer  purely  state  interests 



to  national  authority.  In  a  progressive  country  where 
local  sovereignty  exists,  the  transfer  of  interests  from 
the  smaller  to  the  larger  groups  and  even  sometimes 
from  the  larger  to  the  smaller  becomes  a  necessary  part 
of  progressive  political  adjustment  in  order  to  maintain 
efficiency  of  administration  along  with  the  democratic 
principle.  For  instance,  in  the  middle  ages  trade  was 
easily  within  the  bounds  of  municipal  authority.  Cities 
governed  all  the  conditions  of  trade,  but  as  industry 
expanded  it  so  transcended  all  municipal  bounds  as  to 
render  narrow  local  authority  a  menace  to  progress 
and  make  national  authority  necessary. 

This  principle  is  constantly  operating  in  the  United 
States.  In  the  early  days  of  the  republic  there  were 
very  few  internal  interests  that  transcended  state 
boundaries.  Interests  that  were  entirely  national  and 
properly  came  under  federal  authority  were  those  which 
related  to  the  national  defence  and  a  few  very  general 
matters  like  the  coining  of  money  and  the  postal  system. 
It  soon  became  evident,  however,  that  any  appreciable 
progress  in  national  life  would  require  a  national  bank- 
ing system.  Jefferson  and  the  adherents  to  the  local- 
sovereignty  doctrine  resisted  this,  because  they  thought 
it  contrary  to  the  principle  of  democracy ;  but,  by  force 
of  financial  chaos  and  disaster,  though  not  converted 
from  that  error  they  were  compelled  to  adopt  a  nation- 
al bank.  Under  the  influence  of  this  idea,  that  de- 
mocracy is  limited  to  local  sovereignty,  the  Jefferson 
party  refused  to  renew  the  charter  of  the  national  bank 
and  on  its  expiration  another  period  of  financial  havoc 
with  wild  cat  currencies  resulted,  which  finally  forced 
the  chartering  of  the  second  Bank  of  the  United  States. 
This  experience  was  again  repeated  in  1836  at  the  ex- 
piration of  the  charter  of  the  second  bank,  and  another 
period  of  disaster  followed.  This  was  the  natural  re- 
sult of  subjecting  national  institutions  to  state  control. 

i9oi. J     DEMOCRA CY  AND  NA  TIONAL  A  UTHORITY        427 

Like  the  postal-service  and  the  circulation  of  coin,  bank- 
ing extends  throughout  the  nation.  In  the  nature  of 
things,  therefore,  and  in  strict  accordance  with  the 
principle  of  local  sovereignty  and  home  rule,  we  have 
finally  been  compelled  to  adopt  a  national  banking  sys- 

What  was  true  of  banking  has  been  true  of  several 
other  important  interests  of  society.  The  development 
of  our  industrial  resources  has  made  almost  every  in- 
dustry extend  beyond  state  lines.  There  is  almost  no 
industry  of  any  considerable  proportions  in  this  coun- 
try which  is  now  limited  to  the  area  of  any  state.  For 
this  reason  it  became  necessary  to  adopt  the  interstate 
commerce  law,  which  took  the  power  of  regulating 
railroads  in  certain  respects  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
states  and  transferred  it  to  the  national  government. 
This  was  no  violation  of  the  principle  of  local  sov- 
ereignty, because  it  only  transferred  the  authority  from 
the  state  to  the  nation  when  the  industry  ceased  to  be 
a  state  institution  and  became  national. 

This  has  been  true  also  of  bankruptcy.  As  busi- 
ness became  more  and  more  interstate,  local  or  state 
bankruptcy  laws  became  incompatible  with  the  broader 
interests  of  national  industry.  The  industrial  relations 
of  debtor  and  creditor  became  so  clearly  national  that 
widely  different  local  and  state  bankruptcy  laws  became 
the  means  of  perpetrating  fraud  and  injustice,  to  cor- 
rect which  a  national  bankruptcy  law  became  indispen- 
sable. This  again  was  no  surrender  of  the  principle  of 
local  government.  It  was  only  transferring  the  inter- 
ests to  national  authority  when  they  became  national 
in  character  and  influence.  To  insist  on  keeping  mat- 
ters under  state  jurisdiction  which  are  national  in  their 
character  does  not  strengthen  the  democratic  principle 
but,  on  the  contrary,  is  a  menace  to  efficient  govern- 

428  G  UN  TON 'S  MA  GAZINE  [May, 

ment  and  the  adequate  protection  of  individual  and 
local  interests. 

A  forcible  illustration  of  this  was  furnished  in  the 
anti-Italian  riots  in  New  Orleans  some  years  ago. 
Italian  citizens  were  murdered  in  cold  blood,  and  when 
Italy  protested  and  asked  for  redress  our  government, 
through  Secretary  Elaine,  had  to  reply  that  unfor- 
tunately the  murderers  of  the  Italian  subjects  in  New 
Orleans  were  under  state  authority  and  beyond  the 
reach  of  the  United  States  government.  Thus  we 
practically  said  to  Italy :  We  are  sorry  but  we  cannot 
help  it.  If  Italy  had  replied,  as  she  well  might  have 
done:  Well,  if  you  cannot  deal  with  the  people  of 
Louisiana  we  can  and  will  send  a  battleship  with  an 
ultimatum,  our  government  would  have  replied :  No, 
that  would  be  an  attack  upon  the  United  States.  We 
cannot  punish  the  murderers  of  your  citizens  ourselves, 
nor  can  we  permit  you  to  punish  them  either. 

This  is  a  discreditable  anomaly.  We  deny  the 
right  of  states  to  have  any  direct  relation  with  foreign 
nations,  and  yet  we  have  no  power  to  make  the  states 
respect  the  rights  of  citizens  of  foreign  nations.  When 
the  Turks  murder  our  missionaries  in  Armenia,  or  the 
Chinese  do  the  same  in  China,  we  demand  redress  or 
take  steps  to  despatch  army  and  navy  to  enforce  it,  but 
when  American  citizens  perpetrate  similar  outrages 
upon  foreign  subjects  our  government  is  compelled 
shamefully  to  admit  its  inability  to  afford  either  pro- 
tection or  redress.  Since  all  our  relations  with  foreign 
countries  are  in  the  hands  of  the  national  government, 
it  is  clearly  a  part  of  the  duty  of  the  federal  authority 
to  afford  the  same  protection  to  citizens  of  foreign 
countries  that  we  demand  for  American  citizens  in  for- 
eign countries.  Clearly  the  time  has  come  for  trans- 
ferring the  protection  of  foreign  citizens,  regardless  of 
the  state  they  reside  in,  from  the  state  to  the  national 

igoi. J     DEMOCRACY  AND  NA  TIONAL  A  UTHORITY       429 

government.  This  matter  was  referred  to  in  the 
president's  last  message  and  should  receive  the  prompt 
attention  of  congress. 

Many  economic  interests  have  also  reached  a  stage  in 
development  which  makes  them,  logically  and  properly, 
belong  tinder  national  rather  than  state  administration. 
For  example,  all  conditions  which  involve  important 
business  competition  are  now  too  large  for  state  ad- 
ministration. The  organization  of  corporations,  for 
example,  should  now  pass  to  the  national  government, 
because  the  interests  and  intercourse  of  nearly  all  cor- 
porations extend  over  many  states,  and  many  of  them 
over  the  entire  country.  State  legislation  may  impose 
all  sorts  of  varying  conditions  upon  corporations,  which 
handicap  them  in  their  business  competition  with  each 
other.  It  is  essential  to  economic  fairness  that  all  rival 
concerns  in  the  same  business  should  be  on  the  same 
footing  throughout  the  entire  area  of  their  operation ; 
consequently,  the  conditions  imposed  upon  them  should 
be  uniform  throughout  the  nation.  For  this  reason  the 
national  government  should  grant  charters  for  business 
corporations,  and  such  charters  should  operate  as  the 
charter  of  a  national  bank  does,  throughout  the  entire 
United  States,  thus  putting  corporations  beyond  the 
power  of  nagging  legislation  from  local  prejudice. 
This  does  not  mean  that  corporation  charters  should  be 
less  precise  and  restrictive,  but  it  simpl